strain theory research paper

The Palgrave Handbook of Australian and New Zealand Criminology, Crime and Justice pp 543–556 Cite as

Strain Theory and Crime

Li Eriksson 3 &
Lisa Broidy 4
First Online: 05 November 2017

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Despite the plethora of international research supporting anomie and strain theories, comparatively few studies have examined the impact of anomie and strain on crime and delinquency within an Australian or New Zealand context. In this chapter, we detail the historical and contemporary theoretical development of anomie and strain theories. Having focussed on adolescent offending and gender differences in offending, we then review the international and local literature to show the relevance of General Strain Theory (GST) for explaining these issues in the trans-Tasman context. Our review of this literature suggests the applicability of GST to crime and delinquency and speaks to the utility of explicitly testing these mechanisms in Australia and New Zealand.

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Eriksson, L., Broidy, L. (2017). Strain Theory and Crime. In: Deckert, A., Sarre, R. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Australian and New Zealand Criminology, Crime and Justice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-55747-2_36

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Strain Theories

Introduction, general overviews.

Early Tests and Evaluations
Revival of Classic Strain Theory
Revival at the Macro-Level
Revisions in Classic Strain Theory
Tests of General Strain Theory
The Role of Emotions in General Strain Theory
Conditioning the Effect of Strain
Race and Ethnicity
Age and the Life-Course
Community and Societal Differences in Crime
Cross-Cultural Studies
GST Applied to Particular Crimes
GST Applied to Particular Groups
Examining Particular Strains

Other Subject Areas

Forthcoming articles expand or collapse the "forthcoming articles" section.

Education Programs in Prison
Mixed Methods Research in Criminal Justice and Criminology
Victim Impact Statements
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Strain Theories by Robert Agnew , Heather Scheuerman LAST REVIEWED: 05 December 2014 LAST MODIFIED: 29 May 2015 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195396607-0005

Strain theories state that certain strains or stressors increase the likelihood of crime. These strains lead to negative emotions, such as frustration and anger. These emotions create pressure for corrective action, and crime is one possible response. Crime may be used to reduce or escape from strain, seek revenge against the source of strain or related targets, or alleviate negative emotions. For example, individuals experiencing chronic unemployment may engage in theft or drug selling to obtain money, seek revenge against the person who fired them, or take illicit drugs in an effort to feel better. The major versions of strain theory describe 1) the particular strains most likely to lead to crime, 2) why strains increase crime, and 3) the factors that lead a person to or dissuade a person from responding to strains with crime. All strain theories acknowledge that only a minority of strained individuals turn to crime. Emile Durkheim developed the first modern strain theory of crime and deviance, but Merton’s classic strain theory and its offshoots came to dominate criminology during the middle part of the 20th century. Classic strain theory focuses on that type of strain involving the inability to achieve monetary success or the somewhat broader goal of middle-class status. Classic strain theory fell into decline during the 1970s and 1980s, partly because research appeared to challenge it. There were several attempts to revise strain theory, most arguing that crime may result from the inability to achieve a range of goals—not just monetary success or middle-class status. Robert Agnew developed his general strain theory (GST) in 1992, and it has since become the leading version of strain theory and one of the major theories of crime. GST focuses on a broad range of strains, including the inability to achieve a variety of goals, the loss of valued possessions, and negative treatment by others. GST has been applied to a range of topics, including the explanation of gender, race/ethnicity, age, community, and societal differences in crime rates. It has also been applied to many types of crime and deviance, including corporate crime, police deviance, bullying, suicide, terrorism, and eating disorders. Much evidence suggests that the strains identified by GST increase the likelihood of crime, although the predictions of GST about the types of people most likely to respond to these strains with crime have received less support.

Strain theories are among the leading theories of crime and so are routinely discussed in textbooks, handbooks, and encyclopedia dealing with crime theories. The selections by Agnew and Brezina 2010 ; Akers and Sellers 2012 ; Bernard, et al. 2009 ; and Kubrin, et al. 2009 are among the better overviews of strain theory—each with particular strengths described below. They are suitable for everyone from undergraduates through professional criminologists. The readers by Passas and Agnew 1997 and Adler and Laufer 1995 are intended for graduate students and professionals. They both contain reviews, tests, and extensions of the leading strain theories. Certain of these selections also discuss anomie theory, which is closely related to strain theory. Anomie refers to a breakdown in social regulation or “normlessness,” and it may lead to strain at the individual level. See entry Anomie .

Adler, Freda, and William S. Laufer, eds. 1995. The legacy of anomie theory . Advances in Criminological Theory 6. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

Edited volume begins with an introduction by Robert Merton, who reviews and extends his classic strain theory, followed by a range of articles that review, apply, test, and extend strain theory.

Agnew, Robert, and Timothy Brezina. 2010. Strain theories. In Sage handbook of criminological theory . Edited by Eugene McLaughlin and Tim Newburn. London: SAGE.

Provides an overview of the leading versions of strain theory; noteworthy for its coverage of general strain theory.

Akers, Ronald L., and Christine S. Sellers. 2012. Criminological theories: Introduction, evaluation, and application . 5th ed. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

One chapter provides an overview of the leading strain/anomie theories and the research on them.

Bernard, Thomas J., Jeffrey B. Snipes, and Alexander L. Gerould. 2009. Vold’s theoretical criminology . 6th ed. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

The strain theories chapter in this text provides an especially good discussion of the development of the classic strain theories of Merton, Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin; the attacks on these theories; and the relationship between strain and anomie theories.

Kubrin, Charis E., Thomas D. Stucky, and Marvin D. Krohn. 2009. Researching theories of crime and deviance . New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

One chapter provides an overview of classic strain theory and general strain theory, with an extended discussion of how key concepts in these theories have been measured and how the theories have been tested.

Passas, Nikos, and Robert Agnew, eds. 1997. The future of anomie theory . Boston: Northeastern Univ. Press.

This edited volume features an introduction and eight chapters that test, apply, and extend strain and anomie theories—often by linking them to concepts in other areas, such as reference groups, identity, organizations, social capital, and social support.

Users without a subscription are not able to see the full content on this page. Please subscribe or login .

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GENERAL STRAIN THEORY, PERSISTENCE, AND DESISTANCE AMONG YOUNG ADULT MALES

Despite the surge in scholarly activity investigating the criminal career, relatively less attention has been devoted to the issue of criminal desistance versus persistence (until recently). The present study contributed to our understanding of this process by exploring the suitability of General Strain Theory (GST) for predicting changes in criminal activity across time.

Data from a longitudinal study of males in South Florida are examined using robust regression analyses.

The core GST relationship, that changes in strain should predict changes in criminal activity, was supported, even after controlling for important adult social roles such as marriage, labor force participation, and education. While no support for the proposition that changes in self-esteem and social support moderate the strain-criminal desistance association was evinced, evidence was found that angry disposition, a measure of negative emotionality, moderated the association between change in chronic stressors and change in criminal activity.

Conclusions

While exploratory in nature, these findings demonstrate the utility of employing GST principles in studies of criminal desistance.

Research examining the criminal career has grown dramatically during the past quarter century. Developmental and life course theories have focused on the transitions, experiences, and changes that occur during young adulthood that help explain the dimensions of participation, frequency, seriousness, persistence and career length of criminal activity during adulthood. And while a voluminous research exists exploring these issues, the dimension of criminal desistance, while emerging as an important dimension to study, has been “downplayed or over-looked” ( Gunnison & Mazerolle, 2007 , p. 231) until recently. Indeed, a number of scholars have taken note of the dearth of understanding about the causal processes that lead one to reduce or discontinue their criminal activity ( Kazemian, 2007 ; Laub & Sampson, 2001 ; Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003 ), although interest in understanding desistance is clearly increasing.

Despite this increased focus on understanding the desistance process, Piquero, Farrington, and Blumstein note in their review of criminal career research that, “more needs to be done to identify the effect of various events and experiences that lead persons into and out of crime” (2003, p. 392). One such explanation that is well situated to address that question but has yet to be fully utilized is Agnew's general strain theory (GST). Since its introduction by Agnew (1992) , the merits of GST as an explanation of crime and delinquency have been well established. A voluminous number of published articles have found support for many of its basic principles, including the core notion that cumulative and increased exposure to strains serves as a risk factor for crime and delinquency ( Agnew & Brezina, 1997 ; Aseltine et al., 2000 ; Brezina, 1998 , 1999 ; Broidy, 2001 ; Eitle & Turner, 2002 ; Hoffman & Cerbone, 1999 ; Hoffman & Miller, 1998 ; Mazerolle, 1998 ; Mazerolle & Maahs, 2000 ; Mazerolle & Piquero, 1997 ; 1998 ; Mazerolle et al., 2000 ; Paternoster & Mazerolle, 1994 ). And while some components of the model have not enjoyed a preponderance of support from extant studies (e.g., the notion that several factors may moderate the strain-crime/deviance relationship [ Agnew, Brezina, Wright, & Cullen, 2002 , p. 43]), the impact of GST on criminological scholarship is truly noteworthy.

Despite this history, the utility in applying GST to issues central to developmental criminology has yet to be tested. While Agnew (1997 , p. 101) acknowledged that such approaches to explaining crime have been dominated (on the sociological front) by social learning and social control theories, there are compelling arguments, forwarded by Agnew (2006) , that GST is aptly suited to contribute to our understanding of the process of desistance versus persistence. This study used data from a longitudinal study of youth in South Florida to examine whether GST can indeed contribute to our understanding of desistance and persistence in crime.

In response to studies that had failed to support traditional strain theory's core proposition that the inability to achieve desired goals such as middle-class status or economic success would motivate adolescents to engage in delinquency, Agnew (1992) extended classic strain theory by focusing on other possible sources of strain (defined as events or conditions that are disliked by individuals [ Agnew, 2006 , p. 4]). Instead of one general strain-producing source, Agnew identified three major sources: 1) the failure to achieve positively valued goals, including the disjunction between expectations and actual outcomes and the perception of what would be a fair or just outcome and actual outcomes; 2) the removal (or threat of removal) of positively valued stimuli that the actor already possesses (e.g., the death of a parent or the loss of a girlfriend); and 3) presentation with noxious or negatively valued stimuli, such as abuse. Agnew argued that much of this strain originates from negative relationships that the person has with others and the negative emotions (both emotional states and traits, with the latter being linked to cumulative exposure to strains) such as anger, frustration, and resentment that result from these relationships. The corrective response to these negative emotions may take the form of crime (especially when the costs of crime are relatively low, the individual is experiencing low levels of social control, and the individual is disposed to commit crime; Agnew 2006 ), with the behavioral solution being instrumental (get back what one lost), retaliatory (strike out against the perceived cause of the stress), or escapist (e.g., engage in substance use to alleviate the displeasure from the negative emotional state) in nature. One can manage these strains legitimately if the actor has effective coping mechanisms, however. Such moderating variables include one's self-concept, one's level of social support, mastery and problem-solving skills ( Agnew, 1992 ). Agnew argued that individuals who are self-efficacious, who have extensive social support networks, and who have a positive self-concept are less likely to resort to crime or deviance in response to exposure to strains. In addition, the inclination of one's peers towards (or against) deviance can affect whether an individual is likely to turn to crime in response to strain (although chronic exposure to strain increases the likelihood that an individual will join with criminal others; Agnew, 2006 , p. 43). Thus, explaining crime involves not only the level of exposure to strains but also the extent and type of coping mechanisms available to the individual and the individual's peer associations.

