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The Most-Read Case Studies Of 2021, And The Profs Who Wrote Them

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Debapratim Pukayastha of ICFAI Business School in India topped the Case Centre’s list of the world’s top case studies for the sixth straight year. Sadly, Pukayastha passed away in May from Covid-19.

Harvard Business School, which invented both the first MBA program and the business case method, remains king of the case study 100 years later, according to the latest international ranking of case authors.

The Case Centre, a nonprofit that distributes the largest collection of management case studies to business schools across the world, today (October 25) unveiled its 2020-21 Top 50 Bestselling Case Authors. HBS had more case authors (nine) on the list than any other business school. However, ICFAI Business School in India was close behind with seven authors, including all three top individual spots. INSEAD had four authors in the top 10, while Harvard has two top-10 authors.

Case studies, which use real-life problems faced by business executives, are still one of the most widely used education tools for MBA students across the globe. More than 8,800 faculty are registered as authors with The Case Centre. This year’s list of best-selling cases  includes each author’s top-selling cases — and though MBA students may not recognize the names of a case study’s author, the titles are more likely ring a bell.

SIX YEARS AT NO. 1, BUT A POSTHUMOUS HONOR

Debapratim Pukayastha of ICFAI Business School (IBS) in India topped the Case Centre’s list of bestselling authors for the sixth straight year. He has earned the distinction every year since the Case Centre began issuing yearly awards for case writing. But this year’s award was a bittersweet honor, as Pukayastha passed away in May from Covid-19.

“Selling over 100,000 copies from an extensive back catalogue of cases since the list was introduced in 2016, Debapratim’s undoubted impact on the case method and management education will live on for years through the many case authors and teachers he has inspired,” the Case Centre announced, “and the vast number of students whose education has been enhanced by learning through his cases.”

Among Pukayastha’s best-selling cases are an examination of safety lapses at a BP oil refinery in Texas City that led to one of the most serious workplace accidents in U.S. history; a case looking at Netflix’s leveraging of Big Data to predict hits; and a case examining how Procter & Gamble develops new products. Besides his annual plaudits for bestselling case, he also won the Case Centre’s Outstanding Contribution to the Case Method Award in 2015, 2018, and 2019.

“I believe that one can be a good teacher without being a good case writer, but it’s not possible to be a good case writer without being a good teacher,” Pukayastha wrote in an author profile on the Case Centre website . “However, I have also found that regularly writing cases can greatly improve classroom teaching. Case writing can be a lonely activity and even hard work, but if you have the passion, it’s worth it! It means you can have a positive impact in classrooms around the world where your case is taught.”

case study authors

This infographic from The Case Centre shows the key demographic trends in the 2020/21 Top Bestselling Case Authors ranking. Courtesy Case Centre

WHERE TO TOP B-SCHOOL CASE STUDIES COME FROM

The UK- and U.S.-based Case Centre has released its bestselling case author list every year since 2016, ranking authors whose cases have sold the most copies during the previous academic year. This year, it raised the number of bestselling authors from 40 to 50.

Of this year’s list, authors came from 19 different business schools in nine separate countries. That includes 42% each from Europe and the United States, and 16% from Asia.

“As the list increases from 40 to 50, we see a change in the geographic dynamics,” the nonprofit announced. “European and U.S. schools each have a 42% share of the 2020/21 Top 50, down from 45% in 2019-20. While the representation of schools in Asia rises to 16%, up from 10% last year.”

Eighteen percent of the authors are women while 82% are men. While the list does not break down bestselling cases by the race, ethnicity or gender of its protagonists, finding case studies that represent the increasing diversity of business students (and in business executives) has been an ongoing concern for many B-schools’ diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts. For example, Harvard Business School published more than 70 cases with Black or African-American protagonists this past year after long-standing criticism that its studies ignored Black business leaders, according to a Poets&Quants article published in June .

It also produced 90 cases featuring Hispanic, Asian or Asian-American/Pacific Islander, or Native-American protagonists. HBS faculty write about 400 case studies per year.

“Our students are right that protagonist diversity matters,” Jan Rivkin, HBS senior associate dean and chair of the MBA program, said in June . “By studying cases with a wide diversity of protagonists, students learn that talent and leadership come from all backgrounds and identities. If students don’t understand that, they’ll worsen inequities, miss out on opportunities for themselves, and miss chances to create opportunities for others.”

DEBUT AUTHORS EARN TOP SPOTS

ICFAI Business School also had the No. 2 and No. 3 authors, and both are new entrants to the Case Centre’s list.

Second-ranked author Indu Perepu is an assistant professor specializing in human resource management. Her best-selling cases include “Airbnb: A Disruptive Innovator” and “Snapchat Turns Down Facebook’s Acquisition Offer.”

“What makes the case study method even more meaningful is that in developing countries like India where teaching through cases is picking up, case studies help the students with limited international exposure to learn intricately about multinational corporations and the world’s largest companies,” Perepu says.

Third-ranked author Syeda Maseeha Qumer is an assistant professor specializing in business strategy. For her top-selling cases, she looked at the integrated marketing strategy of HBO’s Game of Thrones and the impact of conflict palm oil on deforestation, human rights violations, and climate pollution, and PepsiCo’s use of it in its products.

“Case-based learning is unmatched in its ability to engage students and teach essential concepts that are relevant to practicing managers,” Qumer says. “Innovation in the case method is essential to enliven any classroom and to obtain better learning outcomes. I have always endeavored to develop diverse cases on contemporary issues that offer students an opportunity to explore complex real-world management challenges in the classroom, allowing them to assess their decision-making skills before taking the plunge into the corporate world.”

France’s ESSEC Business School had the top climbing author, Ashok Som , who moved up 26 places to No. 11 from last year’s ranking.

See the full list of this year’s case-writing winners on page 2, including links to their bios.

Questions about this article? Email us or leave a comment below.

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  • What Is a Case Study? | Definition, Examples & Methods

What Is a Case Study? | Definition, Examples & Methods

Published on May 8, 2019 by Shona McCombes . Revised on November 20, 2023.

A case study is a detailed study of a specific subject, such as a person, group, place, event, organization, or phenomenon. Case studies are commonly used in social, educational, clinical, and business research.

A case study research design usually involves qualitative methods , but quantitative methods are sometimes also used. Case studies are good for describing , comparing, evaluating and understanding different aspects of a research problem .

Table of contents

When to do a case study, step 1: select a case, step 2: build a theoretical framework, step 3: collect your data, step 4: describe and analyze the case, other interesting articles.

A case study is an appropriate research design when you want to gain concrete, contextual, in-depth knowledge about a specific real-world subject. It allows you to explore the key characteristics, meanings, and implications of the case.

Case studies are often a good choice in a thesis or dissertation . They keep your project focused and manageable when you don’t have the time or resources to do large-scale research.

You might use just one complex case study where you explore a single subject in depth, or conduct multiple case studies to compare and illuminate different aspects of your research problem.

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Once you have developed your problem statement and research questions , you should be ready to choose the specific case that you want to focus on. A good case study should have the potential to:

  • Provide new or unexpected insights into the subject
  • Challenge or complicate existing assumptions and theories
  • Propose practical courses of action to resolve a problem
  • Open up new directions for future research

TipIf your research is more practical in nature and aims to simultaneously investigate an issue as you solve it, consider conducting action research instead.

Unlike quantitative or experimental research , a strong case study does not require a random or representative sample. In fact, case studies often deliberately focus on unusual, neglected, or outlying cases which may shed new light on the research problem.

Example of an outlying case studyIn the 1960s the town of Roseto, Pennsylvania was discovered to have extremely low rates of heart disease compared to the US average. It became an important case study for understanding previously neglected causes of heart disease.

However, you can also choose a more common or representative case to exemplify a particular category, experience or phenomenon.

Example of a representative case studyIn the 1920s, two sociologists used Muncie, Indiana as a case study of a typical American city that supposedly exemplified the changing culture of the US at the time.

While case studies focus more on concrete details than general theories, they should usually have some connection with theory in the field. This way the case study is not just an isolated description, but is integrated into existing knowledge about the topic. It might aim to:

  • Exemplify a theory by showing how it explains the case under investigation
  • Expand on a theory by uncovering new concepts and ideas that need to be incorporated
  • Challenge a theory by exploring an outlier case that doesn’t fit with established assumptions

To ensure that your analysis of the case has a solid academic grounding, you should conduct a literature review of sources related to the topic and develop a theoretical framework . This means identifying key concepts and theories to guide your analysis and interpretation.

There are many different research methods you can use to collect data on your subject. Case studies tend to focus on qualitative data using methods such as interviews , observations , and analysis of primary and secondary sources (e.g., newspaper articles, photographs, official records). Sometimes a case study will also collect quantitative data.

Example of a mixed methods case studyFor a case study of a wind farm development in a rural area, you could collect quantitative data on employment rates and business revenue, collect qualitative data on local people’s perceptions and experiences, and analyze local and national media coverage of the development.

The aim is to gain as thorough an understanding as possible of the case and its context.

In writing up the case study, you need to bring together all the relevant aspects to give as complete a picture as possible of the subject.

How you report your findings depends on the type of research you are doing. Some case studies are structured like a standard scientific paper or thesis , with separate sections or chapters for the methods , results and discussion .

Others are written in a more narrative style, aiming to explore the case from various angles and analyze its meanings and implications (for example, by using textual analysis or discourse analysis ).

In all cases, though, make sure to give contextual details about the case, connect it back to the literature and theory, and discuss how it fits into wider patterns or debates.

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

  • Normal distribution
  • Degrees of freedom
  • Null hypothesis
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  • Control groups
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Research bias

  • Rosenthal effect
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Top 50 Bestselling Case Authors

case study authors

Since 2016 we have revealed an annual list of our top bestselling case authors. Faculty whose cases sell the most copies during the previous academic year appear in the list.

Top 10 bestselling case authors revealed

The Top 50 in 2022/23

The 2022/23 list of bestselling case authors is abuzz with change, as ten new faces make their entrance. Among these, the spotlight shines particularly bright on  Arpita Agnihotri  of Penn State Harrisburg and  Saurabh Bhattacharya  of Newcastle University Business School who are the highest new entries at number 12 (joint).

At the top of the list, we find the late, great  Debapratim Purkayastha  of ICFAI Business School (IBS), holding firm to first place for an astounding eighth consecutive year. His enduring influence remains an inspiration to all.

Well established case schools feature prominently with eight authors from Harvard Business School, six from INSEAD and five from the International Institute for Management Development (IMD). 

But it's not just about the heavyweights; the 2022/23 list also welcomes six schools who are making their debut: ESMT Berlin, HKU Business School, Hult EF Corporate Education, Imperial College Business School, Newcastle University Business School, and Penn State Harrisburg. 

meet the 2022/23 top 50

Previous bestselling case authors

Browse through our previous bestselling authors lists.

If you have any queries about the Top 50 Bestselling Case Authors, and for all press and media enquiries please contact:

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Introduction, general overview and foundational texts of the late 20th century.

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Case Study in Education Research by Lorna Hamilton LAST REVIEWED: 21 April 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 27 June 2018 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756810-0201

It is important to distinguish between case study as a teaching methodology and case study as an approach, genre, or method in educational research. The use of case study as teaching method highlights the ways in which the essential qualities of the case—richness of real-world data and lived experiences—can help learners gain insights into a different world and can bring learning to life. The use of case study in this way has been around for about a hundred years or more. Case study use in educational research, meanwhile, emerged particularly strongly in the 1970s and 1980s in the United Kingdom and the United States as a means of harnessing the richness and depth of understanding of individuals, groups, and institutions; their beliefs and perceptions; their interactions; and their challenges and issues. Writers, such as Lawrence Stenhouse, advocated the use of case study as a form that teacher-researchers could use as they focused on the richness and intensity of their own practices. In addition, academic writers and postgraduate students embraced case study as a means of providing structure and depth to educational projects. However, as educational research has developed, so has debate on the quality and usefulness of case study as well as the problems surrounding the lack of generalizability when dealing with single or even multiple cases. The question of how to define and support case study work has formed the basis for innumerable books and discursive articles, starting with Robert Yin’s original book on case study ( Yin 1984 , cited under General Overview and Foundational Texts of the Late 20th Century ) to the myriad authors who attempt to bring something new to the realm of case study in educational research in the 21st century.

This section briefly considers the ways in which case study research has developed over the last forty to fifty years in educational research usage and reflects on whether the field has finally come of age, respected by creators and consumers of research. Case study has its roots in anthropological studies in which a strong ethnographic approach to the study of peoples and culture encouraged researchers to identify and investigate key individuals and groups by trying to understand the lived world of such people from their points of view. Although ethnography has emphasized the role of researcher as immersive and engaged with the lived world of participants via participant observation, evolving approaches to case study in education has been about the richness and depth of understanding that can be gained through involvement in the case by drawing on diverse perspectives and diverse forms of data collection. Embracing case study as a means of entering these lived worlds in educational research projects, was encouraged in the 1970s and 1980s by researchers, such as Lawrence Stenhouse, who provided a helpful impetus for case study work in education ( Stenhouse 1980 ). Stenhouse wrestled with the use of case study as ethnography because ethnographers traditionally had been unfamiliar with the peoples they were investigating, whereas educational researchers often worked in situations that were inherently familiar. Stenhouse also emphasized the need for evidence of rigorous processes and decisions in order to encourage robust practice and accountability to the wider field by allowing others to judge the quality of work through transparency of processes. Yin 1984 , the first book focused wholly on case study in research, gave a brief and basic outline of case study and associated practices. Various authors followed this approach, striving to engage more deeply in the significance of case study in the social sciences. Key among these are Merriam 1988 and Stake 1995 , along with Yin 1984 , who established powerful groundings for case study work. Additionally, evidence of the increasing popularity of case study can be found in a broad range of generic research methods texts, but these often do not have much scope for the extensive discussion of case study found in case study–specific books. Yin’s books and numerous editions provide a developing or evolving notion of case study with more detailed accounts of the possible purposes of case study, followed by Merriam 1988 and Stake 1995 who wrestled with alternative ways of looking at purposes and the positioning of case study within potential disciplinary modes. The authors referenced in this section are often characterized as the foundational authors on this subject and may have published various editions of their work, cited elsewhere in this article, based on their shifting ideas or emphases.

Merriam, S. B. 1988. Case study research in education: A qualitative approach . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

This is Merriam’s initial text on case study and is eminently accessible. The author establishes and reinforces various key features of case study; demonstrates support for positioning the case within a subject domain, e.g., psychology, sociology, etc.; and further shapes the case according to its purpose or intent.

Stake, R. E. 1995. The art of case study research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

Stake is a very readable author, accessible and yet engaging with complex topics. The author establishes his key forms of case study: intrinsic, instrumental, and collective. Stake brings the reader through the process of conceptualizing the case, carrying it out, and analyzing the data. The author uses authentic examples to help readers understand and appreciate the nuances of an interpretive approach to case study.

Stenhouse, L. 1980. The study of samples and the study of cases. British Educational Research Journal 6:1–6.

DOI: 10.1080/0141192800060101

A key article in which Stenhouse sets out his stand on case study work. Those interested in the evolution of case study use in educational research should consider this article and the insights given.

Yin, R. K. 1984. Case Study Research: Design and Methods . Beverley Hills, CA: SAGE.

This preliminary text from Yin was very basic. However, it may be of interest in comparison with later books because Yin shows the ways in which case study as an approach or method in research has evolved in relation to detailed discussions of purpose, as well as the practicalities of working through the research process.

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This chapter reviews the strengths and limitations of case study as a research method in social sciences. It provides an account of an evidence base to justify why a case study is best suitable for some research questions and why not for some other research questions. Case study designing around the research context, defining the structure and modality, conducting the study, collecting the data through triangulation mode, analysing the data, and interpreting the data and theory building at the end give a holistic view of it. In addition, the chapter also focuses on the types of case study and when and where to use case study as a research method in social science research.

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Case Study | Definition, Examples & Methods

Published on 5 May 2022 by Shona McCombes . Revised on 30 January 2023.

A case study is a detailed study of a specific subject, such as a person, group, place, event, organisation, or phenomenon. Case studies are commonly used in social, educational, clinical, and business research.

A case study research design usually involves qualitative methods , but quantitative methods are sometimes also used. Case studies are good for describing , comparing, evaluating, and understanding different aspects of a research problem .

Table of contents

When to do a case study, step 1: select a case, step 2: build a theoretical framework, step 3: collect your data, step 4: describe and analyse the case.

A case study is an appropriate research design when you want to gain concrete, contextual, in-depth knowledge about a specific real-world subject. It allows you to explore the key characteristics, meanings, and implications of the case.

Case studies are often a good choice in a thesis or dissertation . They keep your project focused and manageable when you don’t have the time or resources to do large-scale research.

You might use just one complex case study where you explore a single subject in depth, or conduct multiple case studies to compare and illuminate different aspects of your research problem.

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Once you have developed your problem statement and research questions , you should be ready to choose the specific case that you want to focus on. A good case study should have the potential to:

  • Provide new or unexpected insights into the subject
  • Challenge or complicate existing assumptions and theories
  • Propose practical courses of action to resolve a problem
  • Open up new directions for future research

Unlike quantitative or experimental research, a strong case study does not require a random or representative sample. In fact, case studies often deliberately focus on unusual, neglected, or outlying cases which may shed new light on the research problem.

If you find yourself aiming to simultaneously investigate and solve an issue, consider conducting action research . As its name suggests, action research conducts research and takes action at the same time, and is highly iterative and flexible. 

However, you can also choose a more common or representative case to exemplify a particular category, experience, or phenomenon.

While case studies focus more on concrete details than general theories, they should usually have some connection with theory in the field. This way the case study is not just an isolated description, but is integrated into existing knowledge about the topic. It might aim to:

  • Exemplify a theory by showing how it explains the case under investigation
  • Expand on a theory by uncovering new concepts and ideas that need to be incorporated
  • Challenge a theory by exploring an outlier case that doesn’t fit with established assumptions

To ensure that your analysis of the case has a solid academic grounding, you should conduct a literature review of sources related to the topic and develop a theoretical framework . This means identifying key concepts and theories to guide your analysis and interpretation.

There are many different research methods you can use to collect data on your subject. Case studies tend to focus on qualitative data using methods such as interviews, observations, and analysis of primary and secondary sources (e.g., newspaper articles, photographs, official records). Sometimes a case study will also collect quantitative data .

The aim is to gain as thorough an understanding as possible of the case and its context.

In writing up the case study, you need to bring together all the relevant aspects to give as complete a picture as possible of the subject.

How you report your findings depends on the type of research you are doing. Some case studies are structured like a standard scientific paper or thesis, with separate sections or chapters for the methods , results , and discussion .

Others are written in a more narrative style, aiming to explore the case from various angles and analyse its meanings and implications (for example, by using textual analysis or discourse analysis ).

In all cases, though, make sure to give contextual details about the case, connect it back to the literature and theory, and discuss how it fits into wider patterns or debates.

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Case study research: opening up research opportunities

RAUSP Management Journal

ISSN : 2531-0488

Article publication date: 30 December 2019

Issue publication date: 3 March 2020

The case study approach has been widely used in management studies and the social sciences more generally. However, there are still doubts about when and how case studies should be used. This paper aims to discuss this approach, its various uses and applications, in light of epistemological principles, as well as the criteria for rigor and validity.