While GST has been subjected to a number of empirical tests of its propositions, there has been very little effort to this point to extend and integrate the core tenets of the theory to life course criminology. Indeed, Agnew (1997) argued that criticisms of traditional strain theories may help explain this neglect—early strain explanations were roundly criticized because they could not explain the decrease in frequency and the desistance from crime that begins for many offenders in early adulthood ( Agnew, 1997 , p. 101). The logical inference derived from early strain theories is that crime should increase in early adulthood as young people became more cognizant of their limited opportunities for success ( Greenberg, 1977 ; Agnew, 1997 ). Agnew's revised strain explanation, however, circumvents this criticism by proffering a compelling explanation for understanding why many youthful offenders dramatically reduce their participation in crime in early adulthood. According to Agnew (1997 , 2006 ), GST can be integrated with biological, psychological, and sociological explanations, specifically social control and social learning theories, to explain this pattern of criminal offending, which Moffitt (1993) refers to as “adolescent-limited” offenders. 1 Logically, GST suggests that adolescents are more likely to engage in crime and deviance than either children or adults because they are a) more likely to experience strains (and in particular, strains conducive to crime); and b) are more likely to resort to crime as a coping strategy ( Agnew, 2006 , p. 111).

A number of factors converge to increase the risk of experiencing strains for adolescents. According to Agnew, adolescents a) experience lower levels of social control than children, which lowers the amount of protection against harms and strains afforded to teens by parents and other loved ones; b) are more likely to associate with delinquent peers, who in turn are more likely to get into conflicts with each other and those outside of the peer group; c) live in a larger, more demanding social world, with increased interactions governed by subtle social cues, resulting in an increased risk of failure and/or negative treatment by peers, teachers, and others; d) greater likelihood of viewing their world as aversive (due to a combination of increased egocentrism during the teen years and a tendency to blame others for problems); and e) limited autonomy to pursue desires and immediate goals, including privileges reserved for adults ( Agnew, 1997 , 2006 ). This likelihood of greater exposure to strains (for adolescents) is exacerbated due to an increased risk of employing crime as a coping strategy. Agnew suggests that teens have poorer problem-solving and social skills than adults (children have poor skills as well but are subjected to greater protection from parents) because they are inexperienced in using coping skills. Additionally, adolescents tend to lack important coping options available to adults, such as escape (e.g., leaving an abusive home or dropping out of school) or money (which often facilitates legal coping in response to strains). Adolescents, compared to younger children, are more likely to employ crime as a coping strategy because of the reduced cost of crime (because of the lower social control experienced by teens) and if they are exposed to delinquent peers, are more likely to use crime to cope because of peer pressure, socialization, and as a “face-saving strategy” ( Agnew, 1997 ). Hence, crime and deviance should peak during adolescence because of the convergence between greater exposure/experience with strains and the increased likelihood of coping with the resultant negative affect experienced by engaging in crime/deviance.

General Strain Theory, Persistence, and Desistance from Crime

While GST can help make sense of the peak in crime and deviant activity in adolescence for many offenders, it can also be used to explain persistence versus desistance from crime in young adulthood. Although it is a core dimension of life course criminology, research into the correlates of such processes is relatively limited ( Kazemian, 2007 ; Gunnison & Mazerolle, 2007 ; Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990 ; Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003 ). Laub and Sampson (2001) , in a comprehensive review of the issue, have noted that conceptual, definitional, and measurement issues have limited research exploring the issues of desistance and persistence, despite its importance in developmental criminology. At the conceptual level, the notion of desistance is problematic because, as Maruna wrote, “desistance from crime is an unusual dependent variable for criminologists because it is not an event that happens, but rather it is the sustained absence of a certain type of event (in this case, crime)” (2001, p.17; as quoted in Laub & Sampson, 2001 , p. 5). Further, there is debate as to whether the causes of desistance are simply the opposites of the causes of onset of criminal behavior ( Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990 ), or if there exists notable distinctions in the correlates of each ( Farrington, 1992 ; Uggen & Piliavin, 1998 ). Additionally, a number of scholars have noted that there is no agreed upon definition of desistance ( Bushway et al., 2001 ; Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003 ; Laub & Sampson, 2001 ; Kazemian, 2007 ). Some scholars have proffered a definition of desistance as a process rather than a state ( Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990 ; Bushway et al., 2001 ; Maruna, 2001 ), emphasizing a reduction in the rate of offending, increased specialization and participation in more minor (as opposed to serious) offenses. This lack of a consistent definition for desistance has helped foster a number of different operational definitions of desistance (see Kazemian, 2007 , p. 9 for a table presenting a number of different operational definitions of desistance). 2 Yet despite these significant encumbrances, understanding the factors underlying desistance versus continued involvement in crime in adulthood has important theoretical and policy implications, particularly if there are distinctive correlates of desistance that are not merely the opposite of the factors associated with onset ( Kazemian, 2007 ).

Agnew (1997 , 2006 ) has proposed a number of propositions derived from GST that explains the processes of desistance and persistence as well. In short, Agnew argued that deceleration from the peak of criminal activity among many adolescents occurs in adulthood because of two factors: a) a reduction in strains; and b) increased likelihood of coping with strains without resorting to crime. Agnew argued that as adolescents transition into adulthood, their social world “begins to narrow and they have more control over the nature of this world” (2006, p.114). Adults are (increasingly) able to exercise more control and autonomy over their work and where they live, they have a smaller, more intimate circle of friends, gravitate towards one romantic partner, and experience less turnover in significant others, such as co-workers, romantic partners, and friends ( Agnew, 2006 , p. 114). Reduced strain is a likely occurrence for many adults, although Agnew also acknowledged that not all adults experience such a reduction.

In addition to a reduction in strain, adults become more experienced with employing coping strategies beyond crime and deviance. Indeed, adults are more likely to possess important resources such as power and money that allow them to manage strain in legal ways. Furthermore, Agnew suggested that adults, living in more private worlds than adolescents, are more successful in employing cognitive coping strategies such as a reinterpretation of negative events—other peers may both challenge such reinterpretations and remind the youth that they had experienced negative treatment ( Agnew, 1997 , p. 121). As Agnew noted, possessing such resources allows individuals to “increase their bargaining power when dealing with others who treat them in a negative manner” ( Agnew, 2006 , p.118).

While Agnew did not apply these propositions specifically to the issues of desistance and persistence, their application is relatively straightforward. Desistance among young adults should be associated with both the extent of negative events and relations experienced and with the quality of the social and personal resources available that reduce the likelihood of employing crime or deviant behavior as a coping mechanism. With regards to the issue of exposure to strains, GST suggests that desistance is more likely to occur among adults experiencing fewer negative events and negative relationships (compared to those persisting in crime). Assumed in this discussion is that there exists significant variation in the amount of strain experienced by individuals in young adulthood. Indeed, Agnew (2006) suggested that adults who fail to find loving relationships, get decent jobs, and marshal the resources necessary to make changes in their lives that reduce exposure to negative events and relations will likely not experience fewer strains in adulthood. 3

Variation in social and personal resources should also be associated with desistance, according to GST. This expectation should manifest itself in a couple of ways. First, Agnew argued that adults are less likely to find themselves in situations conducive to criminal coping, because they are less likely to have deviant peers—friends who may place pressure on an individual to resort to crime as a face-saving strategy (1997, p. 123). Indeed, Warr (1998) suggested that transitions into such adult roles as marriage may reduce criminal behavior because of the impact such a bond has on the disruption of friendships with deviant peers and a reduction in criminal opportunities. There is obvious variation among young adults in their exposure to criminal peers, however. Adults with few or no criminal peers would be more likely to desist from crime than their counterparts. And second, Agnew (2006) suggested that adolescents have less social support than adults, or at least are less likely to share their problems and ask for support from parents and other loved ones. This suggests that among adults, differences in social support should be associated with criminal desistance.

Recently, Slocum (2010) extended Agnew's discussion of the applicability of GST to the issue of stability and change in criminal careers. Her rich extension of GST principles to these issues included an elaboration on the various pathways in which personality traits such as negative emotionality are associated with stability and change in criminality (by potentially increasing the likelihood of the person actively selecting into stressful situations, by being reared in stressful environs that cultivate/give rise to the development of negative emotionality, and by being shaped in a deviance-stressor amplification cycle, or what Agnew referred to as an amplifying loop; 1997; p. 124). Slocum also argued that negative emotionality may serve as an important moderator (amplifier) of strain-crime relationships ( Agnew et al., 2002 ). According to Agnew et al. (2002) , individuals high in negative emotionality have a tendency to experience events as aversive, to attribute these events to the malicious behavior of others, to experience intense emotional reactions to these events …, and to be disposed to respond to such events in an aggressive or antisocial manner (p. 46; also cited in Slocum, 2010 ; p. 3). Hence, individuals that are high in negative emotionality may be expected to exhibit a stronger association between stress exposure and criminal behavior, both at one point in time and across the life course.

In addition to such individual differences/traits, Slocum also elaborated on other GST-based pathways to explaining persistence in criminal behavior. Among the pathways that she identified as crucial to understanding persistence is: a) the role of cumulative exposure to stressors (lifetime exposure to stressors can shape contemporary response to stressors in a number of ways, including depletion of coping resources and shaping cognitive strategies to respond to stressor exposure in deviant ways; Slocum, 2010 , pg. 9), and b) the role of chronic stressors (enduring, day-to-day stressful situations) in producing stress proliferation (defined as “the expansion or emergence of stressors within and beyond a situation whose stressfulness was initially more circumscribed” ( Pearlin, Aneshensel, & LeBlanc, 1997 p. 223; as cited in Slocum, 2010 , p. 11).

Despite the aforementioned reasons for expanding GST to understanding criminal desistance and stability, there are virtually no published studies that have examined how GST principles can be used to predict such processes. The lone exception is a study by Gunnison and Mazerolle (2007) , who used data from the National Youth Survey and examined desistance in both serious and less serious crimes from a variety of theoretical approaches, including GST. Using measures of occupation strain, a measure of neighborhood problems, negative life events checklists for both the respondent and parents and a measure of negative relations with adults, they found that there were significant differences in the degree of strain experienced by desisters versus persisters (specifically the measures of neighborhood problems and negative relations with adults), but found that only the measure of negative relations with adults reached statistical significance once other predictors were included. 4 Additionally, Hoffman and Cerbone (1999) used four years of longitudinal data to investigate the association between social stress exposure and delinquency among young teens. While not examining the issues of desistance and stability in adulthood per se, the results of their growth curve analysis revealed that increased exposure to social stressors did serve to increase involvement in delinquency over time. While both of these studies are provocative, a more comprehensive test of GST principles to the issues of desistance and persistence in criminal activity in adulthood is warranted.

In sum, GST theory can be extended to contribute to our understanding changes in criminal activity (including desistance and persistence) in three ways: a) by expecting that desisters would experience a decrease in negative relations and events; b) expecting that enhancements in social and personal resources will serve to moderate (and weaken) the association between strain and criminal activity over time; and c) expecting that negative emotionality will serve to amplify (moderate) the association between changes in strain and criminal activity. On this basis, GST can be extended to predict differences in changes in criminal activity in adulthood.

Data and Methods

The sample used to gather the data analyzed in the present study is drawn from a longitudinal study of adolescents attending Miami-Dade public schools ( Vega & Gil, 1998 ). The initial study was designed to assess risk and protective factors associated with male adolescent substance use and deviance. In the original study, all 48 of the county's middle schools and all 25 high schools participated (as did alternative schools). The original study was a three wave panel study that initially surveyed students when they were in the 6 th or 7 th grade during the 1990/1991 school year. 5 These respondents were subsequently surveyed twice more, in the 1991/92 and 1992/93 school years respectively 6 .

Funding was received to add an additional two waves of data collection, which was the data utilized in the present study. Time 4 data collection was conducted in 1998–2000, when 93 percent of the respondents were between the ages of nineteen and twenty-one. A stratified random sample of 1,300 male participants was selected for the additional two waves of data collection. Information on 1,264 of these male prior participants ultimately was released to the field staff. Although a significant number of the target sample had left the area to attend college or for other reasons, 76.4 percent of subjects studied previously at time 4 were successfully interviewed. Time 5 interviews were conducted approximately two years later with a subset of 660 randomly selected males interviewed in Time 4, which represented a success rate of 81.5 percent. A comparison of the sub-sample interviewed in Time 5 with the sample interviewed in Time 4 on 14 dimensions revealed that the sub-sample was representative of those interviewed in Time 4 ( Turner, Russell, Glover, and Hutto, 2007 ). In the present study, males who had participated in all of interviews (i.e., both as pre/early adolescents [Times 1–3] and young adults [Time 4 and Time 5]) and for whom complete data on the variables of interest were available were included. This screening produced a sample of n=648. 7

The original sample was drawn so as to achieve roughly equal representation of non-Hispanic Whites, African Americans, persons of Cuban heritage, and “other Hispanics.” Recognizing the existence of obvious but important cultural variations within ethnic statuses, the present analyses excluded respondents who self-reported their ethnic status as African Haitian or African Caribbean (to minimize the effects of such variations on our results). The sub sample assessed in the present paper consisted of approximately 28 percent White non-Hispanic, 25 percent African American, 24 percent Cuban, and 23 percent non-Cuban Hispanics. A full description of the context and design associated with the earlier (i.e., first three waves) study has been reported by elsewhere ( Warheit, 1998 ), as well as a summary of the findings ( Vega & Gil, 1998 ). A detailed summary of Time 4 and 5 data collection has also been published ( Turner & Gil, 2002 ).

Dependent Variable: Changes in Criminal Activity

One obvious quandary for researchers exploring criminal desistance and persistence is how to operationally define it. A number of scholars have noted that there appears to be no universal definition about the length of time that one remains free of criminal offending to `qualify' for desistance, or whether desistance is even a state or a process ( Gunnison & Mazerolle, 2007 ; Bushway, Thornberry, & Krohn, 2003 ; Steffensmeier & Ulmer, 2005 ). Farrington (2007 , p. 125) noted that desistance refers to both the empirical variable of the observed termination of offending, and the theoretical construct of “decreases in underlying frequency, variety, or seriousness of offending.” Accepting this later definition, the present analyses utilized a dependent variable that is the change in self-reported criminal activity score . This measure is based on a variety score of crime, which captures offense specific involvement in a number of different criminal acts. A total of eight items are used to capture a diverse array of illegal behaviors, including (1) using force to get money or expensive things from another person, (2) breaking and entry, (3) damaging or destroying property that didn't belong to one, (4) taking a car for a ride without the owner's permission, (5) taking something worth more than fifty dollars when you weren't supposed to, (6) carrying a hand gun when you went out, (7) taking more than twenty dollars from family or friends without permission, and (8) taking part in gang fights. 8 The questions asked the respondent to report whether they had committed each of the offenses over the past month. Hindelang, Hirschi, and Weis (1981) have argued that `variety' measures of crime and deviance are more valid and reliable compared to `frequency' measures that are typically employed (see also Rowe, Rodgers, & Mescek-Bushey, 1992 ). In order to capture change in such behavior (form Wave 4 to Wave 5), a change score was calculated from the standardized scores from Wave 4 and Wave 5.

Independent Variables

Strain measures.

Three domains of social stress were considered in the study: recent life events, enduring or chronic stressors, and the lifetime occurrence of major and potentially traumatic events. Two domains—recent life events and chronic stressors—capture strains experienced by the respondent in the past year. Recent Life Events is comprised of a checklist of thirty-three events occurring over the past year at the time of the interview. The events included are typical of those included in a variety of other event lists (e.g. Avison & Turner, 1988 ; Sarason, Johnson, & Siegel, 1978 ; Turner, Wheaton, & Lloyd, 1995 ). Chronic Stressors measure those everyday stressful conditions that are more continuous (versus discrete events) without a natural endpoint. A measure composed of thirty-six items was developed using the logic and items of Wheaton's (1991 ; 1994 ; see also Turner et al., 1995 ) measure as a starting point. Modifications applied to the instrument were based on the judgment of the research team and focus group sessions with groups of young adults of African American and Hispanic heritage. These changes were designed to better capture enduring stressors likely to be experienced by young persons in young adulthood. Included in this inventory (measured at time 5) is such aspects as general or ambient stress (three items), employment stress (five items), unemployment stress (one item), relationship stress (six items), childcare stress (three items), residence stress (six items), school-related stress (five items), and stress related to relationships with parents/guardians (seven items). 9 Changes scores for both recent life events and chronic stressors were calculated from the standardized scores from Wave 4 and Wave 5.

In addition to exposure to strains in the past year, a cumulative measure of exposure to strains is also considered to capture the influence of cumulative strains on criminal activity. Lifetime Negative Events are assessed by forty-three items (measured at time 4; tally transformed into a standardized score) addressed to the occurrence of violent, traumatic, and other significant adverse events that have occurred over one's entire life. There is compelling evidence that such events can have behavioral and mental health consequences despite occurring years or even decades earlier ( Turner & Lloyd, 1999 ; Kessler & Magee, 1994 ; Rutter, 1989 ; Lauer & Lauer, 1991 ) and may contribute to stability in offending by shaping one's contemporary reaction to stress exposure ( Slocum, 2010 ). Included in this checklist were questions about major adverse events such as divorce, abandonment, parental substance use problems and grade failure (eleven items), death events (eight items), other traumatic events that occurred to the respondent, such as being physically abused, sexually assaulted, or involved in a serious accident (thirteen items), and items capturing what Agnew refers to as vicarious strains, which includes witnessing violent events, such as seeing someone killed or a parent being abused by a spouse (six items), and receiving traumatic news, such as the rape or suicide of someone you knew (five items). Multiple occurrences of the same event are not included in the overall count. Appendix A reports the items used to comprise the social stressors inventories.

Personal and Social Resources

Five change scores were calculated to capture changes from wave 4 to wave 5 in one's personal and social resources. Social Support is a global measure of perceived social support constructed by combining scales measuring perceived social support from family (eight items) and friends (eight items). A mean score was calculated over the number of questions that the respondent answered to develop a measure of global social support. Higher scores in the change measure reflect increases in social support (from wave 4 to wave 5; Cronbach's alpha = .90). Self-esteem is measured by using a six-item index developed by Rosenberg (1979) , with higher change scores indicating increased self-esteem from wave 4 to wave 5 (Cronbach's alpha = .77). Number of friends arrested was included as a change score, capturing the reported number of friends that have been arrested in the past year for a crime. The available responses included: 1) none; 2) very few; 3) a few; 4) some; 5) many; and 6) all. Mastery is measured by employing a seven item index developed by Pearlin and Schooler (1978) , with higher scores representing greater belief that one control's their life-chances (Cronbach's alpha =.71). Moral beliefs is a six item summated scale that is a subset of Harding and Phillips' (1986) morally debatable behaviors scale. It reflects the extent to which the respondent believes it is just to engage in unlawful/immoral behaviors (i.e., claiming government benefits not entitled to you, cheating on taxes, buying stolen goods, joyriding, not paying for public transportation, lying in your own interest). Higher scores indicate weaker moral inhibitions (Cronbach's alpha = .79).

Angry Disposition

Angry disposition is measured by using five items derived from Jesness' (1988) personality inventory. These items include such statements as “I seem to blow up over little things that really don't matter very much”; “I get angry very quickly”; “At times I feel like blowing up over little things”; “When I get really angry, I'll do just about anything”; and “I can't seem to take much kidding or teasing.” Each of these statements had responses that ranged from “very true” to “somewhat true” to “not at all true.” The reliability for the angry disposition scale is .82. While no change score was calculated for angry disposition (the data did not include these items at wave 4), there is evidence that such negative emotionality is a relatively stable trait across the life span ( Caspi and Roberts, 2001 ).

In the present study, angry disposition is treated as an indicator of negative emotionality, defined as a tendency to experience negative emotions ( Miller & Lyman, 2001 , p. 770, as referenced in Slocum, 2010 , p. 3). Agnew and colleagues (2002 ; pg. 46) posited that negative emotionality, as a personality trait, serves to moderate the association between strain and crime. However, trait anger (angry disposition) has also been theorized as a consequence of strain and measures of trait anger have been used to test whether anger mediates the strain-crime relationship, with several studies finding support for such a mediating effect ( Aseltine et al., 2000 ; Broidy, 2001 ; Mazerolle et al., 2000 ; Mazerolle & Piquero, 1997 , 1998 ). Furthermore, Mazerolle, Piquero, and Capowich (2003) argue that while related, GST theory posits that situational , not trait anger is the consequence of strain exposure that mediates the strain-crime relationship. Indeed, Agnew and colleagues (2002 ; pg. 55) insinuate that because negative emotionality is largely captured by trait anger scales, and hence may partially mediate the association between strain and crime, negative emotionality conditions the effect of strain on such behavior as well.