Design/methodology/approach

This paper discusses the various concepts of case and case studies in the methods literature and addresses the different uses of cases in relation to epistemological principles and criteria for rigor and validity.

The use of this research approach can be based on several epistemologies, provided the researcher attends to the internal coherence between method and epistemology, or what the authors call “alignment.”

Originality/value

This study offers a number of implications for the practice of management research, as it shows how the case study approach does not commit the researcher to particular data collection or interpretation methods. Furthermore, the use of cases can be justified according to multiple epistemological orientations.

  • Epistemology

Takahashi, A.R.W. and Araujo, L. (2020), "Case study research: opening up research opportunities", RAUSP Management Journal , Vol. 55 No. 1, pp. 100-111. https://doi.org/10.1108/RAUSP-05-2019-0109

Emerald Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2019, Adriana Roseli Wünsch Takahashi and Luis Araujo.

Published in RAUSP Management Journal . Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode

1. Introduction

The case study as a research method or strategy brings us to question the very term “case”: after all, what is a case? A case-based approach places accords the case a central role in the research process ( Ragin, 1992 ). However, doubts still remain about the status of cases according to different epistemologies and types of research designs.

Despite these doubts, the case study is ever present in the management literature and represents the main method of management research in Brazil ( Coraiola, Sander, Maccali, & Bulgacov, 2013 ). Between 2001 and 2010, 2,407 articles (83.14 per cent of qualitative research) were published in conferences and management journals as case studies (Takahashi & Semprebom, 2013 ). A search on Spell.org.br for the term “case study” under title, abstract or keywords, for the period ranging from January 2010 to July 2019, yielded 3,040 articles published in the management field. Doing research using case studies, allows the researcher to immerse him/herself in the context and gain intensive knowledge of a phenomenon, which in turn demands suitable methodological principles ( Freitas et al. , 2017 ).

Our objective in this paper is to discuss notions of what constitutes a case and its various applications, considering epistemological positions as well as criteria for rigor and validity. The alignment between these dimensions is put forward as a principle advocating coherence among all phases of the research process.

This article makes two contributions. First, we suggest that there are several epistemological justifications for using case studies. Second, we show that the quality and rigor of academic research with case studies are directly related to the alignment between epistemology and research design rather than to choices of specific forms of data collection or analysis. The article is structured as follows: the following four sections discuss concepts of what is a case, its uses, epistemological grounding as well as rigor and quality criteria. The brief conclusions summarize the debate and invite the reader to delve into the literature on the case study method as a way of furthering our understanding of contemporary management phenomena.

2. What is a case study?

The debate over what constitutes a case in social science is a long-standing one. In 1988, Howard Becker and Charles Ragin organized a workshop to discuss the status of the case as a social science method. As the discussion was inconclusive, they posed the question “What is a case?” to a select group of eight social scientists in 1989, and later to participants in a symposium on the subject. Participants were unable to come up with a consensual answer. Since then, we have witnessed that further debates and different answers have emerged. The original question led to an even broader issue: “How do we, as social scientists, produce results and seem to know what we know?” ( Ragin, 1992 , p. 16).

An important step that may help us start a reflection on what is a case is to consider the phenomena we are looking at. To do that, we must know something about what we want to understand and how we might study it. The answer may be a causal explanation, a description of what was observed or a narrative of what has been experienced. In any case, there will always be a story to be told, as the choice of the case study method demands an answer to what the case is about.

A case may be defined ex ante , prior to the start of the research process, as in Yin’s (2015) classical definition. But, there is no compelling reason as to why cases must be defined ex ante . Ragin (1992 , p. 217) proposed the notion of “casing,” to indicate that what the case is emerges from the research process:

Rather than attempt to delineate the many different meanings of the term “case” in a formal taxonomy, in this essay I offer instead a view of cases that follows from the idea implicit in many of the contributions – that concocting cases is a varied but routine social scientific activity. […] The approach of this essay is that this activity, which I call “casing”, should be viewed in practical terms as a research tactic. It is selectively invoked at many different junctures in the research process, usually to resolve difficult issues in linking ideas and evidence.

In other words, “casing” is tied to the researcher’s practice, to the way he/she delimits or declares a case as a significant outcome of a process. In 2013, Ragin revisited the 1992 concept of “casing” and explored its multiple possibilities of use, paying particular attention to “negative cases.”

According to Ragin (1992) , a case can be centered on a phenomenon or a population. In the first scenario, cases are representative of a phenomenon, and are selected based on what can be empirically observed. The process highlights different aspects of cases and obscures others according to the research design, and allows for the complexity, specificity and context of the phenomenon to be explored. In the alternative, population-focused scenario, the selection of cases precedes the research. Both positive and negative cases are considered in exploring a phenomenon, with the definition of the set of cases dependent on theory and the central objective to build generalizations. As a passing note, it is worth mentioning here that a study of multiple cases requires a definition of the unit of analysis a priori . Otherwise, it will not be possible to make cross-case comparisons.

These two approaches entail differences that go beyond the mere opposition of quantitative and qualitative data, as a case often includes both types of data. Thus, the confusion about how to conceive cases is associated with Ragin’s (1992) notion of “small vs large N,” or McKeown’s (1999) “statistical worldview” – the notion that relevant findings are only those that can be made about a population based on the analysis of representative samples. In the same vein, Byrne (2013) argues that we cannot generate nomothetic laws that apply in all circumstances, periods and locations, and that no social science method can claim to generate invariant laws. According to the same author, case studies can help us understand that there is more than one ideographic variety and help make social science useful. Generalizations still matter, but they should be understood as part of defining the research scope, and that scope points to the limitations of knowledge produced and consumed in concrete time and space.

Thus, what defines the orientation and the use of cases is not the mere choice of type of data, whether quantitative or qualitative, but the orientation of the study. A statistical worldview sees cases as data units ( Byrne, 2013 ). Put differently, there is a clear distinction between statistical and qualitative worldviews; the use of quantitative data does not by itself means that the research is (quasi) statistical, or uses a deductive logic:

Case-based methods are useful, and represent, among other things, a way of moving beyond a useless and destructive tradition in the social sciences that have set quantitative and qualitative modes of exploration, interpretation, and explanation against each other ( Byrne, 2013 , p. 9).

Other authors advocate different understandings of what a case study is. To some, it is a research method, to others it is a research strategy ( Creswell, 1998 ). Sharan Merrian and Robert Yin, among others, began to write about case study research as a methodology in the 1980s (Merrian, 2009), while authors such as Eisenhardt (1989) called it a research strategy. Stake (2003) sees the case study not as a method, but as a choice of what to be studied, the unit of study. Regardless of their differences, these authors agree that case studies should be restricted to a particular context as they aim to provide an in-depth knowledge of a given phenomenon: “A case study is an in-depth description and analysis of a bounded system” (Merrian, 2009, p. 40). According to Merrian, a qualitative case study can be defined by the process through which the research is carried out, by the unit of analysis or the final product, as the choice ultimately depends on what the researcher wants to know. As a product of research, it involves the analysis of a given entity, phenomenon or social unit.

Thus, whether it is an organization, an individual, a context or a phenomenon, single or multiple, one must delimit it, and also choose between possible types and configurations (Merrian, 2009; Yin, 2015 ). A case study may be descriptive, exploratory, explanatory, single or multiple ( Yin, 2015 ); intrinsic, instrumental or collective ( Stake, 2003 ); and confirm or build theory ( Eisenhardt, 1989 ).

both went through the same process of implementing computer labs intended for the use of information and communication technologies in 2007;

both took part in the same regional program (Paraná Digital); and

they shared similar characteristics regarding location (operation in the same neighborhood of a city), number of students, number of teachers and technicians and laboratory sizes.

However, the two institutions differed in the number of hours of program use, with one of them displaying a significant number of hours/use while the other showed a modest number, according to secondary data for the period 2007-2013. Despite the context being similar and the procedures for implementing the technology being the same, the mechanisms of social integration – an idiosyncratic factor of each institution – were different in each case. This explained differences in their use of resource, processes of organizational learning and capacity to absorb new knowledge.

On the other hand, multiple case studies seek evidence in different contexts and do not necessarily require direct comparisons ( Stake, 2003 ). Rather, there is a search for patterns of convergence and divergence that permeate all the cases, as the same issues are explored in every case. Cases can be added progressively until theoretical saturation is achieved. An example is of a study that investigated how entrepreneurial opportunity and management skills were developed through entrepreneurial learning ( Zampier & Takahashi, 2014 ). The authors conducted nine case studies, based on primary and secondary data, with each one analyzed separately, so a search for patterns could be undertaken. The convergence aspects found were: the predominant way of transforming experience into knowledge was exploitation; managerial skills were developed through by taking advantages of opportunities; and career orientation encompassed more than one style. As for divergence patterns: the experience of success and failure influenced entrepreneurs differently; the prevailing rationality logic of influence was different; and the combination of styles in career orientation was diverse.

A full discussion of choice of case study design is outside the scope of this article. For the sake of illustration, we make a brief mention to other selection criteria such as the purpose of the research, the state of the art of the research theme, the time and resources involved and the preferred epistemological position of the researcher. In the next section, we look at the possibilities of carrying out case studies in line with various epistemological traditions, as the answers to the “what is a case?” question reveal varied methodological commitments as well as diverse epistemological and ontological positions ( Ragin, 2013 ).

3. Epistemological positioning of case study research

Ontology and epistemology are like skin, not a garment to be occasionally worn ( Marsh & Furlong, 2002 ). According to these authors, ontology and epistemology guide the choice of theory and method because they cannot or should not be worn as a garment. Hence, one must practice philosophical “self-knowledge” to recognize one’s vision of what the world is and of how knowledge of that world is accessed and validated. Ontological and epistemological positions are relevant in that they involve the positioning of the researcher in social science and the phenomena he or she chooses to study. These positions do not tend to vary from one project to another although they can certainly change over time for a single researcher.

Ontology is the starting point from which the epistemological and methodological positions of the research arise ( Grix, 2002 ). Ontology expresses a view of the world, what constitutes reality, nature and the image one has of social reality; it is a theory of being ( Marsh & Furlong, 2002 ). The central question is the nature of the world out there regardless of our ability to access it. An essentialist or foundationalist ontology acknowledges that there are differences that persist over time and these differences are what underpin the construction of social life. An opposing, anti-foundationalist position presumes that the differences found are socially constructed and may vary – i.e. they are not essential but specific to a given culture at a given time ( Marsh & Furlong, 2002 ).

Epistemology is centered around a theory of knowledge, focusing on the process of acquiring and validating knowledge ( Grix, 2002 ). Positivists look at social phenomena as a world of causal relations where there is a single truth to be accessed and confirmed. In this tradition, case studies test hypotheses and rely on deductive approaches and quantitative data collection and analysis techniques. Scholars in the field of anthropology and observation-based qualitative studies proposed alternative epistemologies based on notions of the social world as a set of manifold and ever-changing processes. In management studies since the 1970s, the gradual acceptance of qualitative research has generated a diverse range of research methods and conceptions of the individual and society ( Godoy, 1995 ).

The interpretative tradition, in direct opposition to positivism, argues that there is no single objective truth to be discovered about the social world. The social world and our knowledge of it are the product of social constructions. Thus, the social world is constituted by interactions, and our knowledge is hermeneutic as the world does not exist independent of our knowledge ( Marsh & Furlong, 2002 ). The implication is that it is not possible to access social phenomena through objective, detached methods. Instead, the interaction mechanisms and relationships that make up social constructions have to be studied. Deductive approaches, hypothesis testing and quantitative methods are not relevant here. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, is highly relevant as it allows the analysis of the individual’s interpretation, of sayings, texts and actions, even though interpretation is always the “truth” of a subject. Methods such as ethnographic case studies, interviews and observations as data collection techniques should feed research designs according to interpretivism. It is worth pointing out that we are to a large extent, caricaturing polar opposites rather characterizing a range of epistemological alternatives, such as realism, conventionalism and symbolic interactionism.

If diverse ontologies and epistemologies serve as a guide to research approaches, including data collection and analysis methods, and if they should be regarded as skin rather than clothing, how does one make choices regarding case studies? What are case studies, what type of knowledge they provide and so on? The views of case study authors are not always explicit on this point, so we must delve into their texts to glean what their positions might be.

Two of the cited authors in case study research are Robert Yin and Kathleen Eisenhardt. Eisenhardt (1989) argues that a case study can serve to provide a description, test or generate a theory, the latter being the most relevant in contributing to the advancement of knowledge in a given area. She uses terms such as populations and samples, control variables, hypotheses and generalization of findings and even suggests an ideal number of case studies to allow for theory construction through replication. Although Eisenhardt includes observation and interview among her recommended data collection techniques, the approach is firmly anchored in a positivist epistemology:

Third, particularly in comparison with Strauss (1987) and Van Maanen (1988), the process described here adopts a positivist view of research. That is, the process is directed toward the development of testable hypotheses and theory which are generalizable across settings. In contrast, authors like Strauss and Van Maanen are more concerned that a rich, complex description of the specific cases under study evolve and they appear less concerned with development of generalizable theory ( Eisenhardt, 1989 , p. 546).

This position attracted a fair amount of criticism. Dyer & Wilkins (1991) in a critique of Eisenhardt’s (1989) article focused on the following aspects: there is no relevant justification for the number of cases recommended; it is the depth and not the number of cases that provides an actual contribution to theory; and the researcher’s purpose should be to get closer to the setting and interpret it. According to the same authors, discrepancies from prior expectations are also important as they lead researchers to reflect on existing theories. Eisenhardt & Graebner (2007 , p. 25) revisit the argument for the construction of a theory from multiple cases:

A major reason for the popularity and relevance of theory building from case studies is that it is one of the best (if not the best) of the bridges from rich qualitative evidence to mainstream deductive research.

Although they recognize the importance of single-case research to explore phenomena under unique or rare circumstances, they reaffirm the strength of multiple case designs as it is through them that better accuracy and generalization can be reached.

Likewise, Robert Yin emphasizes the importance of variables, triangulation in the search for “truth” and generalizable theoretical propositions. Yin (2015 , p. 18) suggests that the case study method may be appropriate for different epistemological orientations, although much of his work seems to invoke a realist epistemology. Authors such as Merrian (2009) and Stake (2003) suggest an interpretative version of case studies. Stake (2003) looks at cases as a qualitative option, where the most relevant criterion of case selection should be the opportunity to learn and understand a phenomenon. A case is not just a research method or strategy; it is a researcher’s choice about what will be studied:

Even if my definition of case study was agreed upon, and it is not, the term case and study defy full specification (Kemmis, 1980). A case study is both a process of inquiry about the case and the product of that inquiry ( Stake, 2003 , p. 136).

Later, Stake (2003 , p. 156) argues that:

[…] the purpose of a case report is not to represent the world, but to represent the case. […] The utility of case research to practitioners and policy makers is in its extension of experience.

Still according to Stake (2003 , pp. 140-141), to do justice to complex views of social phenomena, it is necessary to analyze the context and relate it to the case, to look for what is peculiar rather than common in cases to delimit their boundaries, to plan the data collection looking for what is common and unusual about facts, what could be valuable whether it is unique or common:

Reflecting upon the pertinent literature, I find case study methodology written largely by people who presume that the research should contribute to scientific generalization. The bulk of case study work, however, is done by individuals who have intrinsic interest in the case and little interest in the advance of science. Their designs aim the inquiry toward understanding of what is important about that case within its own world, which is seldom the same as the worlds of researchers and theorists. Those designs develop what is perceived to be the case’s own issues, contexts, and interpretations, its thick descriptions . In contrast, the methods of instrumental case study draw the researcher toward illustrating how the concerns of researchers and theorists are manifest in the case. Because the critical issues are more likely to be know in advance and following disciplinary expectations, such a design can take greater advantage of already developed instruments and preconceived coding schemes.

The aforementioned authors were listed to illustrate differences and sometimes opposing positions on case research. These differences are not restricted to a choice between positivism and interpretivism. It is worth noting that Ragin’s (2013 , p. 523) approach to “casing” is compatible with the realistic research perspective:

In essence, to posit cases is to engage in ontological speculation regarding what is obdurately real but only partially and indirectly accessible through social science. Bringing a realist perspective to the case question deepens and enriches the dialogue, clarifying some key issues while sweeping others aside.

cases are actual entities, reflecting their operations of real causal mechanism and process patterns;

case studies are interactive processes and are open to revisions and refinements; and

social phenomena are complex, contingent and context-specific.

Ragin (2013 , p. 532) concludes:

Lurking behind my discussion of negative case, populations, and possibility analysis is the implication that treating cases as members of given (and fixed) populations and seeking to infer the properties of populations may be a largely illusory exercise. While demographers have made good use of the concept of population, and continue to do so, it is not clear how much the utility of the concept extends beyond their domain. In case-oriented work, the notion of fixed populations of cases (observations) has much less analytic utility than simply “the set of relevant cases,” a grouping that must be specified or constructed by the researcher. The demarcation of this set, as the work of case-oriented researchers illustrates, is always tentative, fluid, and open to debate. It is only by casing social phenomena that social scientists perceive the homogeneity that allows analysis to proceed.

In summary, case studies are relevant and potentially compatible with a range of different epistemologies. Researchers’ ontological and epistemological positions will guide their choice of theory, methodologies and research techniques, as well as their research practices. The same applies to the choice of authors describing the research method and this choice should be coherent. We call this research alignment , an attribute that must be judged on the internal coherence of the author of a study, and not necessarily its evaluator. The following figure illustrates the interrelationship between the elements of a study necessary for an alignment ( Figure 1 ).

In addition to this broader aspect of the research as a whole, other factors should be part of the researcher’s concern, such as the rigor and quality of case studies. We will look into these in the next section taking into account their relevance to the different epistemologies.

4. Rigor and quality in case studies

Traditionally, at least in positivist studies, validity and reliability are the relevant quality criteria to judge research. Validity can be understood as external, internal and construct. External validity means identifying whether the findings of a study are generalizable to other studies using the logic of replication in multiple case studies. Internal validity may be established through the theoretical underpinning of existing relationships and it involves the use of protocols for the development and execution of case studies. Construct validity implies defining the operational measurement criteria to establish a chain of evidence, such as the use of multiple sources of evidence ( Eisenhardt, 1989 ; Yin, 2015 ). Reliability implies conducting other case studies, instead of just replicating results, to minimize the errors and bias of a study through case study protocols and the development of a case database ( Yin, 2015 ).

Several criticisms have been directed toward case studies, such as lack of rigor, lack of generalization potential, external validity and researcher bias. Case studies are often deemed to be unreliable because of a lack of rigor ( Seuring, 2008 ). Flyvbjerg (2006 , p. 219) addresses five misunderstandings about case-study research, and concludes that:

[…] a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one.

theoretical knowledge is more valuable than concrete, practical knowledge;

the case study cannot contribute to scientific development because it is not possible to generalize on the basis of an individual case;

the case study is more useful for generating rather than testing hypotheses;

the case study contains a tendency to confirm the researcher’s preconceived notions; and

it is difficult to summarize and develop general propositions and theories based on case studies.