Demographic Variables

The influence of race and ethnicity was considered in the analysis. Race / ethnicity is a self-reported measure comprised of four categories: Cuban-Americans, African-Americans, and others of Hispanic origin are each dummy-coded in the analyses, while White, non-Hispanics are the omitted category. A measure of education was also considered, which is dummy coded for three discrete categories: high school graduate, some college (including trade/vocational school beyond high school) and college graduate. Respondents with less than a high school degree were the omitted category. Hours worked is included as a measure of labor force involvement; it has been calculated as a change score (work hours from wave 4 to wave 5). Finally, marital status was also considered, with dummy codes indicating married or divorced (never married is the omitted category).

Table 1 presents the summary statistics for the variables included in the analyses. What is not told by the reported statistics, however, is the fact that most respondents are reporting that they did not commit a crime in the past month (in wave 5): only 7.72 percent of the respondents report having committed at least one crime in the past month. Relatively to the percentage of respondents who reported that they had committed at least one crime in the past month in wave 4, 31.79 percent, it is apparent that this group was largely desisting from crime during this period of time. Likewise, the changes in exposure to social stressors over time follows an expected pattern: a slight decrease in the mean exposure to recent life events (3.70 to 2.61) from wave 4 to wave 5, but a substantial increase in reported exposure to chronic stressors (13.76 to 35.12), as the respondents take on more adult responsibilities and challenges. Such increases in exposure to social stress, however, may be offset by increases in personal and social resources, if GST is correct. Indeed, in the sample, the average level of self esteem (24.65 to 27.96) and global social support (54.8 To 62.42) both increased from wave 4 to wave 5.

Descriptive Statistics for the Variables included in the Analyses (n=648)

Table 2 presents the results of the robust regression models estimating the change in criminal activity among the sample of young adult males. 10 In the baseline model (column 1) and of the demographic and other control variables considered, only being divorced (relative to never-married) and belonging to the racial/ethnic category “other Hispanic” (relative to being a non-Hispanic White) were significant predictors of a change in self-reported criminal activity. Somewhat surprisingly, people who are divorced are significantly less involved in criminal activity than those who are single, but there exists no significant difference in the change in criminal activity between singles and married respondents. While speculative, two possibilities, both consistent with GST, are likely. Going through a divorce may serve to decrease the opportunity to engage in criminal behavior, because of the disruptive nature of divorcing, potentially changing residences, disruptions in friendship networks, etc. It may also serve to reduce criminal behavior because a noxious stimuli was removed from one's environment, however.

Robust Regression estimating Change in Self-Reported Criminal Activity among Young Adult Males (N=648)

The results reported in column two includes the strain measures in the model. Of the different domains, two domains, the change in exposure to recent life events and the change in exposure to chronic strains, are found to be significant predictors of the dependent variable. Consistent with GST and the aforementioned predictions, people reporting an increase in exposure to social stress (either in the form of chronic strains or stressful events) report greater involvement in criminal activity, whereas those who report a decrease in exposure to such strains report a reduction in criminal activity. 11

Column three of table 2 presents the model that in addition to the strain and demographic variables also includes the change measures for personal and social resources and the measure of negative emotionality, anger proneness. 12 Of the five change scores, only one was found to be a significant predictor of the dependent variable. As expected, changes in the number of friends arrested was associated with changes in self-reported criminal activity, such that increases in friends arrested was associated with increased criminal activity (from wave 4 to wave 5). Neither changes in social support, self esteem, or mastery were found to be significant predictors of the dependent variable. And although the inclusion of the change measure for exposure to deviant friends was statistically significant, there is very little attenuation of the significant strain coefficients in this model, suggesting that the association between changes in exposure to social stressors and changes in criminal activity were not mediated by changes in contact with deviant peers. Likewise, angry disposition appeared to have little direct influence on the dependent variable.

Finally, analyses that included interaction terms capturing the potential moderating role of changes in the level of personal and social resources were examined, as well as the potential role of angry disposition as a moderator (columns four, five, and six). While the models examining the interaction terms between changes in chronic stressors (column four) and recent life events (column five) and the changes in self esteem, mastery, and global social support failed to provide any evidence of such resources serving as moderators, compelling findings are revealed in model reported in column 6. In this model, angry disposition was examined as a potential moderator of the association between the associations between the changes in the social stressors and the dependent variable. Of the two interaction terms, one was found to be statistically significant: the interaction between angry disposition and the change in chronic stressors. To illustrate this moderator, figure one provides select values of the two variables included in the interaction term. As one can easily evince from the figure, respondents with relatively low and mean levels of angry disposition are predicted to display modest increases in criminal activity over time as exposure to chronic stressors increases. For individuals high in this negative emotionality, however, a significant change in exposure to chronic stressors leads to a much greater change in criminal activity over time. This finding is consistent with the tenets of GST generally as well as recent predictions proffered by Slocum (2010) regarding the role of negative emotionality in predicting criminal persistence.

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Predictions based on a single, non-Hispanic White, with no college. All other variables equal mean values.

The present study expanded on research that has sought to continue to expand our understanding of criminal desistance and persistence among young adults by utilizing General Strain Theory principles. Although criminal desistance is a core concept of life course criminology, there has been a surprising dearth of scholarship examining the factors that distinguish between those who continue to engage in crime during adulthood and those that do not ( Laub & Sampson, 2001 ; Maruna, 2001 ). In response to this shortcoming, the present study examined whether changes in strain and personal and social resources can explain changes in self-reported criminal offending across time. The results demonstrated that importantly, the core GST relationship between strain and crime was also found to be an important predictor of desistance from criminal behavior, even after controlling for important adult social roles such as marriage, labor force participation, and education. This finding is consistent with most previous tests of GST, although only one prior published study had examined the utility of strain in predicting criminal desistance ( Gunnison & Mazerolle, 2007 ).

The present study found no support for the notion that changes in resources such as self-esteem and social support served to moderate the association between strain and criminal activity. Overall, the inconsistency in finding evidence of such moderating factors has become so baffling across published tests of GST that it now warrants study of its own. Future research testing the merits of GST in predicting change in criminal behavior should include a comprehensive appraisal of the conditions under which the strain-crime relationship does appear to be moderated by such resources as self-esteem, social support, and other coping mechanisms/styles. For example, the detection of moderating factors may not be solely contingent upon the type of social or personal resource being considered, but also on the types of strain being experienced. Additionally, most tests of such conditional relationships have examined linear effects; it may be possible that nonlinear effects or threshold levels may provide more robust evidence of conditional relationships.

While changes in self-esteem, social support, and mastery were not predictive of the dependent variable, the present study revealed evidence that an important personality trait, angry disposition, did moderate the association between changes in chronic stressor exposure and changes in criminal activity in the expected direction (respondents high in angry disposition exhibited an amplified association between changes in chronic stress exposure and changes in criminal activity). This finding is consistent with the prior research of Agnew and colleagues (2002) , who found that respondents who were high in negative emotionality exhibited a stronger association between strain exposure and delinquency. While a number of past studies have found that trait anger mediates the association between strain and crime, the present study reinforces the notion that dispositional anger may play an important role in moderating the strain-crime association, rather than mediating it (see also Mazerolle, Piquero & Capowich, 2003 ). Generally, the present research reinforced the importance that such personality traits may play in explaining stability in criminal behavior. Future research should explore whether other personality traits, including low constraint, may predict criminal stability and desistance.

Additionally, the present study failed to find that important adult social roles such as being married, hours worked, or post-high school educational success were significant predictors of criminal desistance. Given the central importance of such adult social roles in other explanations of criminal desistance, the present study, minimally, suggests that changes in strain exposure may represent an underappreciated influence on criminal desistance. While the present study provided a limited glimpse of such adult social roles, these findings warrant that future studies of criminal desistance consider examining changes in strain in addition to transitions into adult social roles.

The present study was limited by a number of important drawbacks. First, due to the nature of the study design, the determination of changes in criminal behavior is based upon self-reported activity over approximately two years. Collecting information about criminal offending patterns for more time periods may alter the pattern of findings revealed in the present study—further research testing the merits of GST in explaining criminal desistance and persistence following individuals over a number of time periods is warranted. Second, although the data is longitudinal, there were only two waves of data collection (waves 4 and 5) that included the critical social strain measures. Hence, the present analyses could not address issues of causality; it is possible that the change in criminal behavior is influencing one's change in exposure to social stressors (i.e., the aforementioned stressor-deviance amplification process, see Slocum 2010 , pg. 7–8 for a good discussion). Third, the change score capturing self-reported criminal activity is somewhat limited in comprehensiveness—a different index of self-reported criminal activity may have spawned different results than those reported. Additionally, other important proposed moderators of the link between strain and crime, such as low self-control, were unavailable to include in the analyses. The consideration of additional moderators may have produced different findings than those reported here. Finally, the unique nature of the sample (drawn from a representative sample of South Florida males) may have limited generalizability to other populations. In particular, additional research should examine whether the findings reported in the present study are also predictive of the criminal desistance for females. Broidy and Agnew (1997 ; p. 287) have posited that while GST provides a compelling explanation of female crime and deviance, females tend to experience different types of strain (relative to males), differ in their emotional responses to strain (females are more likely to experience depression, guilt, and anxiety in addition to anger), and differ in coping strategies, opportunities to commit crime, and the disposition to engage in crime. Such differences may produce a much different portrait of the association between changes in strain, personal and social resources, and changes in criminal activity for females than the one that was painted for males in the present study.

Despite these limitations, the present study offered a contribution to emerging scholarship on the social factors that influence criminal desistance versus persistence during adulthood. Indeed, this study has important implications for the study of criminal desistance and life course criminology generally. Changes in strain exposure appear to play an important role in distinguishing desistance from persistence. Even after considering other adult social roles, these results underscore the continuing importance of negative experiences and relationships in understanding crime into adulthood, especially in conjunction with personality traits such as negative emotionality. Rather than being seen as an alternative explanation, the present findings should be viewed as being complementary to many of the prior studies that have emphasized the role of learning and social control theories in explaining cessation from crime. Indeed, future studies of desistance and persistence would be well served to include GST principles.

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1 Agnew (1997 ; 2006 ) has also extended GST to explain life-course persistent offending. In short, Agnew argued that the trait of aggressiveness (derived from early childhood traits such as difficult temperament, hyperactivity, attention deficit, impulsivity, and insensitivity) increases the likelihood that an individual will experience negative relationships (because they are aggressive, they are more likely to provoke negative reactions from others, ranging from parents to peers), interpret these relations as aversive (quicker to blame their problems on others), and respond to such adversity with criminal behavior (including being less able to cope legally, and being less aware of the costs of crime).