These criticisms question the validity of the case study as a scientific method and should be corrected.

The critique of case studies is often framed from the standpoint of what Ragin (2000) labeled large-N research. The logic of small-N research, to which case studies belong, is different. Cases benefit from depth rather than breadth as they: provide theoretical and empirical knowledge; contribute to theory through propositions; serve not only to confirm knowledge, but also to challenge and overturn preconceived notions; and the difficulty in summarizing their conclusions is because of the complexity of the phenomena studies and not an intrinsic limitation of the method.

Thus, case studies do not seek large-scale generalizations as that is not their purpose. And yet, this is a limitation from a positivist perspective as there is an external reality to be “apprehended” and valid conclusions to be extracted for an entire population. If positivism is the epistemology of choice, the rigor of a case study can be demonstrated by detailing the criteria used for internal and external validity, construct validity and reliability ( Gibbert & Ruigrok, 2010 ; Gibbert, Ruigrok, & Wicki, 2008 ). An example can be seen in case studies in the area of information systems, where there is a predominant orientation of positivist approaches to this method ( Pozzebon & Freitas, 1998 ). In this area, rigor also involves the definition of a unit of analysis, type of research, number of cases, selection of sites, definition of data collection and analysis procedures, definition of the research protocol and writing a final report. Creswell (1998) presents a checklist for researchers to assess whether the study was well written, if it has reliability and validity and if it followed methodological protocols.

In case studies with a non-positivist orientation, rigor can be achieved through careful alignment (coherence among ontology, epistemology, theory and method). Moreover, the concepts of validity can be understood as concern and care in formulating research, research development and research results ( Ollaik & Ziller, 2012 ), and to achieve internal coherence ( Gibbert et al. , 2008 ). The consistency between data collection and interpretation, and the observed reality also help these studies meet coherence and rigor criteria. Siggelkow (2007) argues that a case study should be persuasive and that even a single case study may be a powerful example to contest a widely held view. To him, the value of a single case study or studies with few cases can be attained by their potential to provide conceptual insights and coherence to the internal logic of conceptual arguments: “[…] a paper should allow a reader to see the world, and not just the literature, in a new way” ( Siggelkow, 2007 , p. 23).

Interpretative studies should not be justified by criteria derived from positivism as they are based on a different ontology and epistemology ( Sandberg, 2005 ). The rejection of an interpretive epistemology leads to the rejection of an objective reality: “As Bengtsson points out, the life-world is the subjects’ experience of reality, at the same time as it is objective in the sense that it is an intersubjective world” ( Sandberg, 2005 , p. 47). In this event, how can one demonstrate what positivists call validity and reliability? What would be the criteria to justify knowledge as truth, produced by research in this epistemology? Sandberg (2005 , p. 62) suggests an answer based on phenomenology:

This was demonstrated first by explicating life-world and intentionality as the basic assumptions underlying the interpretative research tradition. Second, based on those assumptions, truth as intentional fulfillment, consisting of perceived fulfillment, fulfillment in practice, and indeterminate fulfillment, was proposed. Third, based on the proposed truth constellation, communicative, pragmatic, and transgressive validity and reliability as interpretative awareness were presented as the most appropriate criteria for justifying knowledge produced within interpretative approach. Finally, the phenomenological epoché was suggested as a strategy for achieving these criteria.

From this standpoint, the research site must be chosen according to its uniqueness so that one can obtain relevant insights that no other site could provide ( Siggelkow, 2007 ). Furthermore, the view of what is being studied is at the center of the researcher’s attention to understand its “truth,” inserted in a given context.

The case researcher is someone who can reduce the probability of misinterpretations by analyzing multiple perceptions, searches for data triangulation to check for the reliability of interpretations ( Stake, 2003 ). It is worth pointing out that this is not an option for studies that specifically seek the individual’s experience in relation to organizational phenomena.

In short, there are different ways of seeking rigor and quality in case studies, depending on the researcher’s worldview. These different forms pervade everything from the research design, the choice of research questions, the theory or theories to look at a phenomenon, research methods, the data collection and analysis techniques, to the type and style of research report produced. Validity can also take on different forms. While positivism is concerned with validity of the research question and results, interpretivism emphasizes research processes without neglecting the importance of the articulation of pertinent research questions and the sound interpretation of results ( Ollaik & Ziller, 2012 ). The means to achieve this can be diverse, such as triangulation (of multiple theories, multiple methods, multiple data sources or multiple investigators), pre-tests of data collection instrument, pilot case, study protocol, detailed description of procedures such as field diary in observations, researcher positioning (reflexivity), theoretical-empirical consistency, thick description and transferability.

5. Conclusions

The central objective of this article was to discuss concepts of case study research, their potential and various uses, taking into account different epistemologies as well as criteria of rigor and validity. Although the literature on methodology in general and on case studies in particular, is voluminous, it is not easy to relate this approach to epistemology. In addition, method manuals often focus on the details of various case study approaches which confuse things further.

Faced with this scenario, we have tried to address some central points in this debate and present various ways of using case studies according to the preferred epistemology of the researcher. We emphasize that this understanding depends on how a case is defined and the particular epistemological orientation that underpins that conceptualization. We have argued that whatever the epistemological orientation is, it is possible to meet appropriate criteria of research rigor and quality provided there is an alignment among the different elements of the research process. Furthermore, multiple data collection techniques can be used in in single or multiple case study designs. Data collection techniques or the type of data collected do not define the method or whether cases should be used for theory-building or theory-testing.

Finally, we encourage researchers to consider case study research as one way to foster immersion in phenomena and their contexts, stressing that the approach does not imply a commitment to a particular epistemology or type of research, such as qualitative or quantitative. Case study research allows for numerous possibilities, and should be celebrated for that diversity rather than pigeon-holed as a monolithic research method.

case study authors

The interrelationship between the building blocks of research

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Research Method

Home » Case Study – Methods, Examples and Guide

Case Study – Methods, Examples and Guide

Table of Contents

Case Study Research

A case study is a research method that involves an in-depth examination and analysis of a particular phenomenon or case, such as an individual, organization, community, event, or situation.

It is a qualitative research approach that aims to provide a detailed and comprehensive understanding of the case being studied. Case studies typically involve multiple sources of data, including interviews, observations, documents, and artifacts, which are analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, and grounded theory. The findings of a case study are often used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Types of Case Study

Types and Methods of Case Study are as follows:

Single-Case Study

A single-case study is an in-depth analysis of a single case. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand a specific phenomenon in detail.

For Example , A researcher might conduct a single-case study on a particular individual to understand their experiences with a particular health condition or a specific organization to explore their management practices. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a single-case study are often used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Multiple-Case Study

A multiple-case study involves the analysis of several cases that are similar in nature. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to identify similarities and differences between the cases.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a multiple-case study on several companies to explore the factors that contribute to their success or failure. The researcher collects data from each case, compares and contrasts the findings, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as comparative analysis or pattern-matching. The findings of a multiple-case study can be used to develop theories, inform policy or practice, or generate new research questions.

Exploratory Case Study

An exploratory case study is used to explore a new or understudied phenomenon. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to generate hypotheses or theories about the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an exploratory case study on a new technology to understand its potential impact on society. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as grounded theory or content analysis. The findings of an exploratory case study can be used to generate new research questions, develop theories, or inform policy or practice.

Descriptive Case Study

A descriptive case study is used to describe a particular phenomenon in detail. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to provide a comprehensive account of the phenomenon.

For Example, a researcher might conduct a descriptive case study on a particular community to understand its social and economic characteristics. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of a descriptive case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Instrumental Case Study

An instrumental case study is used to understand a particular phenomenon that is instrumental in achieving a particular goal. This type of case study is useful when the researcher wants to understand the role of the phenomenon in achieving the goal.

For Example, a researcher might conduct an instrumental case study on a particular policy to understand its impact on achieving a particular goal, such as reducing poverty. The researcher collects data from multiple sources, such as interviews, observations, and documents, and uses various techniques to analyze the data, such as content analysis or thematic analysis. The findings of an instrumental case study can be used to inform policy or practice or generate new research questions.

Case Study Data Collection Methods

Here are some common data collection methods for case studies:

Interviews involve asking questions to individuals who have knowledge or experience relevant to the case study. Interviews can be structured (where the same questions are asked to all participants) or unstructured (where the interviewer follows up on the responses with further questions). Interviews can be conducted in person, over the phone, or through video conferencing.

Observations

Observations involve watching and recording the behavior and activities of individuals or groups relevant to the case study. Observations can be participant (where the researcher actively participates in the activities) or non-participant (where the researcher observes from a distance). Observations can be recorded using notes, audio or video recordings, or photographs.

Documents can be used as a source of information for case studies. Documents can include reports, memos, emails, letters, and other written materials related to the case study. Documents can be collected from the case study participants or from public sources.

Surveys involve asking a set of questions to a sample of individuals relevant to the case study. Surveys can be administered in person, over the phone, through mail or email, or online. Surveys can be used to gather information on attitudes, opinions, or behaviors related to the case study.

Artifacts are physical objects relevant to the case study. Artifacts can include tools, equipment, products, or other objects that provide insights into the case study phenomenon.

How to conduct Case Study Research

Conducting a case study research involves several steps that need to be followed to ensure the quality and rigor of the study. Here are the steps to conduct case study research:

  • Define the research questions: The first step in conducting a case study research is to define the research questions. The research questions should be specific, measurable, and relevant to the case study phenomenon under investigation.
  • Select the case: The next step is to select the case or cases to be studied. The case should be relevant to the research questions and should provide rich and diverse data that can be used to answer the research questions.
  • Collect data: Data can be collected using various methods, such as interviews, observations, documents, surveys, and artifacts. The data collection method should be selected based on the research questions and the nature of the case study phenomenon.
  • Analyze the data: The data collected from the case study should be analyzed using various techniques, such as content analysis, thematic analysis, or grounded theory. The analysis should be guided by the research questions and should aim to provide insights and conclusions relevant to the research questions.
  • Draw conclusions: The conclusions drawn from the case study should be based on the data analysis and should be relevant to the research questions. The conclusions should be supported by evidence and should be clearly stated.
  • Validate the findings: The findings of the case study should be validated by reviewing the data and the analysis with participants or other experts in the field. This helps to ensure the validity and reliability of the findings.
  • Write the report: The final step is to write the report of the case study research. The report should provide a clear description of the case study phenomenon, the research questions, the data collection methods, the data analysis, the findings, and the conclusions. The report should be written in a clear and concise manner and should follow the guidelines for academic writing.

Examples of Case Study

Here are some examples of case study research:

  • The Hawthorne Studies : Conducted between 1924 and 1932, the Hawthorne Studies were a series of case studies conducted by Elton Mayo and his colleagues to examine the impact of work environment on employee productivity. The studies were conducted at the Hawthorne Works plant of the Western Electric Company in Chicago and included interviews, observations, and experiments.
  • The Stanford Prison Experiment: Conducted in 1971, the Stanford Prison Experiment was a case study conducted by Philip Zimbardo to examine the psychological effects of power and authority. The study involved simulating a prison environment and assigning participants to the role of guards or prisoners. The study was controversial due to the ethical issues it raised.
  • The Challenger Disaster: The Challenger Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Space Shuttle Challenger explosion in 1986. The study included interviews, observations, and analysis of data to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.
  • The Enron Scandal: The Enron Scandal was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the Enron Corporation’s bankruptcy in 2001. The study included interviews, analysis of financial data, and review of documents to identify the accounting practices, corporate culture, and ethical issues that led to the company’s downfall.
  • The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster : The Fukushima Nuclear Disaster was a case study conducted to examine the causes of the nuclear accident that occurred at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant in Japan in 2011. The study included interviews, analysis of data, and review of documents to identify the technical, organizational, and cultural factors that contributed to the disaster.

Application of Case Study

Case studies have a wide range of applications across various fields and industries. Here are some examples:

Business and Management

Case studies are widely used in business and management to examine real-life situations and develop problem-solving skills. Case studies can help students and professionals to develop a deep understanding of business concepts, theories, and best practices.

Case studies are used in healthcare to examine patient care, treatment options, and outcomes. Case studies can help healthcare professionals to develop critical thinking skills, diagnose complex medical conditions, and develop effective treatment plans.

Case studies are used in education to examine teaching and learning practices. Case studies can help educators to develop effective teaching strategies, evaluate student progress, and identify areas for improvement.

Social Sciences

Case studies are widely used in social sciences to examine human behavior, social phenomena, and cultural practices. Case studies can help researchers to develop theories, test hypotheses, and gain insights into complex social issues.

Law and Ethics

Case studies are used in law and ethics to examine legal and ethical dilemmas. Case studies can help lawyers, policymakers, and ethical professionals to develop critical thinking skills, analyze complex cases, and make informed decisions.

Purpose of Case Study

The purpose of a case study is to provide a detailed analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. A case study is a qualitative research method that involves the in-depth exploration and analysis of a particular case, which can be an individual, group, organization, event, or community.

The primary purpose of a case study is to generate a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the case, including its history, context, and dynamics. Case studies can help researchers to identify and examine the underlying factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and detailed understanding of the case, which can inform future research, practice, or policy.

Case studies can also serve other purposes, including:

  • Illustrating a theory or concept: Case studies can be used to illustrate and explain theoretical concepts and frameworks, providing concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
  • Developing hypotheses: Case studies can help to generate hypotheses about the causal relationships between different factors and outcomes, which can be tested through further research.
  • Providing insight into complex issues: Case studies can provide insights into complex and multifaceted issues, which may be difficult to understand through other research methods.
  • Informing practice or policy: Case studies can be used to inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.

Advantages of Case Study Research

There are several advantages of case study research, including:

  • In-depth exploration: Case study research allows for a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific phenomenon, issue, or problem in its real-life context. This can provide a comprehensive understanding of the case and its dynamics, which may not be possible through other research methods.
  • Rich data: Case study research can generate rich and detailed data, including qualitative data such as interviews, observations, and documents. This can provide a nuanced understanding of the case and its complexity.
  • Holistic perspective: Case study research allows for a holistic perspective of the case, taking into account the various factors, processes, and mechanisms that contribute to the case and its outcomes. This can help to develop a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the case.
  • Theory development: Case study research can help to develop and refine theories and concepts by providing empirical evidence and concrete examples of how they can be applied in real-life situations.
  • Practical application: Case study research can inform practice or policy by identifying best practices, lessons learned, or areas for improvement.
  • Contextualization: Case study research takes into account the specific context in which the case is situated, which can help to understand how the case is influenced by the social, cultural, and historical factors of its environment.

Limitations of Case Study Research

There are several limitations of case study research, including:

  • Limited generalizability : Case studies are typically focused on a single case or a small number of cases, which limits the generalizability of the findings. The unique characteristics of the case may not be applicable to other contexts or populations, which may limit the external validity of the research.
  • Biased sampling: Case studies may rely on purposive or convenience sampling, which can introduce bias into the sample selection process. This may limit the representativeness of the sample and the generalizability of the findings.
  • Subjectivity: Case studies rely on the interpretation of the researcher, which can introduce subjectivity into the analysis. The researcher’s own biases, assumptions, and perspectives may influence the findings, which may limit the objectivity of the research.
  • Limited control: Case studies are typically conducted in naturalistic settings, which limits the control that the researcher has over the environment and the variables being studied. This may limit the ability to establish causal relationships between variables.
  • Time-consuming: Case studies can be time-consuming to conduct, as they typically involve a detailed exploration and analysis of a specific case. This may limit the feasibility of conducting multiple case studies or conducting case studies in a timely manner.
  • Resource-intensive: Case studies may require significant resources, including time, funding, and expertise. This may limit the ability of researchers to conduct case studies in resource-constrained settings.

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  • Published: 25 February 2020

Writing impact case studies: a comparative study of high-scoring and low-scoring case studies from REF2014

  • Bella Reichard   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-5057-4019 1 ,
  • Mark S Reed 1 ,
  • Jenn Chubb 2 ,
  • Ged Hall   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0815-2925 3 ,
  • Lucy Jowett   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7536-3429 4 ,
  • Alisha Peart 4 &
  • Andrea Whittle 1  

Palgrave Communications volume  6 , Article number:  31 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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  • Language and linguistics

This paper reports on two studies that used qualitative thematic and quantitative linguistic analysis, respectively, to assess the content and language of the largest ever sample of graded research impact case studies, from the UK Research Excellence Framework 2014 (REF). The paper provides the first empirical evidence across disciplinary main panels of statistically significant linguistic differences between high- versus low-scoring case studies, suggesting that implicit rules linked to written style may have contributed to scores alongside the published criteria on the significance, reach and attribution of impact. High-scoring case studies were more likely to provide specific and high-magnitude articulations of significance and reach than low-scoring cases. High-scoring case studies contained attributional phrases which were more likely to attribute research and/or pathways to impact, and they were written more coherently (containing more explicit causal connections between ideas and more logical connectives) than low-scoring cases. High-scoring case studies appear to have conformed to a distinctive new genre of writing, which was clear and direct, and often simplified in its representation of causality between research and impact, and less likely to contain expressions of uncertainty than typically associated with academic writing. High-scoring case studies in two Main Panels were significantly easier to read than low-scoring cases on the Flesch Reading Ease measure, although both high-scoring and low-scoring cases tended to be of “graduate” reading difficulty. The findings of our work enable impact case study authors to better understand the genre and make content and language choices that communicate their impact as effectively as possible. While directly relevant to the assessment of impact in the UK’s Research Excellence Framework, the work also provides insights of relevance to institutions internationally who are designing evaluation frameworks for research impact.

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Introduction

Academics are under increasing pressure to engage with non-academic actors to generate “usable” knowledge that benefits society and addresses global challenges (Clark et al., 2016 ; Lemos, 2015 ; Rau et al., 2018 ). This is largely driven by funders and governments that seek to justify the societal value of public funding for research (Reed et al., 2020 ; Smith et al., 2011 ) often characterised as ‘impact’. While this has sometimes been defined narrowly as reflective of the need to demonstrate a return on public investment in research (Mårtensson et al., 2016 ; Tsey et al., 2016 ; Warry, 2006 ), there is also a growing interest in the evaluation of “broader impacts” from research (cf. Bozeman and Youtie, 2017 ; National Science Foundation, 2014 ), including less tangible but arguably equally relevant benefits for society and culture. This shift is exemplified by the assessment of impact in the UK’s Research Excellence Framework (REF) in 2014 and 2021, the system for assessing the quality of research in UK higher education institutions, and in the rise of similar policies and evaluation systems in Australia, Hong Kong, the United States, Horizon Europe, The Netherlands, Sweden, Italy, Spain and elsewhere (Reed et al., 2020 ).

The evaluation of research impact in the UK has been criticised by scholars largely for its association with a ‘market logic’ (Olssen and Peters, 2005 ; Rhoads and Torres, 2005 ). Critics argue that a focus of academic performativity can be seen to “destabilise” professional identities (Chubb and Watermeyer, 2017 ), which in the context of research impact evaluation can further “dehumanise and deprofessionalise” academic performance (Watermeyer, 2019 ), whilst leading to negative unintended consequences (which Derrick et al., 2018 , called “grimpact”). MacDonald ( 2017 ), Chubb and Reed ( 2018 ) and Weinstein et al. ( 2019 ) reported concerns from researchers that the impact agenda may be distorting research priorities, “encourag[ing] less discovery-led research” (Weinstein et al., 2019 , p. 94), though these concerns were questioned by University managers in the same study who were reported to “not have enough evidence to support that REF was driving specific research agendas in either direction” (p. 94), and further questioned by Hill ( 2016 ).