2 This concise discussion is only a partial summary of the issues and complexities that have restricted empirical investigations of desistance and persistence from crime, serving to illustrate some of the difficulties in studying this process. Fortunately, there are a number of comprehensive discussions of such issues available (e.g., Kazemian, 2007 ; Laub & Sampson, 2001 ; Piquero, Farrington, & Blumstein, 2003 ).

3 Agnew (1997 ; 2006 ) acknowledged that developmental criminology has emphasized the social control perspective in explaining the association between such factors as relationship quality and job satisfaction. Agnew, however, suggested that instead of viewing GST as competing against the theoretical contributions of both social control and social learning theory in addressing core issues of developmental criminology, GST is compatible with these theories and their contributions.

4 Gunnison and Mazerolle also found that desisters were less likely to have delinquent peer associations than persisters, which is consistent with both GST and social learning theories of crime/deviance.

5 In addition to the male students, 669 female students were also surveyed, but only from six schools.

6 Of the 9,763 male students scheduled to enter grades 6 and 7, complete questionnaires were obtained from 7,386 (70.8 percent) of students in time 1, 6,089 students at time 2 and 5370 boys at time 3.

7 In addition to the male respondents, female respondents were also sampled and interviewed at time 4 and 5. The present study is based on the male sample, primarily because of the extremely low rates of self-reported criminal activity among the sample of females. Details regarding the sampling strategy for the females are available ( Turner & Gil, 2002 ).

8 Because of the ambiguity of the legality of carrying a handgun (depending upon circumstances, it may not be illegal for an adult to carry a hand gun when “going out”), the analyses were redone with this item omitted. The omission of this item made no substantive differences in the results.

9 Since some questions were not relevant to respondents (e.g., a respondent has no children), a mean score was calculated over the number of questions that the respondent answered to develop a measure of chronic stress for these analyses.

10 Robust regression models were estimated because of evidence of outlier cases. Stata 10 performs a robust regression using iteratively reweighted least squares with Huber and biweight functions tuned for 95 percent Gaussian efficiency ( Hamilton, 2009 : p. 254).

11 In addition to the measures of strain included in the analyses, additional analyses were conducted with only strain measures guided by Agnew's (2001) arguments identifying the types of strains that are most likely to lead to crime and delinquency. In supplemental analyses (not reported; available upon request), twenty-six items were identified and change scores were calculated across four domains—recent life events capturing criminal victimization or negative school experiences; chronic strains associated with work; and two domains capturing experiences with discrimination (day to day and specific events). Analyses including each of the four indices were conducted, as well as a single index constructed by summing the standardized scores from each of these four indices. The results of these analyses failed to provide support for Agnew's suggestion that some types of strains are more strongly related to crime than others, as none of the strain indices in these analyses were found to be statistically significant predictors of the dependent variable. Given the limited number of strains that were available in the present data to evaluate Agnew's (2001) claims, I simply report these “non-findings” as an explanation for why the present analyses do not include/exclude certain strains.

12 Tests for multicollinearity revealed little problems (for example, the average V.I.F. score for the full model was 1.21).

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The Oxford Handbook of Juvenile Crime and Juvenile Justice

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13 Strain and Delinquency

Robert Agnew is Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor of Sociology at Emory University.

Published: 18 September 2012
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Strain theories state that certain strains or stressors increase the likelihood of delinquency. These strains include such things as harsh parental discipline, negative relations with teachers, peer abuse, criminal victimization, and a desperate need for money. Delinquency may be a way to escape from strain. This article discusses the link between strain and delinquency. It begins with an account of history of strain theories of delinquency. It then describes those strains that are most likely to cause delinquency, discussing why these strains increase delinquency. Following this, the article reveals those factors that increase the likelihood that juveniles will cope with strains through delinquency. It draws on strain theory to explain group differences in delinquency, such as the higher rates of offending among males. Researchers continue to examine factors that affect the likelihood of delinquent coping. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion of the implications of strain theory for controlling delinquency.

Strain theories state that certain strains or stressors increase the likelihood of delinquency. These strains include such things as harsh parental discipline, negative relations with teachers, peer abuse, criminal victimization, and a desperate need for money. Juveniles who experience these strains experience negative emotions, such as anger and frustration, which create much pressure for corrective action. Delinquency is one possible response. Delinquency may be a way to reduce or escape from strain. For example, juveniles may engage in theft to get the money they need or they may run away from home to escape abusive parents. Delinquency may be a way to seek revenge on those who cause strain or related targets. For example, juveniles may attack the peers who harass them. And delinquency may be a way to alleviate negative emotions. Juveniles, for example, may use illicit drugs to make themselves feel better. Most strained juveniles, however, do not turn to delinquency. Strain theories therefore also discuss those factors that increase the likelihood of delinquent coping. Such factors include poor coping skills, low social support, and association with delinquent peers.

The first section of this chapter provides a brief history of strain theories of delinquency, beginning with Merton ( 1938 ) and ending with Agnew's ( 1992 , 2006a , 2006b ) general strain theory, which dominates the current literature. The second section describes those strains that are most likely to cause delinquency. The third discusses the reasons why these strains increase delinquency. The fourth examines those factors that increase the likelihood that juveniles will cope with strains through delinquency. The fifth draws on strain theory to explain group differences in delinquency, such as the higher rates of offending among males. The sixth section concludes with a discussion of the implications of strain theory for controlling delinquency.

I. A Brief History of Strain Theories of Delinquency

Merton ( 1938 ) presented the first modern version of strain theory in his classic article on “Social Structure and Anomie.” This article is in two parts. First, Merton attempts to explain why some societies have higher rates of crime than others. Here he argues that certain societies place much emphasis on monetary success, but little emphasis on the legitimate means for achieving this goal, such as obtaining a good education and then a well-paying job. That is, the focus is not on “how you play the game, but on whether you win or lose.” Such societies are said to be high in “anomie” or normlessness. Crime is higher in these societies because people are more likely to pursue monetary success using those means that are most effective, including crime. This part of Merton's theory did not receive much attention for several decades, although it was recently revived and extended by Messner and Rosenfeld ( 2006 ) in their “institutional-anomie” theory (also see Baumer and Gustafson 2007 ; Messner, Thorne, and Rosenfeld 2008 ). This theory also focuses on explaining societal differences in crime rates; it does not focus specifically on delinquency and so is not considered in this chapter.

The second part of Merton's theory attempts to explain why some groups within a society have higher crime rates than other groups. Merton argues that certain groups are less able to achieve monetary success through legal channels. In particular, lower-class individuals more often lack the training and support necessary to do well in school and secure good jobs. As a result, they experience much frustration and may turn to crime, particularly income-generating crimes such as theft, prostitution, and drug selling. This part of Merton's theory formed the basis for subsequent strain theories in criminology. Cohen ( 1955 ) and Cloward and Ohlin ( 1960 ), in particular, applied Merton's strain theory to the explanation of delinquency.

Cohen ( 1955 ) argued that the dominant goal in the United States is middle-class status, which includes not only monetary success but also the respect associated with a middle-class lifestyle. Lower-class boys were said to be less able to achieve middle-class status through legal channels. In particular, they often fare poorly in the school system since their parents are less able to equip them with the skills and attitudes necessary for success. Cohen argued that such boys are unlikely to turn to delinquency on their own, but if they regularly interact with one another, they might form delinquent gangs. Such gangs are a way to cope with their status frustration. The gangs reject the emphasis on middle-class status and instead focus on goals that the boys can achieve. These lower-class boys, drawing on their hostility toward the middle-class teachers and students who frustrate them, come to define success in terms of being a good criminal (e.g., being a good fighter and thief). (Note: Like most early criminologists, Cohen focused on the explanation of male delinquency.)

Cloward and Ohlin ( 1960 ), like Merton, argued that the dominant goal in the United States is monetary success. They also stated that lower-class juveniles are less able to achieve this goal through legal channels. Like Cohen, however, they claimed that these juveniles are unlikely to turn to crime unless they first form or join delinquent gangs. Crime is strongly condemned, and juveniles are unlikely to engage in it unless they have some group support. Cloward and Ohlin discussed the factors that influence whether strained juveniles form or join gangs. They stated, among other things, that the type of neighborhood one lives in is especially important, with some neighborhoods proving more opportunities for gang membership. Gangs encourage delinquent coping in several ways; most notably, they provide beliefs that justify or excuse delinquency as a response to strain. The work of Cohen and Cloward and Ohlin played a critical role in the development of strain theory, both because it applied strain theory to delinquency and it shed important light on those factors that influence whether juveniles respond to their strain with delinquency.

Merton, Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin all argued that the dominant goal in the United States is monetary success or, somewhat more broadly, middle-class status. And the major strain or stressor for them is the inability to achieve this goal through legal channels. Several criminologists, however, later suggested that juveniles pursue a variety of goals, including positive relations with parents, success at school, popularity with peers, autonomy from adults, and masculine status (e.g., Elliott, Huizinga, and Ageton 1979 ; Greenberg 1977 ). It was said that the inability to achieve these additional goals might also result in delinquency. Juveniles, for example, might steal money to finance their social activities with peers, or they might drink and engage in sexual behavior as a way of asserting autonomy from adults. Most recently, Agnew ( 1992 , 2006a , 2006b ) drew on the stress research in psychology and sociology to point to still other sources of strain, as well as to additional factors that influence whether individuals cope with strains through delinquency. Agnew's general strain theory (GST) is the most comprehensive of the strain theories. The following sections, which describe the major arguments of contemporary strain theory, draw heavily on GST.

II. The Types of Strain Most Conducive to Delinquency

Strains refer to events or conditions that are disliked by individuals. As stated above, strains may involve the inability to achieve one's goals, including monetary, status, autonomy, and other goals. Strains, however, are not limited to goal blockage. They may also involve the presentation of negative stimuli, such as the experience of verbal and physical abuse. In addition, strains may involve the loss of positive stimuli, such as the loss of material possessions and valued relationships (see Agnew 1992 , 2001 , 2006a , 2006b ).

Further, a distinction can be made between experienced, anticipated, and vicarious strains (Agnew 2002 ). Strains that are personally experienced should be most conducive to delinquency. However, anticipated and vicarious strains may also lead to delinquency. Anticipated strains refer to individuals’ expectations that their current strains will continue into the future or that new strains will be experienced. For example, individuals may anticipate that they will be assaulted if they attend school or encounter certain people in their neighborhood. Like experienced strains, anticipated strains may upset individuals and lead to delinquent coping. For example, individuals may engage in delinquency to prevent anticipated strains from occurring—perhaps skipping school to avoid being assaulted or attacking those they view as a threat. Vicarious strains refer to strains experienced by close others, such as family members and friends. Such strains may also lead to delinquency; for example, an individual may assault members of a rival gang to avenge an attack on a friend.

Finally, it is important to distinguish between “objective strains” and the subjective evaluation of those strains. Objective strains refer to events and conditions that are disliked by most individuals in a given group. Receiving a failing grade at school, for example, is likely an objective strain among juveniles. Individuals, however, sometimes differ in their subjective evaluation of the same objective strain. For example, some juveniles may view a failing grade as a catastrophic event, while others may view it with indifference (see Wheaton 1990 ). While the experience of objective strains should increase the likelihood of delinquency, we would expect strains to be most likely to increase delinquency when they are also subjectively evaluated as bad or undesirable (see Froggio and Agnew 2007 ).

There are literally thousands of specific strains, as reflected in scales of stressful life events, stressful conditions, and “daily life hassles” (see Agnew 2006a ). Not all of these strains are conducive to delinquency, however. Strains are most likely to result in delinquency when they have four characteristics (Agnew 2001 , 2006a , 2006b ). First, they are high in magnitude . The magnitude of a strain refers to the extent to which it is disliked. Strains are more likely to be disliked if they are high in degree (e.g., a serious versus minor assault, a large versus small loss of money); if they are continuous or frequent (e.g., a juvenile is regularly bullied); if they are of long duration; if they have been recently experienced; and if they are expected to continue into the future. Also important is the extent to which the strain threatens the core goals, needs, values, activities, and/or identities of the individual. For example, a strain is more likely to lead to delinquency if it threatens a core identity, perhaps one's masculine identity, rather than a secondary identity, perhaps one's identity as a good chess player.

Second, the strains are seen as unjust . Unjust strains involve the voluntary and intentional violation of a relevant justice norm. Among other things, unjust strains involve deliberate acts (e.g., a deliberate shove rather than an accidental bump). Also, unjust strains are seen as undeserved and not in the service of some greater good (e.g., parents punish a juvenile who did not do anything wrong). Further, the process used to decide whether to inflict the strain may be unjust; that is, juveniles have little opportunity to tell their side of the story, they are treated in a disrespectful manner, and no rationale is provided for the infliction of the strain. In addition, unjust strains frequently involve treatment that differs from the treatment of others in similar circumstances (e.g., a teacher punishes an African American student but ignores a white student who engaged in a similar act).

Third, strains are more likely to lead to delinquency when they are associated with low social control (see Agnew 2009a ). There are several types of social control. Direct control refers to the extent to which others set clears rules, monitor behavior, and consistently punish rule violations in an appropriate manner. Stake in conformity refers to the individual's ties to conventional others, such as parents and teachers, and ties to conventional institutions, such as school. For example, do juveniles have close bonds to their parents, enjoy school, and get good grades. If so, they have much to lose through delinquency. And beliefs refer to the extent to which juveniles believe that delinquency is wrong. Certain strains are associated with low levels of social control. This is the case, for example, with parental rejection. Juveniles who are rejected by their parents probably have weak bonds to them and are subject to little direct control by them. Other strains, however, are associated with high social control. Juveniles who are closely supervised by their parents, for example, may dislike such supervision a great deal, but they are nevertheless subject to much direct control. As a consequence, this strain is less likely to result in delinquency.

Fourth, the strains are easily resolved through crime and/or involve exposure to others who promote crime. For example, the type of strain involving a desperate need for money is easily resolved through crime, including theft, selling drugs, and prostitution. The type involving the inability to achieve educational success, however, is not so easily resolved through crime. Also, some strains involve exposure to others who model crime, reinforce crime, or teach beliefs favorable to crime. For example, individuals who are abused by their parents or bullied by peers are exposed to others who model aggression.

Drawing on the above characteristics, it is possible to list those strains that are most conducive to delinquency. Such strains include the following:

Parental rejection, which involves parents not expressing love or affection for their children, showing little interest in them, and providing little support to them.

Harsh and erratic parental discipline, which includes the inconsistent use of disciplinary techniques such as physical punishment, screaming, threats, and humiliation and insults.

Child abuse and neglect, including physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, as well as the failure to provide adequate food, shelter, medical care, and affection and attention.

Negative school experiences, including low grades, negative relations with teachers (e.g., teachers treat the juvenile unfairly, humiliate the juvenile), and the experience of school as boring and a waste of time.

Abusive peer relations, including insults, ridicule, gossip, threats, and physical assaults.

Criminal victimization.

Residence in economically deprived communities with high rates of violence and other problems.

Homelessness, which is associated with a range of strains, including a desperate need for money, a need for food and shelter, conflicts with others, and criminal victimization.

Discrimination based on characteristics such as race/ethnicity, sex, and religion.

The failure to achieve selected goals, including thrills/excitement, high levels of autonomy, masculine status, and the desire for much money in a short period of time.

Research suggests that most of the above strains have a strong causal effect on delinquency (for overviews, see Agnew 2001 , 2006a , 2006b ; Kubrin et al. 2009 ). There has been less research on the effect of certain other of these strains, including peer abuse, criminal victimization, and discrimination. A few recent studies, however, suggest that these strains may also have relatively large effects on delinquency (Agnew 2006a ; Baron 2004 ; Eitle 2002 ; Hay and Evans 2006 ; Katz 2000 ; Simons et al. 2002 ; Wallace, Patchin, and May 2005 ). It is important to note, however, that strain theory not only points to the factors which cause delinquency, but also explains why those factors cause delinquency.

III. Why Strains Increase the Likelihood of Delinquency

The primary reason that strains increase the likelihood of delinquency is that they lead to a range of negative emotional states , such as anger, frustration, and humiliation. These emotions create pressure for corrective action: individuals feel bad and want to do something about it. As indicated, delinquency is one possible response. Delinquency may be a way to reduce or escape from strain, seek revenge, and alleviate negative emotions. Further, certain of these emotions energize the individual for action, reduce inhibitions, create a desire for revenge, and reduce the ability to legally cope (e.g., to calmly and rationally communicate with others). Anger is notable in this regard, and it occupies a special place in strain theory. The continued experience of strains may also lead to negative emotional traits . Emotional traits are distinct from emotional states, in that traits refer to the tendency to experience particular emotions. Someone who is high in trait anger, for example, is quick to experience anger and tends to become angrier than others. Several studies have examined whether strains lead to negative emotional states and traits, with a focus on anger, and whether these states and traits in turn lead to delinquency. The results generally support strain theory, especially when it comes to explaining violent crime (for overviews and selected studies, see Agnew 2006a , 2006b ; Aseltine, Gore, and Gordon 2000 ; Boa, Haas, and Pi 2004 ; Brezina 1998 ; Broidy 2001 ; DeCoster and Kort-Bultler 2006 ; Jang and Johnson 2003 ; Mazerolle, Piquero, and Capowich 2003 ; Sigfusdottir et al. 2008 ). More research is needed in this area, however, including research that looks at emotions besides anger, and that examines whether different strains lead to different emotions and whether different emotions lead to different types of crime (e.g., anger may be most relevant to violence, and depression to drug use).

Strains may also increase the likelihood of delinquency for additional reasons. Strains and the negative emotions associated with them may reduce social control. Many strains involve negative treatment by conventional others, such as parents and teachers. Such treatment may reduce the juvenile's bond to such people and commitment to conventional institutions, such as school. Strains may also reduce direct control and the belief that crime is wrong, since they weaken juveniles’ ties to those who exercise direct control and teach such beliefs. Further, strains may foster the social learning of delinquency. As Cohen ( 1955 ) and Cloward and Ohlin ( 1960 ) point out, strained individuals may form or join delinquent groups in an effort to deal with their strain. These groups, for example, may provide status to juveniles, help juveniles obtain money through illicit activities, and provide some degree of protection from others. Finally, strained individuals may sometimes develop beliefs justifying delinquency. In particular, those who believe they are being unjustly treated by others may justify or excuse delinquent acts. An individual being bullied by others, for example, may come to believe that violence is justified if one is sufficiently provoked. Once more, certain studies provide support for these arguments, suggesting that strains sometimes reduce social control, increase association with delinquent peers, and lead to beliefs favorable to delinquency (see Agnew 2006a ; Hoffman and Miller 1998 ; Hoffman and Su 1997 ; Paternoster and Mazerolle 1994 ).

IV. Factors that Increase the Likelihood of Delinquent Coping

While the strains described above increase the likelihood of delinquency, most juveniles do not cope with these strains through delinquency. Delinquency is condemned by most people, it may result in sanction, and juveniles might lose much of what they value if caught. For these reasons, juveniles typically cope with strains in a legal manner. They may avoid or try to negotiate with the people who treat them negatively. They may turn to others, such as parents and teachers, for assistance. This assistance may take several forms, such as advice, emotional support, financial assistance, and advocacy on behalf of the juvenile (e.g., a parent negotiates with the juvenile's teacher). Juveniles may also do such things as listen to music and exercise in order to make themselves feel better. Finally, juveniles may simply endure their strain, suffering in silence.

Some juveniles, however, are more likely than others to cope with strains through delinquency. Strain theory describes the factors that should increase the likelihood of delinquent coping. These factors affect the interpretation of and emotional reaction to strains, the ability to engage in legal and illegal coping, the costs of delinquency, and the juvenile's disposition for delinquency. They include:

Poor coping skills and resources. Some juveniles are less able than others to cope in a legal manner. These juveniles may have poor problem-solving skills; in particular, they have trouble thinking of different ways to respond to their strain, recognizing the advantages and disadvantages of each response, and enacting the best response. Related to this, they may have poor social skills, which reduce their ability to establish positive ties to others and effectively negotiate with them. Also important are the coping resources possessed by juveniles, with power and money being especially important. Juveniles, however, frequently lack these resources. As a consequence, their options for coping with strain are more limited. Imagine, for example, an adult who is having marital problems. This adult may have the resources to hire a marriage counselor, to move out of the house and seek a divorce if the counseling fails, and to hire an attorney to handle negotiations. A juvenile having family problems, however, lacks the money and power to employ these sorts of coping techniques. Juveniles, in particular, are usually compelled to live with their families and endure whatever problems that might exist. The same is often true if juveniles are having problems at school and with peers. This fact may help explain why juveniles have higher rates of offending than adults (more below).

Delinquent coping skills and resources. It is important to consider not only the ability of juveniles to engage in legal coping, but also their ability to engage in delinquent coping. A range of factors may be relevant here, including physical size and strength, fighting ability, access to weapons, and the belief that one can successfully engage in crime (see Agnew 2006a ).

Low social support. Some juveniles do not have conventional others, such as parents and teachers, that they can turn to for assistance in coping. Their parent(s) may not be willing or able to provide support, and the juveniles may lack ties to other adults who can provide support. Juveniles can turn to their friends for assistance, but other juveniles sometimes have trouble providing effective support. In fact, other juveniles may sometimes suggest that the juvenile cope through delinquency (more below).