Responses to this critique have been varied. Some have called for civil disobedience (Watermeyer, 2019 ) and organised resistance (Back, 2015 ; MacDonald, 2017 ) against the impact agenda. In a review of Watermeyer ( 2019 ), Reed ( 2019 ) suggested that attitudes towards the neoliberal political roots of the impact agenda may vary according to the (political) values and beliefs of researchers, leading them to pursue impacts that either support or oppose neoliberal political and corporate interests. Some have defended the benefits of research impact evaluation. For example, Weinstein et al. ( 2019 ) found that “a focus on changing the culture outside of academia is broadly valued” by academics and managers. The impact agenda might enhance stakeholder engagement (Hill, 2016 ) and give “new currency” to applied research (Chubb, 2017 ; Watermeyer, 2019 ). Others have highlighted the long-term benefits for society of incentivising research impact, including increased public support and funding for a more accountable, outward-facing research system (Chubb and Reed, 2017 ; Hill, 2016 ; Nesta, 2018 ; Oancea, 2010 , 2014 ; Wilsdon et al., 2015 ).

In the UK REF, research outputs and impact are peer reviewed at disciplinary level in ‘Units of Assessment’ (36 in 2014, 34 in 2021), grouped into four ‘Main Panels’. Impact is assessed through case studies that describe the effects of academic research and are given a score between 1* (“recognised but modest”) and 4* (“outstanding”). The case studies follow a set structure of five sections: 1—Summary of the impact; 2—Underpinning research; 3—References to the research; 4—Details of the impact; 5—Sources to corroborate the impact (HEFCE, 2011 ). The publication of over 6000 impact case studies in 2014 Footnote 1 by Research England (formerly Higher Education Funding Council for England, HEFCE) was unique in terms of its size, and unlike the recent selective publication of high-scoring case studies from Australia’s 2018 Engagement and Impact Assessment, both high-scoring and low-scoring case studies were published. This provides a unique opportunity to evaluate the construction of case studies that were perceived by evaluation panels to have successfully demonstrated impact, as evidenced by a 4* rating, and to compare these to case studies that were judged as less successful.

The analysis of case studies included in this research is based on the definition of impact used in REF2014, as “an effect on, change or benefit to the economy, society, culture, public policy or services, health, the environment or quality of life, beyond academia” (HEFCE, 2011 , p. 26). According to REF2014 guidance, the primary functions of an impact case study were to articulate and evidence the significance and reach of impacts arising from research beyond academia, clearly demonstrating the contribution that research from a given institution contributed to those impacts (HEFCE, 2011 ).

In addition to these explicit criteria driving the evaluation of impact in REF2014, a number of analyses have emphasised the role of implicit criteria and subjectivity in shaping the evaluation of impact. For example, Pidd and Broadbent ( 2015 ) emphasised the implicit role a “strong narrative” plays in high-scoring case studies (p. 575). This was echoed by the fears of one REF2014 panellist interviewed by Watermeyer and Chubb ( 2018 ) who said, “I think with impact it is literally so many words of persuasive narrative” as opposed to “giving any kind of substance” (p. 9). Similarly, Watermeyer and Hedgecoe ( 2016 ), reporting on an internal exercise at Cardiff University to evaluate case studies prior to submission, emphasised that “style and structure” were essential to “sell impact”, and that “case studies that best sold impact were those rewarded with the highest evaluative scores” (p. 651).

Recent research based on interviews with REF2014 panellists has also emphasised the subjectivity of the peer-review process used to evaluate impact. Derrick’s ( 2018 ) research findings based on panellist interviews and participant observation of REF2014 sub-panels argued that scores were strongly influenced by who the evaluators were and how the group assessed impact together. Indeed, a panellist interviewed by Watermeyer and Chubb ( 2018 ) concurred that “the panel had quite an influence on the criteria” (p. 7), including an admission that some types of (more intangible) evidence were more likely to be overlooked than other (more concrete) forms of evidence, “privileg[ing] certain kinds of impact”. Other panellists interviewed spoke of their emotional and intellectual vulnerability in making judgements about an impact criterion that they had little prior experience of assessing (Watermeyer and Chubb, 2018 ). Derrick ( 2018 ) argued that this led many evaluators to base their assessments on more familiar proxies for excellence linked to scientific excellence, which led to biased interpretations and shortcuts that mimicked “groupthink” (p. 193).

This paper will for the first time empirically assess the content and language of the largest possible sample of research impact case studies that received high versus low scores from assessment panels in REF2014. Combining qualitative thematic and quantitative linguistic analysis, we ask:

How do high-scoring versus low-scoring case studies articulate and evidence impacts linked to underpinning research?

Do high-scoring and low-scoring case studies have differences in their linguistic features or styles?

Do high-scoring and low-scoring case studies have lexical differences (words and phrases that are statistically more likely to occur in high- or low-scoring cases) or text-level differences (including reading ease, narrative clarity, use of cohesive devices)?

By answering these questions, our goal is to provide evidence for impact case study authors and their institutions to reflect on in order to optimally balance the content and to use language that communicates their impact as effectively as possible. While directly relevant to the assessment of impact in the UK’s REF, the work also provides insights of relevance to institutions internationally who are designing evaluation frameworks for research impact.

Research design and sample

The datasets were generated by using published institutional REF2014 impact scores to deduce the scores of some impact case studies themselves. Although scores for individual case studies were not made public, we were able to identify case studies that received the top mark of 4* based on the distribution of scores received by some institutions, where the whole submission by an institution in a given Unit of Assessment was awarded the same score. In those 20 Units of Assessment (henceforth UoA) where high-scoring case studies could be identified in this way, we also accessed all case studies known to have scored either 1* or 2* in order to compare the features of high-scoring case studies to those of low-scoring case studies.

We approached our research questions with two separate studies, using quantitative linguistic and qualitative thematic analysis respectively. The thematic analysis, explained in more detail in the section “Qualitative thematic analysis” below, allowed us to find answers to research question 1 (see above). The quantitative linguistic analysis was used to extract and compare typical word combinations for high-scoring and low-scoring case studies, as well as assessing their readability. It mainly addressed research questions 2 and 3.

The quantitative linguistic analysis was based on a sample of all identifiable high-scoring case studies in any UoA ( n  = 124) and all identifiable low-scoring impact case studies in those UoAs where high-scoring case studies could be identified ( n  = 93). As the linguistic analysis focused on identifying characteristic language choices in running text, only those sections designed to contain predominantly text were included (1—Summary of the impact; 2—Underpinning research; 4—Details of the impact). Figure 1 shows the distribution of case studies across Main Panels in the quantitative analysis. Table 1 summarises the number of words included in the analysis.

figure 1

Distribution of case studies across Main Panels used for the linguistic analysis sample.

In order to detect patterns of content in high-scoring and low-scoring case studies across all four Main Panels, a sub-sample of case studies was selected for a qualitative thematic analysis. This included 60% of high-scoring case studies and 97% of low-scoring case studies from the quantitative analysis, such that only UoAs were included where both high-scoring and low-scoring case studies are available (as opposed to the quantitative sample, which includes all available high-scoring case studies). Further selection criteria were then designed to create a greater balance in the number of high-scoring and low-scoring case studies across Main Panels. Main Panels A (high) and C (low) were particularly over-represented, so a lower proportion of those case studies were selected and 10 additional high-scoring case studies were considered in Panel B, including institutions where at least 85% of the case studies scored 4* and the remaining scores were 3*. As this added a further UoA, we could also include 14 more low-scoring case studies in Main Panel B. This resulted in a total of 85 high-scoring and 90 low-scoring case studies. Figure 2 shows the distribution of case studies across Main Panels in the thematic analysis, illustrating the greater balance compared to the sample used in the quantitative analysis. The majority (75%) of the case studies analysed are included in both samples (Table 2 ).

figure 2

Distribution of case studies across Main Panels used for the thematic analysis sample.

Quantitative linguistic analysis

Quantitative linguistic analysis can be used to make recurring patterns in language use visible and to assess their significance. We treated the dataset of impact case studies as a text collection (the ‘corpus’) divided into two sections, namely high-scoring and low-scoring case studies (the two ‘sub-corpora’), in order to explore the lexical profile and the readability of the case studies.

One way to explore the lexical profile of groups of texts is to generate frequency-based word lists and compare these to word lists from a reference corpus to determine which words are characteristic of the corpus of interest (“keywords”, cf. Scott, 1997 ). Another way is to extract word combinations that are particularly frequent. Such word combinations, called “lexical bundles”, are “extended collocations” (Hyland, 2008 , p. 41) that appear across a set range of texts (Esfandiari and Barbary, 2017 ). We merged these two approaches in order to uncover meanings that could not be made visible through the analysis of single-word frequencies, comparing lexical bundles from each sub-corpus to the other. Lexical bundles of 2–4 words were extracted with AntConc (specialist software developed by Anthony, 2014 ) firstly from the corpus of all high-scoring case studies and then separately from the sub-corpora of high-scoring case studies in Main Panel A, C and D. Footnote 2 The corresponding lists were extracted from low-scoring case studies overall and separated by panel. The lists of lexical bundles for each of the high-scoring corpus parts were then compared to the corresponding low-scoring parts (High-Overall vs. Low-Overall, High-Main Panel A vs. Low-Main Panel A, etc.) to detect statistically significant over-use and under-use in one set of texts relative to another.

Two statistical measures were used in the analysis of lexical bundles. Log Likelihood was used as a measure of the statistical significance of frequency differences (Rayson and Garside, 2000 ), with a value of >3.84 corresponding to p  < 0.05. This measure had the advantage, compared to the more frequently used chi-square test, of not assuming a normal distribution of data (McEnery et al., 2006 ). The Log Ratio (Hardie, 2014 ) was used as a measure of effect size, which quantifies the scale, rather than the statistical significance, of frequency differences between two datasets. The Log Ratio is technically the binary log of the relative risk, and a value of >0.5 or <−0.5 is considered meaningful in corpus linguistics (Hardie, 2014 ), with values further removed from 0 reflecting a bigger difference in the relative frequencies found in each corpus. There is currently no agreed standard effect size measure for keywords (Brezina, 2018 , p. 85) and the Log Ratio was chosen because it is straightforward to interpret. Each lexical bundle that met the ‘keyness’ threshold (Log Likelihood > 3.84 in the case of expected values > 12, with higher significance levels needed for expected values < 13—see Rayson et al., 2004 , p. 8) was then assigned a code according to its predominant meaning in the texts, as reflected in the contexts captured in the concordance lines extracted from the corpus.

In the thematic analysis, it appeared that high-scoring case studies were easier to read. In order to quantify the readability of the texts, we therefore analysed them using the Coh-Metrix online tool (www.cohmetrix.com, v3.0) developed by McNamara et al. ( 2014 ). This tool provides 106 descriptive indices of language features, including 8 principal component scores developed from combinations of the other indices (Graesser et al., 2011 ). We selected these principal component scores as comprehensive measures of “reading ease” because they assess multiple characteristics of the text, up to whole-text discourse level (McNamara et al., 2014 , p. 78). This was supplemented by the traditional and more wide-spread Flesch Reading Ease score of readability measuring the lengths of words and sentences, which are highly correlated with reading speed (Haberlandt and Graesser, 1985 ). The selected measures were compared across corpus sections using t -tests to evaluate significance. The effect size was measured using Cohen’s D , following Brezina ( 2018 , p. 190), where D  > 0.3 indicates a small, D  > 0.5 a medium, and D  > 0.8 a high effect size. As with the analysis of lexical bundles, comparisons were made between high- and low-scoring case studies in each of Main Panels A, C and D, as well as between all high-scoring and all low-scoring case studies across Main Panels.

Qualitative thematic analysis

While a quantitative analysis as described above can make differences in the use of certain words visible, it does not capture the narrative or content of the texts under investigation. In order to identify common features of high-scoring and low-scoring case studies, thematic analysis was chosen to complement the quantitative analysis by identifying patterns and inferring meaning from qualitative data (Auerbach and Silverstein, 2003 ; Braun and Clarke, 2006 ; Saldana, 2009 ). To familiarise themselves with the data and for inter-coder reliability, two research team members read a selection of REF2014 impact case studies from different Main Panels, before generating initial codes for each of the five sections of the impact case study template. These were discussed with the full research team, comprising three academic and three professional services staff who had all read multiple case studies themselves. They were piloted prior to defining a final set of themes and questions against which the data was coded (based on the six-step process outlined by Braun and Clarke, 2006 ) (Table 3 ). An additional category was used to code stylistic features, to triangulate elements of the quantitative analysis (e.g. readability) and to include additional stylistic features difficult to assess in quantitative terms (e.g. effective use of testimonials). In addition to this, 10 different types of impact were coded for, based on Reed’s ( 2018 ) typology: capacity and preparedness, awareness and understanding, policy, attitudinal change, behaviour change and other forms of decision-making, other social, economic, environmental, health and wellbeing, and cultural impacts. There was room for coders to include additional insights arising in each section of the case study that had not been captured in the coding system; and there was room to summarise other key factors they thought might account for high or low scores.

Coders summarised case study content pertaining to each code, for example by listing examples of effective or poor use of structure and formatting as they arose in each case study. Coders also quoted the original material next to their summaries so that their interpretation could be assessed during subsequent analysis. This initial coding of case study text was conducted by six coders, with intercoder reliability (based on 10% of the sample) assessed at over 90%. Subsequent thematic analysis within the codes was conducted by two of the co-authors. This involved categorising coded material into themes as a way of assigning meaning to features that occurred across multiple case studies (e.g. categorising types of corroborating evidence typically used in high-scoring versus low-scoring case studies).

Results and discussion

In this section, we integrate findings from the quantitative linguistic study and the qualitative analysis of low-scoring versus high-scoring case studies. The results are discussed under four headings based on the key findings that emerged from both analyses. Taken together, these findings provide the most comprehensive evidence to date of the characteristics of a top-rated (4*) impact case study in REF2014.

Highly-rated case studies provided specific, high-magnitude and well-evidenced articulations of significance and reach

One finding from our qualitative thematic analysis was that 84% of high-scoring cases articulated benefits to specific groups and provided evidence of their significance and reach, compared to 32% of low-scoring cases which typically focused instead on the pathway to impact, for example describing dissemination of research findings and engagement with stakeholders and publics without citing the benefits arising from dissemination or engagement. One way of conceptualising this difference is using the content/process distinction: whereas low-scoring cases tended to focus on the process through which impact was sought (i.e. the pathway used), the high-scoring cases tended to focus on the content of the impact itself (i.e. what change or improvement occurred as a result of the research).

Examples of global reach were evidenced across high-scoring case studies from all panels (including Panel D for Arts and Humanities research), but were less often claimed or evidenced in low-scoring case studies. Where reach was more limited geographically, many high-scoring case studies used context to create robust arguments that their reach was impressive in that context, describing reach for example in social or cultural terms or arguing for the importance of reaching a narrow but hard-to-reach or otherwise important target group.

Table 4 provides examples of evidence from high-scoring cases and low-scoring cases that were used to show significance and reach of impacts in REF2014.

Findings from the quantitative linguistic analysis in Table 5 show how high-scoring impact case studies contained more phrases that specified reach (e.g. “in England and”, “in the US”), compared to low-scoring case studies that used the more generic term “international”, leaving the reader in doubt about the actual reach. They also include more phrases that implicitly specified the significance of the impact (e.g. “the government’s” or “to the House of Commons”), compared to low-scoring cases which provided more generic phrases, such as “policy and practice”, rather than detailing specific policies or practices that had been changed.

The quantitative linguistics analysis also identified a number of words and phrases pertaining to engagement and pathways, which were intended to deliver impact but did not actually specify impact (Table 6 ). A number of phrases contained the word “dissemination”, and there were several words and phrases specifying types of engagement that could be considered more one-way dissemination than consultative or co-productive (cf. Reed et al.’s ( 2018 ) engagement typology), e.g. “the book” and “the event”. The focus on dissemination supports the finding from the qualitative thematic analysis that low-scoring case tended to focus more on pathways or routes than on impact. Although it is not possible to infer this directly from the data, it is possible that this may represent a deeper epistemological position underpinning some case studies, where impact generation was seen as one-way knowledge or technology transfer, and research findings were perceived as something that could be given unchanged to publics and stakeholders through dissemination activities, with the assumption that this would be understood as intended and lead to impact.

It is worth noting that none of the four UK countries appear significantly more often in either high-scoring or low-scoring case studies (outside of the phrase “in England and”). Wales ( n  = 50), Scotland ( n  = 71) and Northern Ireland ( n  = 32) appear slightly more often in high-scoring case studies, but the difference is not significant (England: n  = 162). An additional factor to take into account is that our dataset includes only submissions that are either high-scoring or low-scoring, and the geographical spread of the submitting institutions was not a factor in selecting texts. There was a balanced number of high-scoring and low-scoring case studies in the sample from English, Scottish and Welsh universities, but no guaranteed low-scoring submissions from Northern Irish institutions. The REF2014 guidance made it clear that impacts in each UK country would be evaluated equally in comparison to each other, the UK and other countries. While the quantitative analysis of case studies from our sample only found a statistically significant difference for the phrase “in England and”, this, combined with the slightly higher number of phrases containing the other countries of the UK in high-scoring case studies, might indicate that this panel guidance was implemented as instructed.

Figures 3 – 5 shows which types of impact could be identified in high-scoring or low-scoring case studies, respectively, in the qualitative thematic analysis (based on Reed’s ( 2018 ) typology of impacts). Note that percentages do not add up to 100% because it was possible for each case study to claim more than one type of impact (high-scoring impact case studies described on average 2.8 impacts, compared to an average of 1.8 impacts described by low-scoring case studies) Footnote 3 . Figure 3 shows the number of impacts per type as a percentage of the total number of impacts claimed in high-scoring versus low-scoring case studies. This shows that high-scoring case studies were more likely to claim health/wellbeing and policy impacts, whereas low-scoring case studies were more likely to claim understanding/awareness impacts. Looking at this by Main Panel, over 50% of high-scoring case studies in Main Panel A claimed health/wellbeing, policy and understanding/awareness impacts (Fig. 4 ), whereas over 50% of low-scoring case studies in Main Panel A claimed capacity building impacts (Fig. 5 ). There were relatively high numbers of economic and policy claimed in both high-scoring and low-scoring case studies in Main Panels B and C, respectively, with no impact type dominating strongly in Main Panel D (Figs. 4 and 5 ).

figure 3

Number of impacts claimed in high- versus low-scoring case studies by impact type.

figure 4

Percentage of high-scoring case studies that claimed different types of impact.

figure 5

Percentage of low-scoring case studies that claimed different types of impact.