Low social control. Some juveniles have little to lose if they cope through delinquency. The chances that their delinquency will be detected are low because they are poorly supervised by parents, teachers, and neighbors. If they are caught, they have little of value that might be jeopardized. They do not care about their parents or other conventional adults, they are doing poorly in school, they have bad reputations, and their educational and occupational goals are limited. Finally, they do not believe that delinquency is wrong, so engaging in delinquency does not make them feel guilty.

Low constraint and negative emotionality (see Agnew et al. 2002 ). These are personality traits and are a function of both biological factors and the social environment. Juveniles who possess the trait of low constraint are impulsive, giving little thought to the consequences of their behavior; they like to take risks and often find delinquency exciting; and they have little concern for the feelings and rights of others. Juveniles high in negative emotionality are easily upset and quick to anger, they tend to blame their problems on others, and they have an aggressive or antagonistic interactional style. Juveniles with these traits are more likely to interpret events and conditions in a negative manner, experience intense emotional reactions, give little thought to the costs of delinquency, and have a disposition for delinquent coping.

Association with delinquent peers and beliefs favorable to delinquency. Juveniles who associate with delinquent peers are more likely to engage in delinquent coping because they are more often exposed to delinquent models, reinforced for delinquency, and taught beliefs favorable to delinquency. In particular, they are taught that certain strains are severe and require delinquent coping. Anderson ( 1999 ) provides an example of this in his discussion of the “code of the street.” The code of the street is said to be common in many poor, inner-city communities, and it essentially states that being treated in a disrespectful manner, especially by others the same age, is perceived to be a serious affront and may require a violent response. Violence is a means of maintaining and enhancing one's status, as well as discouraging disrespectful treatment by others.

Exposure to situations where the costs of delinquency are low and the benefits are high (see Agnew 2009a ). This refers to situations where “attractive targets for crime” are present and “capable guardians” who might intervene are absent (Agnew 2009a ). For example, a juvenile with a desperate need for money may encounter an inebriated businessperson carrying a large sum of money on a deserted street.

Researchers have tried to determine whether certain of the above factors increase the likelihood of delinquent coping. The results here have been mixed (for overviews and selected studies, see Agnew 2006a , 2006b ; Agnew et al. 2002 ; Aseltine, Gore, and Gordon 2000 ; Baron 2004 ; Eitle and Turner 2003 ; Jang and Johnson 2003 ; Kubrin, Stucky, and Krohn 2009 ; Paternoster and Mazerolle 1994 ; Tittle, Brody, and Gertz 2008 ). For example, some studies find that strained juveniles are more likely to engage in delinquency if they have delinquent friends, while other studies do not find this. The reason(s) for these mixed results are unclear. Agnew ( 2006a ) has noted that it is difficult to detect these “interaction” effects for technical reasons. Also, Agnew ( 2006a ) has argued that researchers need to consider the juvenile's standing on all or most of the above factors, something that is rarely done (although see Mazerolle and Maahs 2000 ). Most researchers look at the above factors in isolation from one another, instead of considering them all together and developing a measure of the individual's overall propensity for delinquent coping.

V. Using Strain Theory to Explain Group Differences in Delinquency

Strain theory has been used primarily to explain why some juveniles are more likely to engage in delinquency than others. The theory, however, has also been applied to the explanation of group differences in delinquency. This section describes how the theory explains gender and age differences in delinquency––gender and age being the strongest socio-demographic correlates of delinquency (Agnew 2009a ). It also briefly describes how strain theory has been used to explain race/ethnic and community differences in delinquency. In all cases, it is argued that certain groups have higher rates of delinquency because group members are more likely to experience those strains conducive to delinquency and to cope with them through delinquency.

A. Gender Differences

Males are more likely than females to engage in delinquency, especially serious violent and property crime (Agnew 2009a ; Broidy and Agnew 1997 ). The higher rate of male delinquency is not due to the fact that males experience more strains than females. In fact, some data suggest that females experience more strains (Broidy and Agnew 1997 ). However, it has been argued that males are more likely to experience many of those strains conducive to delinquency, such as criminal victimization, negative school experiences, and trouble achieving masculinity goals. Many of the strains more often experienced by females, such as close parental supervision and the burdens associated with caring for others, are not conducive to delinquency (or at least other-directed delinquency). Females, however, are more likely to experience certain strains conducive to delinquency, such as sexual abuse and gender discrimination.

Also, the emotional reaction of males to strain is said to differ from that of females. Both males and females are equally likely to experience anger in response to strain, but the anger of females is more often accompanied by emotions such as depression, fear, and anxiety (partly reflecting the fact that anger is viewed as inappropriate for females). These additional emotions are said to reduce the likelihood of other-directed delinquency by females. Finally, males are said to be more likely to cope with strains through delinquency because they more often possess those factors conducive to delinquent coping. In particular, it is said that males are lower in social support, higher in criminal skills and resources, lower in social control, lower in constraint, higher in negative emotionality, more likely to associate with delinquent peers, and more likely to hold beliefs favorable to delinquency.

There has been a moderate amount of research in these areas, but no study has been able to examine the full range of strains and conditioning factors necessary to properly test the above ideas. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that males more often experience many strains conducive to crime, such as criminal victimization. Also, females experience and express anger differently than males. Further, males are more likely to cope with strains through crime, although not all studies find this. In this area, males and females differ on many of those variables that condition the effect of strains on crime. For example, girls are subject to higher levels of control and supervision than boys (which in turn limits opportunities for association with delinquent peers). For overviews and selected studies, see Agnew 2006a , 2009b ; Broidy 2001 ; Broidy and Agnew 1997 ; Eitle and Turner 2002 ; Hay 2003 ; Hoffman and Su 1997 ; Jang 2007 ; Mazerolle 1998 ; Piquero and Sealock 2000 ; Wallace, Patchin, and May 2005 .

B. Age Differences

Adolescents generally have higher rates of offending than children and adults. Strain theory partly explains this by arguing that adolescents are more likely to experience strains conducive to delinquency. Children tend to live in a sheltered world. They stay close to home and school, have a small circle of friends, and are closely supervised by parents and teachers. As a consequence, they are protected from many strains conducive to delinquency. Adolescents, however, enter a larger, more diverse, and more demanding world. They spend more time away from home and school, often unsupervised. They attend larger, more diverse schools, changing classes several times a day. As a result, they interact with many more people, including people they do not know well and people involved in delinquency. They get involved in romantic relationships. Further, school is more demanding; they are subject to more rules, given more work, and graded in a more rigorous manner. And, being physically mature and told to “act like adults,” adolescents come to desire many of the privileges of adulthood, such as money, status, and autonomy.

As a result of these changes, adolescents are more likely than children to be treated in a negative manner by others. Further, adolescents more often have trouble meeting the new demands that are placed on them and achieving their new goals. When adolescents become adults, their social world once again narrows and they gain more control over this world. In particular, their circle of friends becomes smaller, they usually settle with a single romantic partner, and the number of people they interact with at their job is typically smaller than the number at school. Also, adults have more control over whom they associate with; and they can more readily change jobs, neighborhoods, and even spouses if they experience negative treatment. Further, adults are better able to achieve goals such as money, autonomy, and status. Adults then experience a decrease in strain. Some limited data support these arguments, suggesting adolescents are more subject to strains conducive to crime than children and adults (see Agnew 1997 , 2003 , 2006a ).

Further, adolescents are less able to legally cope with the strains they experience than are children and adults. Parents and teachers typically cope on behalf of children. They closely monitor the lives of children and intervene when problems arise. This becomes much less true as children become adolescents, partly because adults believe that adolescents should cope on their own and partly because adolescents are much less closely monitored than children. Adolescents, however, lack the coping skills and resources of adults. Among other things, they have poorer problem-solving and social skills; they lack money and power; they are lower in self- and social control; and they are more likely to associate with delinquent peers. Research supports many of these arguments and, at a more general level, suggests that adolescents are more likely than adults to cope in “immature” or maladaptive ways, including delinquency (see Agnew, 1997 , 2003 , 2006a ).

C. Explaining Other Differences in Delinquency

Strain theory has also been used to explain race/ethnic differences in delinquency, particularly the higher level of serious delinquency committed by African Americans relative to whites (Agnew 2009a ; Kaufman et al. 2008 ). While most African Americans are not poor, African Americans are more likely than whites to be poor and to live in high-poverty communities. This contributes to race differences in several types of strain conducive to delinquency, including harsh/erratic discipline, negative school experiences, and, especially, criminal victimization. Also, African Americans at all class levels are more likely to experience discrimination than whites, and this too contributes to race differences in serious offending. Further, African Americans are said to be more likely to cope with strains through crime, given race-related differences in certain of the factors that promote delinquent coping—such as economic resources and social support. Data provide some support for these arguments (Agnew 2006a ; Eitle and Turner 2003 ; Kaufman 2005 ; Kaufman et al. 2008 ; Perez, Jennings, and Gover 2008 ; Simons et al. 2002 ).

Strain theory has also been used to explain the higher rates of crime in very poor communities (Agnew 1999 ; Brezina, Piquero, and Mazerolle 2001 ; Warner and Fowler 2003 ). The residents of such communities are said to more often experience a range of strains conducive to crime, including discrimination, various family problems, conflicts with others in the community, and trouble achieving economic and status goals. Further, community residents are less able to legally cope with these strains. Among other things, they have fewer coping skills and resources, are lower in conventional social support, are lower in social control, associate more often with criminal others, and hold beliefs conducive to crime.

Finally, strain theory has been used to explain not only differences in offending between individuals and groups, but also changes in the level of offending over the course of an individual's life (Agnew 1997 , 2006a ; Hoffman and Cerbone 2000; Slocum, Simpson, and Smith 2005 ). In particular, the theory has been used to explain why most individuals increase their levels of offending as they become adolescents and reduce their offending as they become adults (see above). Also, the theory has been used to explain why some individuals offend at high rates over much of their lives. Such individuals are said to have traits that increase the likelihood that they will evoke negative reactions from others, sort themselves into environments where the likelihood of negative treatment is high, and cope with such treatment through delinquency. Such traits include low constraint and negative emotionality. Individuals with these traits, for example, often evoke negative reactions from their parents, alienate conventional peers and so end up in delinquent peer groups (where juveniles more often mistreat one another), and respond to negative treatment with delinquency. Also, individuals who offend at high rates over the life course are more likely to be very poor and reside in high-poverty communities; these characteristics also increase the likelihood of negative treatment and make it difficult to escape from such treatment. Further, individuals who experience certain strains early in life, such as school failure, are more likely to experience additional strains later in life, such as bad jobs. And this too helps explain offending over the life course.