Highly-rated case studies used distinct features to establish links between research (cause) and impact (effect)

Findings from the quantitative linguistic analysis show that high-scoring case studies were significantly more likely to include attributional phrases like “cited in”, “used to” and “resulting in”, compared to low-scoring case studies (Table 7 provides examples for some of the 12 phrases more frequent in high-scoring case studies). However, there were some attributional phrases that were more likely to be found in low-scoring case studies (e.g. “from the”, “of the research” and “this work has”—total of 9 different phrases).

To investigate this further, all 564 and 601 instances Footnote 4 of attributional phrases in high-scoring and low-scoring case studies, respectively, were analysed to categorise the context in which they were used, to establish the extent to which these phrases in each corpus were being used to establish attribution to impacts. The first word or phrase preceding or succeeding the attributional content was coded. For example, if the attributional content was “used the”, followed by “research to generate impact”, the first word succeeding the attributional content (in this case “research”) was coded rather than the phrase it subsequently led to (“generate impact”). According to a Pearson Chi Square test, high-scoring case studies were significantly more likely to establish attribution to impact than low-scoring cases ( p  < 0.0001, but with a small effect size based on Cramer’s V  = 0.22; bold in Table 8 ). 18% ( n  = 106) of phrases in the low-scoring corpus established attribution to impact, compared to 37% ( n  = 210) in the high-scoring corpus, for example, stating that research, pathway or something else led to impact. Instead, low-scoring case studies were more likely to establish attribution to research (40%; n  = 241) compared to high-scoring cases (28%; n  = 156; p  < 0.0001, but with a small effect size based on Cramer’s V  = 0.135). Both high- and low-scoring case studies were similarly likely to establish attribution to pathways (low: 32%; n  = 194; high: 31% n  = 176).

Moreover, low-scoring case studies were more likely to include ambiguous or uncertain phrases. For example, the phrase “a number of” can be read to imply that it is not known how many instances there were. This occurred in all sections of the impact case studies, for example in the underpinning research section as “The research explores a number of themes” or in the summary or details of the impact section as “The work has also resulted in a number of other national and international impacts”, or “has influenced approaches and practices of a number of partner organisations”. Similarly, “an impact on” could give the impression that the nature of the impact is not known. This phrase occurred only in summary and details of the impact sections, for example, “These activities have had an impact on the professional development”, “the research has had an impact on the legal arguments”, or “there has also been an impact on the work of regional agency”.

In the qualitative thematic analysis, we found that only 50% of low-scoring case studies clearly linked the underpinning research to claimed impacts (compared to 97% of high-scoring cases). This gave the impression of over-claimed impacts in some low-scoring submissions. For example, one case study claimed “significant impacts on [a country’s] society” based on enhancing the security of a new IT system in the department responsible for publishing and archiving legislation. Another claimed “economic impact on a worldwide scale” based on billions of pounds of benefits, calculated using an undisclosed method by an undisclosed evaluator in an unpublished final report by the research team. One case study claimed attribution for impact based on similarities between a prototype developed by the researchers and a product subsequently launched by a major corporation, without any evidence that the product as launched was based on the prototype. Similar assumptions were made in a number of other case studies that appeared to conflate correlation with causation in their attempts to infer attribution between research and impact. Table 9 provides examples of different ways in which links between research and impact were evidenced in the details of the research section.

Table 10 shows how corroborating sources were used to support these claims. 82% of high-scoring case studies compared to 7% of low-scoring cases were identified in the qualitative thematic analysis as having generally high-quality corroborating evidence. In contrast, 11% of high-scoring case studies, compared to 71% of low-scoring cases, were identified as having corroborating evidence that was vague and/or poorly linked to claimed impacts. Looking at only case studies that claim policy impact, 11 out of 26 high-scoring case studies in the sample described both policy and implementation (42%), compared to just 5 out of 29 low-scoring case studies that included both policy and implementation (17%; the remainder described policy impacts only with no evidence of benefits arising from implementation). High- scoring case studies were more likely to cite evidence of impacts rather than just citing evidence pertaining to the pathway (which was more common in low-scoring cases). High-scoring policy case studies also provided evidence pertaining to the pathway, but because they typically also included evidence of policy change, this evidence helped attribute policy impacts to research.

Highly-rated case studies were easy to understand and well written

In preparation for the REF, many universities invested heavily in writing assistance (Coleman, 2019 ) to ensure that impact case studies were “easy to understand and evaluation-friendly” (Watermeyer and Chubb, 2018 ) for the assessment panels, which comprised academics and experts from other sectors (HEFCE, 2011 , p. 6). With this in mind, we investigated readability and style, both in the quantitative linguistic and in the qualitative thematic analysis.

High-scoring impact case studies scored more highly on the Flesch Reading Ease score, a readability measure based on the length of words and sentences. The scores in Table 11 are reported out of 100, with a higher score indicating that a text is easier to read. While the scores reveal a significant difference between 4* and 1*/2* impact case studies, they also indicate that impact case studies are generally on the verge of “graduate” difficulty (Hartley, 2016 , p. 1524). As such our analysis should not be understood as suggesting that these technical documents should be adjusted to the readability of a newspaper article, but they should be maintained at interested and educated non-specialist level.

Interestingly, there were differences between the main panels. Footnote 5 In Social Science and Humanities case studies (Main Panels C and D), high-scoring impact case studies scored significantly higher on reading ease than low-scoring ones. There was no significant difference in Main Panel A between 4* and 1*/2* cases. However, all Main Panel A case studies showed, on average, lower reading ease scores than the low-scoring cases in Main Panels C and D. This means that their authors used longer words and sentences, which may be explained in part by more and longer technical terms needed in Main Panel A disciplines; the difference between high- and low-scoring case studies in Main Panels C and D may be explained by the use of more technical jargon (confirmed in the qualitative analysis).

The Flesch Reading Ease measure assesses the sentence- and word-level, rather than capturing higher-level text-processing difficulty. While this is recognised as a reliable indicator of comparative reading ease, and the underlying measures of sentence-length and word-length are highly correlated with reading speed (Haberlandt and Graesser, 1985 ), Hartley ( 2016 ) is right in his criticism that the tool takes neither the meaning of the words nor the wider text into account. The Coh-Metrix tool (McNamara et al., 2014 ) provides further measures for reading ease based on textual cohesion in these texts compared to a set of general English texts. Of the eight principal component scores computed by the tool, most did not reveal a significant difference between high- and low-scoring case studies or between different Main Panels. Moreover, in most measures, impact case studies overall were fairly homogenous compared to the baseline of general English texts. However, there were significant differences between high- and low-scoring impact case studies in two of the measures: “deep cohesion” and “connectivity” (Table 12 ).

“Deep cohesion” shows whether a text makes causal connections between ideas explicit (e.g. “because”, “so”) or leaves them for the reader to infer. High-scoring case studies had a higher level of deep cohesion compared to general English texts (Graesser et al., 2011 ), while low-scoring case studies tended to sit below the general English average. In addition, Main Panel A case studies (Life Sciences), which received the lowest scores in Flesch Reading Ease, on average scored higher on deep cohesion than case studies in more discursive disciplines (Main Panel C—Social Sciences and Main Panel D—Arts and Humanities). “Connectivity” measures the level of explicit logical connectives (e.g. “and”, “or” and “but”) to show relations in the text. Impact case studies were low in connectivity compared to general English texts, but within each of the Main Panels, high-scoring case studies had more explicit connectivity than low-scoring case studies. This means that Main Panel A case studies, while using on average longer words and sentences as indicated by the Flesch Reading Ease scores, compensated for this by making causal and logical relationships more explicit in the texts. In Main Panels C and D, which on average scored lower on these measures, there was a clearer difference between high- and low-scoring case studies than in Main Panel A, with high-scoring case studies being easier to read.

Linked to this, low-scoring case studies across panels were more likely than high-scoring case studies to contain phrases linked to the research process (suggesting an over-emphasis on the research rather than the impact, and a focus on process over findings or quality; Table 18 ) and filler-phrases (Table 13 ).

High-scoring case studies were more likely to clearly identify individual impacts via subheadings and paragraph headings ( p  < 0.0001, with effect size measure Log Ratio 0.54). The difference is especially pronounced in Main Panel D (Log Ratio 1.53), with a small difference in Main Panel C and no significant difference in Main Panel A. In Units of Assessment combined in Main Panel D, a more discursive academic writing style is prevalent (see e.g. Hyland, 2002 ) using fewer visual/typographical distinctions such as headings. The difference in the number of headings used in case studies from those disciplines suggests that high-scoring case studies showed greater divergence from disciplinary norms than low-scoring case studies. This may have allowed them to adapt the presentation of their research impact to the audience of panel members to a greater extent than low-scoring case studies.

The qualitative thematic analysis of Impact Case Studies indicates that it is not simply the number of subheadings that matters, although this comparison is interesting especially in the context of the larger discrepancy in Main Panel D. Table 14 summarises formatting that was considered helpful and unhelpful from the qualitative analysis.

The observations in Tables 11 – 13 stem from quantitative linguistic analysis, which, while enabling statistical testing, does not show directly the effect of a text on the reader. When conducting the qualitative thematic analysis, we collected examples of formatting and stylistic features from the writing and presentation of high and low-scoring case studies that might have affected clarity of the texts (Tables 14 and 15 ). Specifically, 38% of low-scoring case studies made inappropriate use of adjectives to describe impacts (compared to 20% of high-scoring; Table 16 ). Inappropriate use of adjectives may have given an impression of over-claiming or created a less factual impression than case studies that used adjectives more sparingly to describe impacts. Some included adjectives to describe impacts in testimonial quotes, giving third-party endorsement to the claims rather than using these adjectives directly in the case study text.

Highly-rated case studies were more likely to describe underpinning research findings, rather than research processes

To be eligible, case studies in REF2014 had to be based on underpinning research that was “recognised internationally in terms of originality, significance and rigour” (denoted by a 2* quality profile, HEFCE, 2011 , p. 29). Ineligible case studies were excluded from our sample (i.e. those in the “unclassifiable” quality profile), so all the case studies should have been based on strong research. Once this research quality threshold had been passed, scores were based on the significance and reach of impact, so case studies with higher-rated research should not, in theory, get better scores on the basis of their underpinning research. However, there is evidence that units whose research outputs scored well in REF2014 also performed well on impact (unpublished Research England analysis cited in Hill, 2016 ). This observation only shows that high-quality research and impact were co-located, rather than demonstrating a causal relationship between high-quality research and highly rated impacts. However, our qualitative thematic analysis suggests that weaker descriptions of research (underpinning research was not evaluated directly) may have been more likely to be co-located with lower-rated impacts at the level of individual case studies. We know that the majority of underpinning research in the sample was graded 2* or above (because we excluded unclassifiable case studies from the analysis) but individual ratings for outputs in the underpinning research section are not provided in REF2014. Therefore, the qualitative analysis looked for a range of indicators of strong or weak research in four categories: (i) indicators of publication quality; (ii) quality of funding sources; (iii) narrative descriptions of research quality; and (iv) the extent to which the submitting unit (versus collaborators outside the institution) had contributed to the underpinning research. As would be expected (given that all cases had passed the 2* threshold), only a small minority of cases in the sample gave grounds to doubt the quality of the underpinning research. However, both our qualitative and quantitative analyses identified research-related differences between high- and low-scoring impact case studies.

Based on our qualitative thematic analysis of indicators of research quality, a number of low-scoring cases contained indications that underpinning research may have been weak. This was very rare in high-scoring cases. In the most extreme case, one case study was not able to submit any published research to underpin the impact, relying instead on having secured grant funding and having a manuscript under review. Table 17 describes indicators that underpinning research may have been weaker (presumably closer to the 2* quality threshold for eligibility). It also describes the indications of higher quality research (which were likely to have exceeded the 2* threshold) that were found in the rest of the sample. High-scoring case studies demonstrated the quality of the research using a range of direct and indirect approaches. Direct approaches included the construction of arguments that articulated the originality, significance and rigour of the research in the “underpinning research” section of the case study (sometimes with reference to outputs that were being assessed elsewhere in the exercise to provide a quick and robust check on quality ratings). In addition to this, a wide range of indirect proxies were used to infer quality, including publication venue, funding sources, reviews and awards.

These indicators are of particular interest given the stipulation in REF2021 that case studies must provide evidence of research quality, with the only official guidance suggesting that this is done via the use of indicators. The indicators identified in Table 17 overlap significantly with example indicators proposed by panels in the REF2021 guidance. However, there are also a number of additional indicators, which may be of use for demonstrating the quality of research in REF2021 case studies. In common with proposed REF2021 research quality indicators, many of the indicators in Table 17 are highly context dependent, based on subjective disciplinary norms that are used as short-cuts to assessments of quality by peers within a given context. Funding sources, publication venues and reviews that are considered prestigious in one disciplinary context are often perceived very differently in other disciplinary contexts. While REF2021 does not allow the use of certain indicators (e.g. journal impact factors), no comment is given on the appropriateness of the suggested indicators. While this may be problematic, given that an indicator by definition sign-posts, suggests or indicates by proxy rather than representing the outcome of any rigorous assessment, we make no comment on whether it is appropriate to judge research quality via such proxies. Instead, Table 17 presents a subjective, qualitative identification of indicators of high or low research quality, which were as far as possible considered within the context of disciplinary norms in the Units of Assessments to which the case studies belonged.

The quantitative linguistic analysis also found differences between the high-scoring and low-scoring case studies relating to underpinning research. There were significantly more words and phrases in low-scoring case studies compared to high-scoring cases relating to research outputs (e.g. “the paper”, “peer-reviewed”, “journal of”, “et al”), the research process (e.g. “research project”, “the research”, “his work”, “research team”) and descriptions of research (“relationship between”, “research into”, “the research”) (Table 18 ). The word “research” itself appears frequently in both (high: 91× per 10,000 words; low: 110× per 10,000 words), which is nevertheless a small but significant over-use in the low-scoring case studies (effect size measure log ratio = 0.27, p  < 0.0001).

There are two alternative ways to interpret these findings. First, the qualitative research appears to suggest a link between higher-quality underpinning research and higher impact scores. However, the causal mechanism is not clear. An independent review of REF2014 commissioned by the UK Government (Stern, 2016 ) proposed that underpinning research should only have to meet the 2* threshold for rigour, as the academic significance and novelty of the research is not in theory a necessary precursor to significant and far-reaching impact. However, a number of the indications of weaker research in Table 17 relate to academic significance and originality, and many of the indicators that suggested research exceeded the 2* threshold imply academic significance and originality (e.g. more prestigious publication venues often demand stronger evidence of academic significance and originality in addition to rigour). As such, it may be possible to posit two potential causal mechanisms related to the originality and/or significance of research. First, it may be argued that major new academic breakthroughs may be more likely to lead to impacts, whether directly in the case of applied research that addresses societal challenges in new and important ways leading to breakthrough impacts, or indirectly in the case of major new methodological or theoretical breakthroughs that make new work possible that addresses previously intractable challenges. Second, the highest quality research may have sub-consciously biased reviewers to view associated impacts more favourably. Further research would be necessary to test either mechanism.

However, these mechanisms do not explain the higher frequency of words and phrases relating to research outputs and process in low-scoring case studies. Both high-scoring and low-scoring cases described the underpinning research, and none of the phrases that emerged from the analysis imply higher or lower quality of research. We hypothesised that this may be explained by low-scoring case studies devoting more space to underpinning research at the expense of other sections that may have been more likely to contribute towards scores. Word limits were “indicative”, and the real limit of “four pages” in REF2014 (extended to five pages in REF2021) was operationalised in various way. However, a t -test found no significant difference between the underpinning research word counts (mean of 579 and 537 words in high and low-scoring case studies, respectively; p  = 0.11). Instead, we note that words and phrases relating to research in the low-scoring case studies focused more on descriptions of research outputs and processes rather than descriptions of research findings or the quality of research, as requested in REF2014 guidelines. Given that eligibility evidenced in this section is based on whether the research findings underpin the impacts and the quality of the research (HEFCE, 2011 ), we hypothesise that the focus of low-scoring case studies on research outputs and processes was unnecessary (at best) or replaced or obscured research findings (at worst). This could be conceptualised as another instance of the content/process distinction, whereby high-scoring case studies focused on what the research found and low-scoring case studies focused on the process through which the research was conducted and disseminated. It could be concluded that this tendency may have contributed towards lower scores if unnecessary descriptions of research outputs and process, which would not have contributed towards scores, used up space that could otherwise have been used for material that may have contributed towards scores.

Limitations

These findings may be useful in guiding the construction and writing of case studies for REF2021 but it is important to recognise that our analyses are retrospective, showing examples of what was judged to be ‘good’ and ‘poor’ practice in the authorship of case studies for REF2014. Importantly, the findings of this study should not be used to infer a causal relationship between the linguistic features we have identified and the judgements of the REF evaluation panel. Our quantitative analysis has identified similarities and differences in their linguistic features, but there are undoubtedly a range of considerations taken into account by evaluation panels. It is also not possible to anticipate how REF2021 panels will interpret guidance and evaluate case studies, and there is already evidence that practice is changing significantly across the sector. This shift in expectations regarding impact is especially likely to be the case in research concerned with public policy, which are increasingly including policy implementation as well as design in their requirements, and research involving public engagement, which is increasingly being expected to provide longitudinal evidence of benefits and provide evidence of cause and effect. We are unable to say anything conclusive from our sample about case studies that focused primarily on public engagement and pedagogy because neither of these types of impact were common enough in either the high-scoring or low-scoring sample to infer reliable findings. While this is the largest sample of known high-scoring versus low-scoring case studies ever analysed, it is important to note that this represents <3% of the total case studies submitted to REF2014. Although the number of case studies was fairly evenly balanced between Main Panels in the thematic analysis, the sample only included a selection of Units of Assessment from each Main Panel, where sufficient numbers of high and low-scoring cases could be identified (14 and 20 out of 36 Units of Assessment in the qualitative and quantitative studies, respectively). As such, caution should be taken when generalising from these findings.

This paper provides empirical insights into the linguistic differences in high-scoring and low-scoring impact case studies in REF2014. Higher-scoring case studies were more likely to have articulated evidence of significant and far-reaching impacts (rather than just presenting the activities used to reach intended future impacts), and they articulated clear evidence of causal links between the underpinning research and claimed impacts. While a cause and effect relationship between linguistic features, styles and the panel’s evaluation cannot be claimed, we have provided a granularity of analysis that shows how high-scoring versus low-scoring case studies attempted to meet REF criteria. Knowledge of these features may provide useful lessons for future case study authors, submitting institutions and others developing impact assessments internationally. Specifically, we show that high-scoring case studies were more likely to provide specific and high-magnitude articulations of significance and reach, compared to low-scoring cases, which were more likely to provide less specific and lower-magnitude articulations of significance and reach. Lower-scoring case studies were more likely to focus on pathways to impact rather than articulating clear impact claims, with a particular focus on one-way modes of knowledge transfer. High-scoring case studies were more likely to provide clear links between underpinning research and impacts, supported by high-quality corroborating evidence, compared to low-scoring cases that often had missing links between research and impact and were more likely to be underpinned by corroborating evidence that was vague and/or not clearly linked to impact claims. Linked to this, high-scoring case studies were more likely to contain attributional phrases, and these phrases were more likely to attribute research and/or pathways to impact, compared to low-scoring cases, which contained fewer attributional phrases, which were more likely to provide attribution to pathways rather than impact. Furthermore, there is evidence that high-scoring case studies had more explicit causal connections between ideas and more logical connective words (and, or, but) than low-scoring cases.

However, in addition to the explicit REF2014 rules, which appear to have been enacted effectively by sub-panels, there is evidence that implicit rules, particularly linked to written style, may also have played a role. High-scoring case studies appear to have conformed to a distinctive new genre of writing, which was clear and direct, often simplified in its representation of causality between research and impact, and less likely to contain expressions of uncertainty than might be normally expected in academic writing (cf. e.g. Vold, 2006 ; Yang et al., 2015 ). Low-scoring case studies were more likely to contain filler phrases that could be described as “academese” (Biber and Gray, 2019 , p. 1), more likely to use unsubstantiated or vague adjectives to describe impacts, and were less likely to signpost readers to key points using sub-headings and paragraph headings. High-scoring case studies in two Main Panels (out of the three that could be analysed in this way) were significantly easier to read, although both high- and low-scoring case studies tended to be of “graduate” (Hartley, 2016 ) difficulty.

These findings suggest that aspects of written style may have contributed towards or compromised the scores of some case studies in REF2014, in line with previous research emphasising the role of implicit and subjective factors in determining the outcomes of impact evaluation (Derrick, 2018 ; Watermeyer and Chubb, 2018 ). If this were the case, it may raise questions about whether case studies are an appropriate way to evaluate impact. However, metric-based approaches have many other limitations and are widely regarded as inappropriate for evaluating societal impact (Bornmann et al., 2018 ; Pollitt et al., 2016 ; Ravenscroft et al., 2017 ; Wilsdon et al., 2015 ). Comparing research output evaluation systems across different countries, Sivertsen ( 2017 ) presents the peer-review-based UK REF as “best practice” compared to the metrics-based systems elsewhere. Comparing the evaluation of impact in the UK to impact evaluations in USA, the Netherlands, Italy and Finland, Derrick ( 2019 ) describes REF2014 and REF2021 as “the world’s most developed agenda for evaluating the wider benefits of research and its success has influenced the way many other countries define and approach the assessment of impact”.

We cannot be certain about the extent to which linguistic features or style shaped the judgement of REF evaluators, nor can such influences easily be identified or even consciously recognised when they are at work (cf. research on sub-conscious bias and tacit knowledge; the idea that “we know more than we can say”—Polanyi, 1958 cited in Goodman, 2003 , p. 142). Nonetheless, we hope that the granularity of our findings proves useful in informing decisions about presenting case studies, both for case study authors (in REF2021 and other research impact evaluations around the world) and those designing such evaluation processes. In publishing this evidence, we hope to create a more “level playing field” between institutions with and without significant resources available to hire dedicated staff or consultants to help write their impact case studies.

Data availability

The dataset analysed during the current study corresponds to the publicly available impact case studies defined through the method explained in Section “Research design and sample” and Table 2 . A full list of case studies included can be obtained from the corresponding author upon request.

https://impact.ref.ac.uk/casestudies/search1.aspx

For Main Panel B, only six high-scoring and two low-scoring case studies are clearly identifiable and available to the public (cf. Fig. 1 ). The Main Panel B dataset is therefore too small for separate statistical analysis, and no generalisations should be made on the basis of only one high-scoring and one low-scoring submission.

However, in the qualitative analysis, there were a similar number of high-scoring case studies that were considered to have reached this score due to a clear focus on one single, highly impressive impact, compared to those that were singled out for their impressive range of different impacts.

Note that there were more instances of the smaller number of attributional phrases in the low-scoring corpus.

For Main Panel B, only six high-scoring and two low-scoring case studies are clearly identifiable and available to the public. The Main Panel B dataset is therefore too small for separate statistical analysis, and no generalisations should be made on the basis of only one high-scoring and one low-scoring submission.

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Acknowledgements

Thanks to Dr. Adam Mearns, School of English Literature, Language & Linguistics at Newcastle University for help with statistics and wider input to research design as a co-supervisor on the Ph.D. research upon which this article is based.

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Reichard, B., Reed, M.S., Chubb, J. et al. Writing impact case studies: a comparative study of high-scoring and low-scoring case studies from REF2014. Palgrave Commun 6 , 31 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0394-7

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Received : 10 July 2019

Accepted : 09 January 2020

Published : 25 February 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-0394-7

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The case study approach

Sarah crowe.

1 Division of Primary Care, The University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK

Kathrin Cresswell

2 Centre for Population Health Sciences, The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK

Ann Robertson

3 School of Health in Social Science, The University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK

Anthony Avery

Aziz sheikh.

The case study approach allows in-depth, multi-faceted explorations of complex issues in their real-life settings. The value of the case study approach is well recognised in the fields of business, law and policy, but somewhat less so in health services research. Based on our experiences of conducting several health-related case studies, we reflect on the different types of case study design, the specific research questions this approach can help answer, the data sources that tend to be used, and the particular advantages and disadvantages of employing this methodological approach. The paper concludes with key pointers to aid those designing and appraising proposals for conducting case study research, and a checklist to help readers assess the quality of case study reports.

Introduction

The case study approach is particularly useful to employ when there is a need to obtain an in-depth appreciation of an issue, event or phenomenon of interest, in its natural real-life context. Our aim in writing this piece is to provide insights into when to consider employing this approach and an overview of key methodological considerations in relation to the design, planning, analysis, interpretation and reporting of case studies.

The illustrative 'grand round', 'case report' and 'case series' have a long tradition in clinical practice and research. Presenting detailed critiques, typically of one or more patients, aims to provide insights into aspects of the clinical case and, in doing so, illustrate broader lessons that may be learnt. In research, the conceptually-related case study approach can be used, for example, to describe in detail a patient's episode of care, explore professional attitudes to and experiences of a new policy initiative or service development or more generally to 'investigate contemporary phenomena within its real-life context' [ 1 ]. Based on our experiences of conducting a range of case studies, we reflect on when to consider using this approach, discuss the key steps involved and illustrate, with examples, some of the practical challenges of attaining an in-depth understanding of a 'case' as an integrated whole. In keeping with previously published work, we acknowledge the importance of theory to underpin the design, selection, conduct and interpretation of case studies[ 2 ]. In so doing, we make passing reference to the different epistemological approaches used in case study research by key theoreticians and methodologists in this field of enquiry.

This paper is structured around the following main questions: What is a case study? What are case studies used for? How are case studies conducted? What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided? We draw in particular on four of our own recently published examples of case studies (see Tables ​ Tables1, 1 , ​ ,2, 2 , ​ ,3 3 and ​ and4) 4 ) and those of others to illustrate our discussion[ 3 - 7 ].

Example of a case study investigating the reasons for differences in recruitment rates of minority ethnic people in asthma research[ 3 ]

Example of a case study investigating the process of planning and implementing a service in Primary Care Organisations[ 4 ]

Example of a case study investigating the introduction of the electronic health records[ 5 ]

Example of a case study investigating the formal and informal ways students learn about patient safety[ 6 ]

What is a case study?

A case study is a research approach that is used to generate an in-depth, multi-faceted understanding of a complex issue in its real-life context. It is an established research design that is used extensively in a wide variety of disciplines, particularly in the social sciences. A case study can be defined in a variety of ways (Table ​ (Table5), 5 ), the central tenet being the need to explore an event or phenomenon in depth and in its natural context. It is for this reason sometimes referred to as a "naturalistic" design; this is in contrast to an "experimental" design (such as a randomised controlled trial) in which the investigator seeks to exert control over and manipulate the variable(s) of interest.

Definitions of a case study

Stake's work has been particularly influential in defining the case study approach to scientific enquiry. He has helpfully characterised three main types of case study: intrinsic , instrumental and collective [ 8 ]. An intrinsic case study is typically undertaken to learn about a unique phenomenon. The researcher should define the uniqueness of the phenomenon, which distinguishes it from all others. In contrast, the instrumental case study uses a particular case (some of which may be better than others) to gain a broader appreciation of an issue or phenomenon. The collective case study involves studying multiple cases simultaneously or sequentially in an attempt to generate a still broader appreciation of a particular issue.

These are however not necessarily mutually exclusive categories. In the first of our examples (Table ​ (Table1), 1 ), we undertook an intrinsic case study to investigate the issue of recruitment of minority ethnic people into the specific context of asthma research studies, but it developed into a instrumental case study through seeking to understand the issue of recruitment of these marginalised populations more generally, generating a number of the findings that are potentially transferable to other disease contexts[ 3 ]. In contrast, the other three examples (see Tables ​ Tables2, 2 , ​ ,3 3 and ​ and4) 4 ) employed collective case study designs to study the introduction of workforce reconfiguration in primary care, the implementation of electronic health records into hospitals, and to understand the ways in which healthcare students learn about patient safety considerations[ 4 - 6 ]. Although our study focusing on the introduction of General Practitioners with Specialist Interests (Table ​ (Table2) 2 ) was explicitly collective in design (four contrasting primary care organisations were studied), is was also instrumental in that this particular professional group was studied as an exemplar of the more general phenomenon of workforce redesign[ 4 ].

What are case studies used for?

According to Yin, case studies can be used to explain, describe or explore events or phenomena in the everyday contexts in which they occur[ 1 ]. These can, for example, help to understand and explain causal links and pathways resulting from a new policy initiative or service development (see Tables ​ Tables2 2 and ​ and3, 3 , for example)[ 1 ]. In contrast to experimental designs, which seek to test a specific hypothesis through deliberately manipulating the environment (like, for example, in a randomised controlled trial giving a new drug to randomly selected individuals and then comparing outcomes with controls),[ 9 ] the case study approach lends itself well to capturing information on more explanatory ' how ', 'what' and ' why ' questions, such as ' how is the intervention being implemented and received on the ground?'. The case study approach can offer additional insights into what gaps exist in its delivery or why one implementation strategy might be chosen over another. This in turn can help develop or refine theory, as shown in our study of the teaching of patient safety in undergraduate curricula (Table ​ (Table4 4 )[ 6 , 10 ]. Key questions to consider when selecting the most appropriate study design are whether it is desirable or indeed possible to undertake a formal experimental investigation in which individuals and/or organisations are allocated to an intervention or control arm? Or whether the wish is to obtain a more naturalistic understanding of an issue? The former is ideally studied using a controlled experimental design, whereas the latter is more appropriately studied using a case study design.

Case studies may be approached in different ways depending on the epistemological standpoint of the researcher, that is, whether they take a critical (questioning one's own and others' assumptions), interpretivist (trying to understand individual and shared social meanings) or positivist approach (orientating towards the criteria of natural sciences, such as focusing on generalisability considerations) (Table ​ (Table6). 6 ). Whilst such a schema can be conceptually helpful, it may be appropriate to draw on more than one approach in any case study, particularly in the context of conducting health services research. Doolin has, for example, noted that in the context of undertaking interpretative case studies, researchers can usefully draw on a critical, reflective perspective which seeks to take into account the wider social and political environment that has shaped the case[ 11 ].

Example of epistemological approaches that may be used in case study research

How are case studies conducted?

Here, we focus on the main stages of research activity when planning and undertaking a case study; the crucial stages are: defining the case; selecting the case(s); collecting and analysing the data; interpreting data; and reporting the findings.

Defining the case

Carefully formulated research question(s), informed by the existing literature and a prior appreciation of the theoretical issues and setting(s), are all important in appropriately and succinctly defining the case[ 8 , 12 ]. Crucially, each case should have a pre-defined boundary which clarifies the nature and time period covered by the case study (i.e. its scope, beginning and end), the relevant social group, organisation or geographical area of interest to the investigator, the types of evidence to be collected, and the priorities for data collection and analysis (see Table ​ Table7 7 )[ 1 ]. A theory driven approach to defining the case may help generate knowledge that is potentially transferable to a range of clinical contexts and behaviours; using theory is also likely to result in a more informed appreciation of, for example, how and why interventions have succeeded or failed[ 13 ].

Example of a checklist for rating a case study proposal[ 8 ]

For example, in our evaluation of the introduction of electronic health records in English hospitals (Table ​ (Table3), 3 ), we defined our cases as the NHS Trusts that were receiving the new technology[ 5 ]. Our focus was on how the technology was being implemented. However, if the primary research interest had been on the social and organisational dimensions of implementation, we might have defined our case differently as a grouping of healthcare professionals (e.g. doctors and/or nurses). The precise beginning and end of the case may however prove difficult to define. Pursuing this same example, when does the process of implementation and adoption of an electronic health record system really begin or end? Such judgements will inevitably be influenced by a range of factors, including the research question, theory of interest, the scope and richness of the gathered data and the resources available to the research team.

Selecting the case(s)

The decision on how to select the case(s) to study is a very important one that merits some reflection. In an intrinsic case study, the case is selected on its own merits[ 8 ]. The case is selected not because it is representative of other cases, but because of its uniqueness, which is of genuine interest to the researchers. This was, for example, the case in our study of the recruitment of minority ethnic participants into asthma research (Table ​ (Table1) 1 ) as our earlier work had demonstrated the marginalisation of minority ethnic people with asthma, despite evidence of disproportionate asthma morbidity[ 14 , 15 ]. In another example of an intrinsic case study, Hellstrom et al.[ 16 ] studied an elderly married couple living with dementia to explore how dementia had impacted on their understanding of home, their everyday life and their relationships.

For an instrumental case study, selecting a "typical" case can work well[ 8 ]. In contrast to the intrinsic case study, the particular case which is chosen is of less importance than selecting a case that allows the researcher to investigate an issue or phenomenon. For example, in order to gain an understanding of doctors' responses to health policy initiatives, Som undertook an instrumental case study interviewing clinicians who had a range of responsibilities for clinical governance in one NHS acute hospital trust[ 17 ]. Sampling a "deviant" or "atypical" case may however prove even more informative, potentially enabling the researcher to identify causal processes, generate hypotheses and develop theory.

In collective or multiple case studies, a number of cases are carefully selected. This offers the advantage of allowing comparisons to be made across several cases and/or replication. Choosing a "typical" case may enable the findings to be generalised to theory (i.e. analytical generalisation) or to test theory by replicating the findings in a second or even a third case (i.e. replication logic)[ 1 ]. Yin suggests two or three literal replications (i.e. predicting similar results) if the theory is straightforward and five or more if the theory is more subtle. However, critics might argue that selecting 'cases' in this way is insufficiently reflexive and ill-suited to the complexities of contemporary healthcare organisations.

The selected case study site(s) should allow the research team access to the group of individuals, the organisation, the processes or whatever else constitutes the chosen unit of analysis for the study. Access is therefore a central consideration; the researcher needs to come to know the case study site(s) well and to work cooperatively with them. Selected cases need to be not only interesting but also hospitable to the inquiry [ 8 ] if they are to be informative and answer the research question(s). Case study sites may also be pre-selected for the researcher, with decisions being influenced by key stakeholders. For example, our selection of case study sites in the evaluation of the implementation and adoption of electronic health record systems (see Table ​ Table3) 3 ) was heavily influenced by NHS Connecting for Health, the government agency that was responsible for overseeing the National Programme for Information Technology (NPfIT)[ 5 ]. This prominent stakeholder had already selected the NHS sites (through a competitive bidding process) to be early adopters of the electronic health record systems and had negotiated contracts that detailed the deployment timelines.

It is also important to consider in advance the likely burden and risks associated with participation for those who (or the site(s) which) comprise the case study. Of particular importance is the obligation for the researcher to think through the ethical implications of the study (e.g. the risk of inadvertently breaching anonymity or confidentiality) and to ensure that potential participants/participating sites are provided with sufficient information to make an informed choice about joining the study. The outcome of providing this information might be that the emotive burden associated with participation, or the organisational disruption associated with supporting the fieldwork, is considered so high that the individuals or sites decide against participation.

In our example of evaluating implementations of electronic health record systems, given the restricted number of early adopter sites available to us, we sought purposively to select a diverse range of implementation cases among those that were available[ 5 ]. We chose a mixture of teaching, non-teaching and Foundation Trust hospitals, and examples of each of the three electronic health record systems procured centrally by the NPfIT. At one recruited site, it quickly became apparent that access was problematic because of competing demands on that organisation. Recognising the importance of full access and co-operative working for generating rich data, the research team decided not to pursue work at that site and instead to focus on other recruited sites.

Collecting the data

In order to develop a thorough understanding of the case, the case study approach usually involves the collection of multiple sources of evidence, using a range of quantitative (e.g. questionnaires, audits and analysis of routinely collected healthcare data) and more commonly qualitative techniques (e.g. interviews, focus groups and observations). The use of multiple sources of data (data triangulation) has been advocated as a way of increasing the internal validity of a study (i.e. the extent to which the method is appropriate to answer the research question)[ 8 , 18 - 21 ]. An underlying assumption is that data collected in different ways should lead to similar conclusions, and approaching the same issue from different angles can help develop a holistic picture of the phenomenon (Table ​ (Table2 2 )[ 4 ].

Brazier and colleagues used a mixed-methods case study approach to investigate the impact of a cancer care programme[ 22 ]. Here, quantitative measures were collected with questionnaires before, and five months after, the start of the intervention which did not yield any statistically significant results. Qualitative interviews with patients however helped provide an insight into potentially beneficial process-related aspects of the programme, such as greater, perceived patient involvement in care. The authors reported how this case study approach provided a number of contextual factors likely to influence the effectiveness of the intervention and which were not likely to have been obtained from quantitative methods alone.

In collective or multiple case studies, data collection needs to be flexible enough to allow a detailed description of each individual case to be developed (e.g. the nature of different cancer care programmes), before considering the emerging similarities and differences in cross-case comparisons (e.g. to explore why one programme is more effective than another). It is important that data sources from different cases are, where possible, broadly comparable for this purpose even though they may vary in nature and depth.

Analysing, interpreting and reporting case studies

Making sense and offering a coherent interpretation of the typically disparate sources of data (whether qualitative alone or together with quantitative) is far from straightforward. Repeated reviewing and sorting of the voluminous and detail-rich data are integral to the process of analysis. In collective case studies, it is helpful to analyse data relating to the individual component cases first, before making comparisons across cases. Attention needs to be paid to variations within each case and, where relevant, the relationship between different causes, effects and outcomes[ 23 ]. Data will need to be organised and coded to allow the key issues, both derived from the literature and emerging from the dataset, to be easily retrieved at a later stage. An initial coding frame can help capture these issues and can be applied systematically to the whole dataset with the aid of a qualitative data analysis software package.

The Framework approach is a practical approach, comprising of five stages (familiarisation; identifying a thematic framework; indexing; charting; mapping and interpretation) , to managing and analysing large datasets particularly if time is limited, as was the case in our study of recruitment of South Asians into asthma research (Table ​ (Table1 1 )[ 3 , 24 ]. Theoretical frameworks may also play an important role in integrating different sources of data and examining emerging themes. For example, we drew on a socio-technical framework to help explain the connections between different elements - technology; people; and the organisational settings within which they worked - in our study of the introduction of electronic health record systems (Table ​ (Table3 3 )[ 5 ]. Our study of patient safety in undergraduate curricula drew on an evaluation-based approach to design and analysis, which emphasised the importance of the academic, organisational and practice contexts through which students learn (Table ​ (Table4 4 )[ 6 ].

Case study findings can have implications both for theory development and theory testing. They may establish, strengthen or weaken historical explanations of a case and, in certain circumstances, allow theoretical (as opposed to statistical) generalisation beyond the particular cases studied[ 12 ]. These theoretical lenses should not, however, constitute a strait-jacket and the cases should not be "forced to fit" the particular theoretical framework that is being employed.

When reporting findings, it is important to provide the reader with enough contextual information to understand the processes that were followed and how the conclusions were reached. In a collective case study, researchers may choose to present the findings from individual cases separately before amalgamating across cases. Care must be taken to ensure the anonymity of both case sites and individual participants (if agreed in advance) by allocating appropriate codes or withholding descriptors. In the example given in Table ​ Table3, 3 , we decided against providing detailed information on the NHS sites and individual participants in order to avoid the risk of inadvertent disclosure of identities[ 5 , 25 ].

What are the potential pitfalls and how can these be avoided?

The case study approach is, as with all research, not without its limitations. When investigating the formal and informal ways undergraduate students learn about patient safety (Table ​ (Table4), 4 ), for example, we rapidly accumulated a large quantity of data. The volume of data, together with the time restrictions in place, impacted on the depth of analysis that was possible within the available resources. This highlights a more general point of the importance of avoiding the temptation to collect as much data as possible; adequate time also needs to be set aside for data analysis and interpretation of what are often highly complex datasets.

Case study research has sometimes been criticised for lacking scientific rigour and providing little basis for generalisation (i.e. producing findings that may be transferable to other settings)[ 1 ]. There are several ways to address these concerns, including: the use of theoretical sampling (i.e. drawing on a particular conceptual framework); respondent validation (i.e. participants checking emerging findings and the researcher's interpretation, and providing an opinion as to whether they feel these are accurate); and transparency throughout the research process (see Table ​ Table8 8 )[ 8 , 18 - 21 , 23 , 26 ]. Transparency can be achieved by describing in detail the steps involved in case selection, data collection, the reasons for the particular methods chosen, and the researcher's background and level of involvement (i.e. being explicit about how the researcher has influenced data collection and interpretation). Seeking potential, alternative explanations, and being explicit about how interpretations and conclusions were reached, help readers to judge the trustworthiness of the case study report. Stake provides a critique checklist for a case study report (Table ​ (Table9 9 )[ 8 ].

Potential pitfalls and mitigating actions when undertaking case study research

Stake's checklist for assessing the quality of a case study report[ 8 ]

Conclusions

The case study approach allows, amongst other things, critical events, interventions, policy developments and programme-based service reforms to be studied in detail in a real-life context. It should therefore be considered when an experimental design is either inappropriate to answer the research questions posed or impossible to undertake. Considering the frequency with which implementations of innovations are now taking place in healthcare settings and how well the case study approach lends itself to in-depth, complex health service research, we believe this approach should be more widely considered by researchers. Though inherently challenging, the research case study can, if carefully conceptualised and thoughtfully undertaken and reported, yield powerful insights into many important aspects of health and healthcare delivery.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors' contributions

AS conceived this article. SC, KC and AR wrote this paper with GH, AA and AS all commenting on various drafts. SC and AS are guarantors.

Pre-publication history

The pre-publication history for this paper can be accessed here:

http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2288/11/100/prepub

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the participants and colleagues who contributed to the individual case studies that we have drawn on. This work received no direct funding, but it has been informed by projects funded by Asthma UK, the NHS Service Delivery Organisation, NHS Connecting for Health Evaluation Programme, and Patient Safety Research Portfolio. We would also like to thank the expert reviewers for their insightful and constructive feedback. Our thanks are also due to Dr. Allison Worth who commented on an earlier draft of this manuscript.

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Sustainable, inclusive housing growth: A case study on Columbus, Ohio

Over the past two decades, the Columbus region has enjoyed outsize population and economic growth compared with leading peer cities and the US average. 1 In this article, “Columbus” refers to the Columbus metropolitan statistical area unless otherwise specified. See “Ohio Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs),” Ohio Department of Job and Family Services, Office of Workforce Development, accessed June 22, 2023. Yet growth has come at a cost—specifically by outpacing the region’s supply of available housing. Home and rental prices have soared as stock has been depleted, making homeownership—and sometimes even having a roof over one’s head—increasingly out of reach for many people, particularly those from historically marginalized communities.

About the authors

This article is a collaborative effort by Brandon Carrus , Seth Myers , Brian Parro, Duwain Pinder , and Ben Safran, representing views from McKinsey’s Social Sector Practice.

In just this past decade, the increase in housing prices and rents has dramatically outpaced household income. Additionally, the region’s population of people experiencing homelessness (PEH) has grown faster than those of its US peers in recent years. The region’s challenges have a disproportionate impact on historically marginalized populations (such as Black and Hispanic residents), who have a dramatically lower likelihood of being a homeowner and a much higher likelihood of experiencing homelessness. Amid ongoing rapid growth, the need for affordable housing and support services for PEH will only continue to increase unless significant action is taken. 2 HUD defines affordable housing as “housing on which the occupant is paying no more than 30 percent of gross income for housing costs, including utilities.” See “Glossary of terms to affordable housing,” HUD, accessed June 22, 2023.

Columbus is a microcosm of the United States’ housing insecurity plight. While many major cities are receiving national press coverage for this issue, housing insecurity is a humanitarian challenge facing communities of all sizes across the country. The National Association for Home Builders estimates that about 70 percent of US households cannot afford a new home at the national median price. 3 NAHBNow , “Nearly 7 out of 10 households can’t afford a new median-priced home,” blog entry by National Association of Home Builders, February 15, 2022. In 2022, US home vacancy rates were at their lowest levels since 1987, 4 “Home vacancy rate for the United States,” US Census Bureau, retrieved from Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (FRED) June 22, 2023. and the country is estimated to have a shortage of 6.5 million housing units. 5 Anna Bahney, “The US housing market is short 6.5 million homes,” CNN, March 8, 2023. Renters are also facing increased pressure nationally: 23 percent spend at least half of their income on housing costs, 6 Katherine Schaeffer, “Key facts about housing affordability in the U.S.,” Pew Research Center, March 23, 2022. rendering them “severely rent burdened” as defined by the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). 7 “Rental burdens: Rethinking affordability measures,” PD&R Edge, accessed June 22, 2023.

As in many regions in the United States, the primary contributors to the housing shortage in Columbus are embedded within deeply vexing economic and social issues, including stagnating incomes, racial gaps in homeownership, and access to financing and services.

As Columbus charts a growth strategy for the decades ahead, addressing housing and homelessness will be an essential component in realizing the goal of prosperity for all. Today, Columbus is projected to have a shortage of as much as 110,000 housing units by 2032. 8 Vogt Strategic Insights, “Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region,” Building Industry Association of Central Ohio, August 30, 2022. Without an increase in the supply of housing, Columbus may struggle to continue on a growth trajectory. Specifically, we have identified four priority interventions designed to work in concert to increase housing stock, keep rents affordable, and help more people, including historically marginalized populations, access the housing market:

  • Tap into existing housing capacity potential. Public–private collaboration on policies can identify land available for housing either as underused property or as part of broader rezoning efforts to increase the supply of homes, which is a requirement for sustained economic growth.
  • Reduce the cost of new construction. Promising cost-reduction opportunities include simplifying the permit process and engaging builders with expertise in cost-effective construction methods.
  • Support homebuyers and renters. Local government and policy makers can expand resources and consider policies that support public- and private-sector initiatives to improve homeownership rates, assist with rental affordability, and reduce the risk of homelessness.
  • Prioritize tackling homelessness. Alleviating homelessness requires increasing awareness of currently available resources for PEH and expanding relief funds to assist residents with affordable housing, healthcare support, training for employment, and other resources critical to reducing homelessness.

Many local leaders are well aware of the challenges that can result from booming growth. The policy-neutral research presented in this article is intended to complement the work already under way by leaders in the city of Columbus and surrounding areas to inform decision making about the housing shortage, affordable housing, and homelessness. 9 For example, see Bonnie Meibers, “Columbus details plan to build, preserve and invest in inclusive affordable housing,” Columbus Business First , June 27, 2022; Bonnie Meibers, “Columbus City Council announces 12-part plan to combat affordable housing shortage,” Columbus Business First , March 16, 2023; Bonnie Meibers, “The Punch List: Columbus lays out new solutions to housing crisis,” Columbus Business First , October 24, 2022; Mark Ferenchik, “Worthington considering asking for $1.1M affordable housing bond issue on November ballot,” Columbus Dispatch , January 16, 2023. In the process, we believe the Columbus region’s approach to housing could both build on and inform the economic development strategies of other regions across the country—with successes offering a potential blueprint for progress.

The fastest-growing region in the Midwest

From 2000 to 2021, the Columbus Region’s population increased by a third, adding more than 500,000 people and becoming the fastest-growing metropolitan statistical area (MSA) in the Midwest. 10 “Resident population in Columbus, OH (MSA) [COLPOP],” US Census Bureau, retrieved from FRED April 7, 2023. Includes MSAs with populations greater than one million. Midwest defined as Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. See “Resident population in Columbus,” retrieved April 7, 2023; Factbook 2020 , City of Columbus, accessed June 22, 2023. In September 2022, Columbus was named the fifth-hottest housing market in the United States, driven by the speed of home sales and demand. 11 “CAGDP1 County and MSA gross domestic product (GDP) summary,” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, accessed May 12, 2023; “Table 1.1.6. Real Gross Domestic Product, Chained Dollars,” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, accessed May 12, 2023.

This growth was precipitated by, and continues to benefit from, the region’s mounting economic strength: from 2008 through 2021, Columbus outpaced national GDP growth by almost ten percentage points. 12 “Total gross domestic product for Columbus, OH (MSA) [NGMP18140],” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, retrieved from FRED June 23, 2023; “Gross domestic product [GDP],” US Bureau of Economic Analysis, retrieved from FRED June 23, 2023. Growth has also been bolstered by more-recent major commercial investments from a range of industries, including semiconductors, financial services, and biopharmaceuticals. 13 “Intel breaks ground in Ohio,” JobsOhio, accessed June 22, 2023; “Project announcements,” One Columbus, accessed June 22, 2023; “Western Alliance Bank expands into the Columbus Region, creating 150 new jobs at new technology hub,” One Columbus, January 9, 2023; “Discover plans to open a customer care center in Whitehall to bring high-quality jobs and enhance equity in the Columbus Region,” One Columbus, November 18, 2022.

Growing pains: Coping with rapid growth

The population influx has measurably strained Columbus’s residential real estate and rental markets, particularly for people of color. Increasing housing supply is a critical enabler for the region’s continued growth trajectory.

Increasing housing supply is a critical enabler for the region’s continued growth trajectory.

Rapidly rising home prices. Although the region remains relatively affordable compared with leading peers, home prices have skyrocketed in relation to incomes. Data from Zillow reveal that roughly a decade ago, the growth of median household incomes in Columbus and the value of the city’s “lower tier” housing stock began to diverge (Exhibit 1). In the ten years since then, lower-tier housing prices within the city’s boundaries increased at 1.9 times the growth of median household income—an unsustainable divergence. 14 Zillow Home Value Index (ZHVI) All Homes - Bottom Tier Time Series, accessed April 19, 2023. A cavalry in the form of new-housing construction may be slow to arrive: from 2004 to 2022, annual construction of new single-family homes in Columbus fell by 34 percent, and it has yet to return to pre-2004 levels. 15 “B19013 Median household income in the past 12 months,” ACS 5-Year Estimates 2016–21, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. In fact, for every 100 net new jobs in the region, only 65 new housing permits were issued. 16 Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region , Vogt Strategic Insights, August 30, 2022.

Rent increases outpacing wage increases. Renters in Columbus have also seen a price surge.

Rent prices in Columbus increased by about 35 percent between December 2016 and December 2021, exceeding median household income growth in that period by 11 percentage points (Exhibit 2). As a result, by 2021, approximately 40 percent of renters in Columbus were spending more than 30 percent of their income on rent, meeting HUD’s definition of “rent burdened.” 17 “Gross rent as a percentage of household income,” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. And renters account for a significant percentage of residents: as of 2021, nearly 40 percent of total households in the metro area were rentals, which is comparable to other fast-growing US regions such as Austin (around 41 percent) and Miami (about 40 percent) but much higher than similar sized regions such as Pittsburgh (around 29 percent) and Indianapolis (about 32 percent). 18 “B25008 Total population in occupied housing units by tenure,” 2021: ACS 1-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau.

More people experiencing homelessness.

Columbus outpaced its US peers in the growth of its PEH population from 2008 through 2022 (Exhibit 3), and early reports indicate homelessness was up 22 percent in January 2023 compared with January 2022. 19 “Columbus region leaders introduce new action on homelessness: Funding for programs and services introduced as data shows increase in homeless count,” Community Shelter Board, June 6, 2023. McKinsey research on homelessness in the Bay Area indicates that homelessness is a result of a range of disparate triggers, including economic issues (such as job loss, raised rent, or foreclosure), health factors (such as substance abuse or mental illness), and social factors (for example, incarceration or domestic violence). 20 For more, see “ The ongoing crisis of homelessness in the Bay Area: What’s working, what’s not ,” McKinsey, March 23, 2023. A brief but significant drop in the number of PEH in Columbus in 2021 is likely attributable to additional support during the pandemic (for example, eviction moratoriums and stimulus payments). Still, as of 2022, Columbus had the fastest-growing PEH population among its peers.

Columbus outpaced its US peers in the growth of its PEH population from 2008 through 2022, and early reports indicate homelessness was up 22 percent in January 2023 compared with January 2022.

Disproportionate effect on historically marginalized communities. The racial disparities that plague many leading US regions are also starkly apparent in Columbus. Some historically marginalized groups are less likely to be homeowners: one-third of the region’s Black households own their homes, compared with more than two-thirds of White households (Exhibit 4). Black household incomes in the region are also about 42 percent lower than those of White households. 21 “S1903 Median income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars),” 2021: ACS 1-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau.

In addition, Black residents account for 16 percent of Columbus’s general population but 60 percent of the homeless population. 22 “DP05 ACS demographic and housing estimates,” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates Data Profiles, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “PIT and HIC data since 2007,” HUD Exchange, February 2023. And even when people in these communities have housing, Black households are almost five times more likely to be overcrowded (more than one occupant per room) than White households. 23 “B25014B Occupants per room (Black or African American alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “B25014A Occupants per room (White alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau. These disparate experiences in different communities are reflected in other metrics of financial and housing stability, including income and the ability to pass on generational wealth. 24 “B19013B Median household income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars) (Black or African American alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; “B19013A Median household income in the past 12 months (in 2021 inflation-adjusted dollars) (White alone householder),” 2021: ACS 5-Year Estimates, American Community Survey, US Census Bureau; Jung Hyun Choi, Laurie Goodman, and Jun Zhu, Intergenerational homeownership: The impact of parental homeownership and wealth on young adults’ tenure choices , Urban Institute, October 2018.

These disproportionate effects have wide-ranging impact, including on overall economic growth. PolicyLink and the USC Equity Research Institute estimate that the racial gap in Columbus is costing the region’s economy $10 billion annually. 25 Erica Thompson and Mark Williams, “Racial inequities costs Columbus economy $10 billion a year, report finds,” Columbus Dispatch , updated May 12, 2022.

Four interventions to address Columbus’s housing challenges

Housing is a critical enabler for economic growth—and Columbus’s housing challenges are no secret. Local leaders, organizations, and partnerships have long worked to improve housing security directly. Advocates and organizations have all published research on housing and homelessness, including the Mid-Ohio Regional Planning Commission, the Coalition on Housing and Homelessness in Ohio, the Affordable Housing Trust for Columbus & Franklin County, the Center for Social Innovation, and the Community Shelter Board of Columbus. 26 Healthy Beginnings at Home: Final report , CelebrateOne and the Health Policy Institute of Ohio, June 2021; Regional Housing Strategy final report: Central Ohio , Mid-Ohio Regional Planning Commission, September 2020; Annual report 2021: Preserving, creating & facilitating , Affordable Housing Trust for Columbus and Franklin County, 2021; Columbus, Ohio: Initial findings from quantitative and qualitative research , Supporting Partnerships for Anti-Racist Communities (SPARC), Center for Social Innovation, May 2018. Yet the latest estimates show that the region could need as many as 110,000 housing units beyond the current run rate by 2032 to cover expected job growth. This would require more than doubling the construction rate, from around 8,300 units per year to as many as 19,300 per year. 27 Analysis of housing need for the Columbus region , Vogt Strategic Insights, August 30, 2022.

After reviewing the available research, examining the actions taken by other local governments, and drawing on our experience in the real estate and public sectors, we have identified four key interventions that can augment existing efforts to address Columbus’s housing challenge: tap into existing housing capacity potential, reduce the cost of new construction, support homebuyers and renters, and prioritize tackling homelessness.

Tap into existing housing capacity potential

Zoning regulates how land is used, where residential or commercial buildings may be constructed, and the density of new developments, making it a key lever in changing a city’s residential landscape. The city of Columbus spans 220 square miles of central Ohio, and it has 50 more square miles of single-family zoning than multifamily zoning. 28 Nicholas Julian, “Zoning in Columbus: Single-family vs. multifamily,” Ohio Housing Finance Agency, April 2, 2019; “QuickFacts: Columbus city, Ohio,” US Census Bureau, accessed June 22, 2023. Increasing density and creating housing “hot spots” are both potential options for Columbus to address current housing supply challenges.

Increased housing density. Zoning has a direct impact on housing density. In Washington, DC, for example, areas zoned for detached single-family units typically consist of up to 1,200 units per square mile, 29 Yesim Sayin, “Single-family zoning and neighborhood characteristics in the District of Columbia,” D.C. Policy Center, July 17, 2019. compared with up to 40,000 units per square mile in large multifamily buildings. But zoning in most US cities largely restricts higher-density homes. Three-quarters of the land in US cities is barred from development for anything other than detached single-family homes—and where multifamily buildings are allowed, height and lot size requirements hurt the economic calculus for development. 30 Jenny Schuetz, “To improve housing affordability, we need better alignment of zoning, taxes, and subsidies,” Brookings Institution, January 7, 2020. Specific zoning adjustments could contribute directly to closing the housing gap, not just in the city limits but also in the surrounding suburbs. For example, a recent analysis by the Columbus Dispatch found that zoning contributed to the lack of affordable housing options in Upper Arlington, New Albany, and suburbs in Delaware County. 31 Jim Weiker, “Columbus suburbs offer few affordable housing options,” Columbus Dispatch , May 4, 2023. High-density zoning can be a meaningful part of a community’s housing ecosystem to enable future growth.

‘Housing hot spots’ created by reusing and rezoning underused property. To help alleviate the shortage of homes in the near term, municipalities can also identify potentially high-impact housing areas by reviewing the zoning of properties that meet criteria for vacant or underutilized land, homes with room for more units, and more. This approach has been used elsewhere to great effect. An analysis of three counties in California found room for more than five million new units, 32 Jonathan Woetzel, Jan Mischke, Shannon Peloquin, and Daniel Weisfield, “ Closing California’s housing gap ,” McKinsey Global Institute, October 24, 2016. and separate efforts are under way in New York City and Los Angeles to rezone underused commercial zones for residential or mixed use—making more space available for housing construction without needing to expand a city’s footprint. 33 “Mayor Adams unveils recommendations to convert underused offices into homes,” City of New York, January 9, 2023; “Adequate sites for housing,” 2021–2029 Housing Element , Los Angeles City Planning, November 2021.

Reduce the cost of new construction

A priority for the Columbus region will be reducing the cost of new construction to accelerate the pace of development. Programs that accelerate construction, reduce permit fees, or otherwise defray development costs are common levers to help reduce the cost of affordable housing. Several approaches can be prioritized to address the challenges facing Columbus and other US regions.

Innovative, cost-saving construction techniques and builders. As in many areas of the United States, inflation drove up the cost of building materials, labor, and financing in Columbus by as much as 18 percent between 2021 and 2022. 34 “How much does it cost to build a house in Columbus?,” Home Builder Digest , accessed June 23, 2023. Innovative, low-cost approaches such as modular and prefabricated construction can help; in our experience, when applied at large scale, these techniques can reduce the cost of construction materials by up to 20 percent and decrease build time by 20 to 50 percent without sacrificing build quality. 35 Modular construction: From projects to products , McKinsey, June 18, 2019. This is especially true with projects featuring repeatable elements, such as schools and affordable housing.

Columbus, specifically, can establish itself as a center of excellence for modular and prefabricated construction by leveraging the region’s transportation network (such as railroads and highways) to efficiently transport modular units into the region. The region can further attract builders that use these construction techniques by offering tax incentives, investing in land and modular units at scale, reskilling the labor force, and streamlining the approval process to help drive affordable housing growth. These and other approaches could improve the economics for these kinds of construction projects almost immediately once implemented. For example, Portland, Oregon, made changes to its design review process to allow mixed-use and multifamily projects to go directly to the permit process, saving developers time and money by decreasing their financing costs. Local governments in the Columbus region can further improve the economics of housing development by producing and holding off-the-shelf design schematics that can easily be used by prospective housing-unit developers.

Reduced development costs. Identifying parcels of public land for housing development could defray the overall cost of new projects in addition to rezoning efforts. Some cities, including Copenhagen, London, New York City, and Stockholm, have established professional management of their publicly owned land, allowing them to identify suitable city-owned sites for affordable developments. 36 “ Affordable housing in Los Angeles: Delivering more—and doing it faster ”, McKinsey Global Institute, November 21, 2019.

Accelerating the construction permit process could help reduce lengthy permit timelines that both create delays and increase developers’ costs. Under Columbus’s permit approval system, new-construction permits can take six to nine months. In fast-growing metro areas elsewhere in the United States, permits can take as little as a few weeks—a disparity that the City of Columbus is reviewing as part of its longer-term affordable-housing initiatives. 37 Allen Henry, “Columbus to overhaul zoning code for first time in 70 years,” NBC4 WCMH-TV, October 20, 2021. The Affordable Housing Trust in Columbus has launched the Emerging Developers Accelerator Program to provide education and funding for minority developers. 38 Jim Weiker, “New program seeks to build ranks of minority and female developers,” Columbus Dispatch , updated May 18, 2022. Yet the holding costs due to the lengthy time horizon between initial plans and selling the first house keep many potential developers out of the business.

Reduced development finance costs and fees. Financing costs and government taxes tend to be a heavy burden on housing developers. Legal agreements and public financing tools, such as joint powers authorities (JPAs) and tax increment financing (TIF) programs, provide incentives for public and private partners to collaborate in the development of affordable housing. In instances where traditional incentives and subsidies are unable to produce the desired outcomes, JPAs enable the city, partnered with a developer, to issue bonds and use its property tax exemption to purchase a property or finance the creation of a new development process. As part of the acquisition process, the JPA agrees to restrict the rent of a set number of units in line with affordable-housing standards. This approach is unlike traditional affordable-housing projects in that long-term ownership rests with the city, with an option to purchase the property back from the JPA after a set period.

JPAs are eligible for significant tax exemptions on their properties, with the added benefit that these savings are passed on to renters. Bond financing can also be tax-exempt given that governmental bodies have the authority to issue tax-exempt bonds for facilities that provide a public benefit. 39 “Portantino bill creating regional affordable housing trust passes assembly local government committee,” Senator Anthony J. Portantino, California State Senate, June 9, 2022; Brennon Dixson et al., The ABCs of JPAs , SPUR and the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, June 2022. In California, the Burbank-Glendale-Pasadena Regional Housing Trust is leveraging these benefits to address barriers to building nearly 3,000 affordable-housing units in the region. 40 “Newsom signs Portantino bill creating Pasadena-Glendale-Burbank affordable housing trust,” Pasadena Star-News , August 24, 2022. The JPA will be allowed to request and receive private and state funding allocations, as well as authorize and issue bonds, to help finance affordable-housing projects.

As another option, TIF districts enable cities to freeze property tax revenue at current levels and use incremental tax revenue generated from a development to reimburse the developer’s costs over time. In 2018, for example, the City of Chicago approved TIF measures for The 78, a $7 billion mixed-use project to transform a former railroad property into 13 million square feet of residential, commercial, and institutional construction with a 20 percent commitment for affordable-housing units. According to plans, this TIF district will reimburse around $551 million in future increments for the construction of new infrastructure related to this project, including a new subway station, street improvements and extensions, and riverfront renovations. 41 “The 78,” Department of Planning and Development, City of Chicago, accessed June 23, 2023.

Support homebuyers and renters

In conjunction with initiatives that improve the supply of affordable housing, Columbus can explore approaches that improve an individual’s ability to pay for housing. The region can take these approaches in tandem to reduce the risk that demand will outpace supply and drive up prices on housing, making it even more unaffordable.

Homebuyer assistance from the public sector. Increasing investment in housing programs could help broaden the range of homes applicants can consider purchasing. For example, the City of Columbus’s Housing Division currently offers homebuyer assistance under its American Dream Downpayment Initiative (ADDI), which provides eligible first-time homebuyers with a loan of up to 6 percent of the purchase price (or up to $7,500) to put toward their down payment. 42 “American Dream Downpayment Initiative (ADDI) Program,” City of Columbus, accessed June 23, 2023. This loan is forgiven after five years if the resident meets certain requirements, including maintaining residency and not selling the property.

In Cleveland, Cuyahoga County’s Down Payment Assistance Program covers up to 10 percent of a home’s purchase price (or up to $16,600). 43 “Cuyahoga County Down Payment Assistance Program,” CHN Housing Capital, accessed June 23, 2023. This higher amount is especially significant given that the median sale price for a home in Columbus was $250,000 in December 2022, compared with $175,000 in Cuyahoga County and $115,000 in Cleveland itself. 44 “Columbus housing market,” Redfin, accessed June 23, 2023. The down payment program available in Cleveland provides greater assistance in real dollars in an area where those dollars can go further than in Columbus. Beyond affordable housing, assistance in the form of microloans and flexible funding programs have been shown to enable this transition. 45 Interval House, “How flexible funding can create stability and prevent homelessness,” Long Beach Community Foundation, accessed June 23, 2023.

Increasing the amount of assistance available could help broaden the options available to prospective homebuyers who could benefit from programs such as these, especially for historically marginalized communities that tend to have much lower rates of homeownership.

Rental assistance from the public sector. Some 54,000 households in the Columbus region are spending more than half their monthly incomes on rent, making rental assistance a cornerstone of the effort to improve housing affordability in the region. 46 Homeport website, US Department of Homeland Security and the United States Coast Guard, accessed June 23, 2023. Today, the State of Ohio and Franklin County have a number of rental assistance programs, including specific funds to help families, seniors, and veterans. 47 “Rent assistance providers,” Rentful, accessed June 23, 2023. Alternative programs, including flexible funding that allows for short-term, flexible financial assistance, could help stabilize individuals’ housing needs. 48 “How flexible funding can create stability,” accessed June 23, 2023.

Additionally, HUD subsidizes rent for low-income families. 49 A family’s income may not exceed 50 percent of the median income for the county or metropolitan area in which the family chooses to live, and 75 percent of vouchers must be provided to applicants whose income does not exceed 30 percent of the area median income. For more, see “Housing choice vouchers fact sheet,” HUD, accessed June 23, 2023. For fiscal year 2023, Columbus is allocated to receive approximately $12.7 million dollars in HUD funding for housing programs—approximately 16 percent more than Austin and 35 percent more than Denver 50 “Community Development Block Grant Program,” HUD, updated December 22, 2022; “HOME Investment Partnerships Program,” HUD, updated December 22, 2022; “Community planning and development formula program allocations for FY 2023,” HUD, updated May 3, 2023. —but the need for housing support exceeds the availability of funding. Columbus and Franklin County have also received more than $120 million combined due to the reallocation of unused federal COVID-19 relief funds to fight evictions, a majority of which is expected to go toward rent and utility assistance for low-income residents. 51 Bill Bush, “Columbus, Franklin County get over $120 million windfall in federal rental assistance,” Columbus Dispatch , May 8, 2023.

In addition, the Columbus City Council has made it illegal to deny a lease based on the source of a potential tenant’s rental payment—an effort to prevent landlords from denying leases to tenants using Section 8 subsidies. 52 Yilun Cheng, “Some landlords reject Section 8 renters despite Columbus law against discrimination,” Columbus Dispatch , February 8, 2022. The Columbus Metropolitan Housing Department has even offered cash incentives to landlords, and nonprofits have offered home upgrades in attempts to persuade more landlords to accept vouchers. 53 Jamilah Muhammad, “Central Ohio mother struggles to find homes accepting HUD vouchers,” Spectrum News 1, December 1, 2021. However, while these vouchers can effectively keep people housed, wait times to obtain them can be as long as 12 months. And about 30 percent of vouchers have expired over the past three years because participants could not find landlords in time. 54 “Some landlords reject Section 8 renters,” February 8, 2022. Streamlining the process from application to placement in subsidized housing could increase the impact of housing choice vouchers.

Potential interventions from the private sector

The private sector can take an active role in ensuring housing stability for both their employees and the communities where they operate by investing in and implementing sustainable-housing initiatives.

Three actions offer the potential for significant impact:

  • Offer housing assistance to employees. To build effective assistance plans, businesses can assess the specific needs of their employees and design targeted assistance, including employee housing, emergency housing assistance, down-payment assistance, and mortgage rate subsidies. Sugar Bowl Resort in California offers an array of affordable employee housing options near the resort. 1 “Employee housing,” Sugar Bowl Resort, accessed June 23, 2023. In Ohio, MetroHealth launched an employer-assisted housing program (EAHP), providing eligible employees $20,000 toward the purchase of a home near the hospital’s campus. 2 “MetroHealth System employees to receive up to $20,000 to buy a home near West 25th Street main campus,” MetroHealth System, June 24, 2019. Similarly, Habitat for Humanity in Dallas, Texas, started an EAHP with up to $13,000 in a forgivable loan for down payment assistance. 3 Lin Grensing-Pophal, “Employers begin offering home-buying support benefits,” SHRM, November 8, 2022.
  • Invest in increasing the supply of affordable housing. Businesses can invest in building new affordable-housing units in their communities. UnitedHealthcare has invested nearly $800 million to create approximately 19,000 housing units across the United States. 4 “Building health equity with $100 million in housing,” United HealthCare Services, July 6, 2022. In Columbus, Nationwide Children’s Hospital invests in the Healthy Neighborhoods Healthy Families initiative, which aims to increase access to and supply of affordable housing. And as businesses navigate a new hybrid phase of work and reassess their footprint needs, affordable housing is a powerful way to invest in and repurpose excess space. In Columbus, the owners of Continental Centre and PNC Tower have started converting office space to residential, creating hundreds of new rental units. 5 Dean Narciso, “Nationwide Children’s Hospital builds homes in South Linden with $4.2 million fund,” Columbus Dispatch , June 24, 2021.
  • Focus on affordable housing in site selection. Businesses can select sites for new locations based on availability of affordable housing, as well as give preference in requests for proposal (RFPs) to commercial real estate owners who invest in expanding affordable housing. 6 Bonnie Meibers, “Chase Tower in downtown Columbus could be converted from office to residential,” Columbus Business First , updated May 23, 2023.

Housing assistance from the private sector. Private-sector employers in Columbus and across the United States play a crucial role in helping employees maintain stable housing by providing appropriate compensation. However, simply paying employees a living wage may not be enough to ensure stable housing in the face of unexpected expenses or other financial difficulties. A recent Harvard Business Review article suggests that any investment in housing assistance can both attract new workers (a growing challenge for companies across the United States, with ten million unfilled jobs 55 “Total unfilled job vacancies for the United States,” Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, retrieved from FRED July 7, 2023. ) and increase the productivity of existing workers (for example, by creating a shorter commute or reducing stresses related to housing affordability). 56 Edward L. Glaeser and Atta Tarki, “What employers can do to address high housing costs,” Harvard Business Review , March 14, 2023. Other housing-security interventions—such as housing search and placement services, access to shower facilities, or even temporary hotel rooms—can support employees more quickly than local social services and also reduce employee turnover. Some corporate programs can provide immediate relief to recipients, while others can provide long-term benefits to at-risk individuals over the course of several years (see sidebar, “Potential interventions from the private sector”).

Any investment in housing assistance can both attract new workers and increase the productivity of existing workers.

Employers also can collaborate to provide a broader set of resources to employees. In Cleveland, for example, the Greater Living Circle offers financial assistance for home purchase, rent, and renovation projects for employees of nonprofit institutions in the Greater University Circle area, including in low-income neighborhoods. Such collaboration is also the goal of the Columbus Regional Housing Coalition, a task force focused on convening leaders across the region to address the region’s housing and homelessness challenges.

Prioritize tackling homelessness

Homelessness across the region served by the Columbus and Franklin County, Ohio Continuum of Care has increased by 33 percent in the past decade 57 The Columbus and Franklin County, Ohio Continuum of Care is the organization that oversees programs funded by HUD in the region. ; in January 2023, more than 2,300 people in the region were experiencing homelessness. 58 “Columbus region leaders introduce new action on homelessness,” June 6, 2023.

Improving awareness of available resources and expanding access to essential resources—such as healthcare, transitional housing, and training programs—can help alleviate challenges for PEH and reduce the homelessness rate across the region.

Improve awareness of existing resources. A recurring problem in approaches to homelessness is a lack of public awareness of resources available to PEH. This is especially a concern among people who have recently lost their source of housing, including young people (aged 18–24). Partnering with other organizations to increase awareness of and augment available resources can equip individuals with the means to self-resolve or seek help earlier. Even initiatives that partner with existing organizations can provide immediate relief. For example, in December 2022, the City of Columbus partnered with Columbus Coalition for the Homeless to launch an interactive map showing the locations of warming centers and homeless shelters to help individuals find places to keep warm in the winter months.

Expand essential resources to alleviate homelessness. Expanding access to essential resources will be necessary to combat the increase in homelessness. Health resources make it much more likely that PEH will remain housed after securing a more permanent living situation. For PEH who have health issues such as substance abuse or severe mental health disorders, long-term health-focused housing should be considered. Efforts that expand housing with easily available healthcare resources could provide both immediate and gradually increasing support in reducing chronic homelessness. These resources can be combined with existing techniques for ensuring PEH have the resources they need to secure permanent housing. Other innovative solutions such as alternatives to traditional security deposits and credit scores can support PEH who may not have enough savings for a security deposit or the credit history to be approved for a loan.

One emerging strategy is providing training to PEH by placing them in some form of transitional housing and helping them find employment so that they can remain housed. Portland, Oregon, and other cities have also amended zoning to allow for more homeless shelters and more flexible group living, while increasing access to resources PEH may need. 59 “Warming stations,” City of Columbus, accessed June 23, 2023; Lindsey Mills, “Columbus leaders, community partners launch interactive map for warming centers, homeless shelters,” WBNS-TV, December 19, 2022. In Columbus, the Community Shelter Board (CSB) serves thousands of people through programs to prevent and respond to homelessness, including partnering with landlords to create additional housing capacity for PEH and with the Homelessness Prevention Network to coordinate social services in the community for PEH. 60 “Major updates to the City’s housing-related zoning rules coming August 1,” City of Portland, Oregon, July 16, 2021.

As Columbus’s population continues to grow, stressors that come from growth need to be understood and mitigated head-on through innovative approaches. Through a focus on housing development, the region’s public, private, and civic leaders are seeking to improve housing security while supporting economic development. By setting clear goals to increase the overall housing supply, reduce the cost of new construction, provide support to improve housing affordability, and assist those who are currently experiencing homelessness, 61 Community Shelter Board website, accessed June 23, 2023. Columbus could make significant strides toward sustainable and inclusive growth, set an example for other regions, and ensure that all who wish to reside here can find a place of their own to call home.

Brandon Carrus is a senior partner in, and managing partner of, McKinsey’s Ohio office, where Seth Myers is a partner and Brian Parro is an associate partner; Duwain Pinder is a partner in the Ohio office and is a leader of the McKinsey Institute for Black Economic Mobility; Ben Safran is a partner in the Washington, DC, office.

The authors wish to thank Kyoka Allen, Charlie Baca, Laura Hempton, and Sarthak Soni for their contributions to this article.

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The infuence of model building schemes and molecular dynamics sampling on qm-cluster models: the chorismate mutase case study.

Most QM-cluster models of enzymes are constructed based on X-ray crystal structures, which limits comparison to in vivo structure and mechanism. The active site of chorismate mutase from Bacillus subtilis and the enzymatic transformation of chorismate to prephenate is used as a case study to guide construction of QM-cluster models built rst from the X-ray crystal structure, then from molecular dynamics (MD) simulation snapshots. The Residue Interaction Network-based ResidUe Selector (RINRUS) software toolkit, developed by our group to simplify and automate the construction of QM-cluster models, is expanded to handle MD to QM-cluster model workflows. Several options, some employing novel topological clustering from Residue Interaction Network (RIN) information, are evaluated for generating conformational clustering from MD simulation. RINRUS then generates a statistical thermodynamic framework for QM-cluster modeling of the chorismate mutase mechanism via re fining 250 MD frames with Density Functional Theory (DFT). The 250 QM-cluster models sampled provide a mean ΔG↕ of 10.3 ± 2.6 kcal mol^-1 compared to the experimental value of 15.4 kcal mol^-1 at 25 degrees C. While the difference between theory and experiment is consequential, the level of theory used is modest and therefore chemical" accuracy is unexpected. More important are the comparisons made between QM-cluster models designed from the X-ray crystal structure versus those from MD frames. The large variations in kinetic and thermodynamic properties arise from geometric changes in the ensemble of QM-cluster models, rather from the composition of the QM-cluster models or from the active site-solvent interface. The fi ndings open the way for further quantitative and reproducible calibration in the field of computational enzymology using the model construction framework afforded with the RINRUS software toolkit.

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D. A. Agbaglo, T. J. Summers, Q. Cheng and N. J. DeYonker, Phys. Chem. Chem. Phys. , 2024, Accepted Manuscript , DOI: 10.1039/D3CP06100K

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