VI. Recommendations for Reducing Delinquency

Strain theory makes several recommendations for reducing delinquency (see Agnew 2006a , 2010 ). The first and most obvious is that we eliminate or reduce those strains conducive to delinquency. And, in fact, several successful prevention and rehabilitation programs have shown some success at doing just that (see Agnew 2009a ; Farrington and Welsh 2007 ). For example, certain home visitation and parent-training programs have reduced parental rejection, child abuse and neglect, and harsh/erratic discipline. Among other things, these programs attempt to reduce the stress that parents are under, teach parents how to properly supervise and discipline their children, and teach techniques for better resolving family conflicts. Certain school-based programs have shown success in reducing a range of negative school experiences, including low grades, the experience of school as boring and a waste of time, and negative relations with teachers. These programs provide tutoring and other support to juveniles, train teachers in more effective methods of instruction and discipline, and alter the overall school environment so as to increase student success and satisfaction. Still other programs have shown much success in reducing peer abuse, with some anti-bullying programs reducing the extent of bullying by 50% or more.

It is not always possible, however, to eliminate strains. For example, it is likely that parents will continue to limit the autonomy of their children and teachers will continue to give out low grades. It is possible, however, to alter these strains so as to make them less conducive to crime. Parents and teachers, for example, can better explain the rationale for their actions and take care to treat juveniles with respect. This will reduce the perceived injustice of strains. Also, those students receiving low grades might be assigned tutors and mentors. This will reduce the low control associated with poor grades.

Likewise, officials in the juvenile justice system can take steps to reduce the likelihood that the sanctions they administer will increase offending (see Agnew 2009a ). With respect to perceived injustice, such steps include treating suspected offenders in a respectful manner, allowing them to tell their version of events, explaining the rationale behind decisions, reducing discrimination, and avoiding the use of overly harsh sanctions. Several of the chapters in this Handbook discuss these issues in more detail and make specific recommendations for reforming the juvenile justice system. These include the chapters by Tom Tyler, Donna Bishop, Kimberly Kempf-Leonard, Barry Feld, Gordon Bazemore, and Donna Bishop and Barry Feld. The restorative justice approach, in particular, seems to hold much promise for reducing the perceived injustice associated with sanctions (see the chapter by Bazemore).

In still other cases, it may not be possible to eliminate, reduce, or alter strains. The solution here may involve removing juveniles from strains. This includes removing juveniles from abusive families, perhaps placing them in foster care or in group homes. It includes removing juveniles from classes and schools where peer abuse is a problem. And it includes moving families to communities with less crime and violence. Efforts in this area should be used with caution. Sometimes the new environment may be more stressful than the one left behind, as evidenced by tales of abuse in foster care. Also, removing some individuals from a school or community may make conditions worse for those who are left behind.

In addition to the above strategies, we might equip juveniles with the traits and skills to avoid strains conducive to crime. Individuals sometimes provoke negative reactions from others or sort themselves into environments where negative treatment is likely (e.g., delinquent peer groups). This is especially true of individuals who are low in constraint and high in negative emotionality. Certain programs attempt to alter these traits; for example, anger management and social-skills training programs teach juveniles how to interact with others in ways that do not provoke negative reactions. Programs of this type are among the most successful treatment and prevention programs and are being increasingly adopted by juvenile justice agencies (see Agnew 2009a , 2010 ). Other programs, such as vocational skills training, try to equip juveniles with the skills necessary to achieve their goals through legal channels.

Finally, we can reduce the likelihood that individuals will cope with strains through delinquency. Several programs, in fact, have shown some success in addressing those factors said to increase the likelihood of delinquent coping. Certain programs try to improve the coping skills and resources of individuals. For example, some programs teach juveniles effective problem-solving skills. Other programs try to increase the conventional social support available to juveniles. For example, they provide juveniles with mentors. Still other programs increase social control, including ties to parents and school; reduce the likelihood that juveniles will join delinquent peer groups; and/or alter those beliefs favorable to delinquent coping.

It is important to emphasize that most of the above programs were not explicitly developed to reduce strain or improve coping, but they often have this effect, and it may be one reason for their success.

VII. Summary

Strain theory states that:

Certain strains increase the likelihood of delinquency, particularly strains that are high in magnitude, seen as unjust, associated with low social control, easily resolved through crime, and associated with exposure to others who promote crime. Several such strains were described.

These strains increase delinquency for several reasons. Most notably, they lead to negative emotions such as anger; these emotions create pressure for corrective action; and delinquency is one possible response.

Several factors increase the likelihood that individuals will cope with these strains through delinquency, with these factors affecting the interpretation of and emotional reaction to strains, the ability to engage in legal and delinquent coping, the costs of delinquency, and the disposition for delinquency.

There is a fair degree of support for the first two propositions, and, as a consequence, strain theory stands as one of the major explanations of delinquency. Researchers, however, continue to examine factors that affect the likelihood of delinquent coping. Further, strain theory appears to hold much potential for the reduction of delinquency.

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5 Sociological Theories of Crime: Strain Theories

Tracy Meehan; Lucy Forrester; and Jaana A. Haaja

Learning Objectives

Explain the fundamental concepts of traditional strain theory and their connection to society.
Identify how traditional strain theories were adapted into General Strain Theory and be able to explain the fundamental concepts of GST.
Assess the relevance of strain theory in understanding modern social issues, such as juvenile delinquency and the strain experienced in First Nations communities.

Before You Begin

Do you think different communities have different ways to measure success? Give some examples of your thinking.
What is your idea of a ‘good life?’ How will you know that you have ‘made it’ in your life?
How do you deal with stress or disappointment? What things make you feel better?

INTRODUCTION

It will come as no surprise to you that our culture has a very specific idea of what success is: an education, a good career, a house, and a family. Maybe even a pet and an annual vacation. And all of this should be attainable with a strong work ethic, by following the rules of society. This is a standard westernised idea of success, but it is one that has become shared by many cultures all over world. Individuals may hold different values but most of our social institutions are designed to support this very narrow definition. After all, you are most likely reading this because you are a student in a university degree, hoping to graduate and find a fulfilling career that will allow you to have the kind of life you want. And there’s no shame in that; most of us fall into this category.

But what happens when society is set up in such a way that certain groups cannot achieve the agreed version of success, no matter how hard they try? How do we explain that? Classical theories of criminology, like deterrence, put much of the blame on individual level decision making. But sociologists in the 1920s and 1930s started asking how our wider cultural norms contribute to criminal behaviour. This school of criminological soon led to several new theoretical perspectives. In this chapter, we will discuss the perspectives known as strain theories. The two main theories in this chapter are: traditional strain theory, often known as anomie theory; and General Strain Theory (GST).

Traditional strain theory is a macro -level theory. This means that it strives to explain the impact of social structure and institutions on social phenomena, like crime. It is not intended to explain the experience of individuals, but rather of society. General Strain Theory is a micro -level theory. This means that it strives to explain the behaviour of individuals. It is the more common form of strain theory that we test and apply today.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, which means that it aims to provide an explanation for social level phenomena, like crime rates. It was developed by American sociologist Robert K. Merton in the early 20th century, it emerged as a ground-breaking perspective within the field of criminology. The theory itself took shape in the 1930s and 1940s, a period marked by the Great Depression and the aftermath of World War II (Akers, 1998, 2000). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour, departing from earlier criminological theories that predominantly focused on individual pathology.

Born in 1910, Merton was influenced by the social and economic transformations in the United States during his youth (Akers, 1998; 2001; 2006). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour. Drawing inspiration from Émile Durkheim’s concept of anomie , Merton’s strain theory revolves around the idea that social structure exerts pressure on individuals, leading to a disconnect between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them. Anomie is a term that refers to a condition of dysregulation, or breakdown of the rules, that happens in society. When this breakdown happens, people do not know the expectations and a form of social chaos can ensue (Durkheim & Coser, 1984).

In post-World War II America, there was a prevailing cultural emphasis on the “American Dream [1] ,” promoting the pursuit of material success through hard work and dedication (Durkheim, 1989; Broidy, 2001 & Agnew, 2006). This material success could be considered a cultural goal . But Merton observed that not everyone had equal access to the approved or legitimate means for achieving success. After all, not everyone can attend a prestigious school or afford a fancy car. Traditional strain theory is Merton’s explanation of what will happen to various types of societies when this breakdown occurs.

Strain theory has been influential in shaping criminological thought and has been applied to various social contexts to analyse the relationship between societal pressures, cultural expectations, and deviant behaviour. But it did not help scholars understand why individuals committed crime. Many criticised it as being too deterministic and pointed out that plenty of people in a society that is dysregulated will still follow the law. In the late 1970s, sociologist Robert Agnew [2] It is here that we see the extension of General Strain Theory, which proposed that individuals who experienced certain types of strain may commit crime.

Each of these theories is explained in detail below.

Table 5.1: Strain Theory – Timeline

Theory description, traditional strain theory.

Traditional strain theory emphasises the role of social structure in influencing individual behaviour. It underscores how unequal access to opportunities and resources can lead to strain, pushing individuals toward various forms of deviance (Agnew, 1985, 1992, 2006). Social structure, including factors like socioeconomic status, education, and employment opportunities, plays a crucial role in shaping the ways that societies or subcultures react to this unequal access. Merton proposed five reactions, or adaptations , that societies could have. Each adaptation is a way to deal with the disconnect, or disjuncture , between cultural goals and the legitimate means for achieving those goals.

Each adaptation is a response to society expectations. Figure 5.1 presents the five adaptations. The five adaptations are: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion (Akers, 1998; Agnew, 2006). Each on represents a relationship between the acceptance ( ) or rejection (-) of cultural goals and legitimate means.

Figure 5.1: Five Reactions to Anomie

Conformity is the adherence to both cultural goals and legitimate means. In a society where opportunities are readily available and accessible, individuals are more likely to conform and pursue the culturally prescribed goals through approved means. Conformity is the most prevalent response when the alignment between goals and means is intact (Agnew, 2001).

Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the pursuit of cultural goals but continue to rigidly adhere to the institutionalised means. These individuals may follow societal norms and rules diligently, even though they no longer harbour aspirations for the original cultural goals (Kaufman et al., 2010; Akers, 2001).

When individuals face a strain between societal expectations and the means available, they may turn to innovation to achieve cultural goals. Innovation involves accepting culturally approved goals but rejecting or modifying the means to reach them. This can lead to deviant behaviours, such as engaging in criminal activities or adopting unconventional strategies to attain success (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990).

Retreatism involves rejecting both cultural goals and institutionalised means, leading individuals to withdraw from conventional societal structures. Substance abuse and vagrancy are examples of retreatist behaviours, where individuals disengage from societal norms altogether (Henry & Lukas, 2009).

Rebellion is a more proactive response to societal strain. Individuals who rebel against the existing cultural goals and means seek to replace them with alternative values and structures. This can take the form of social or political movements that challenge the established order (Agnew, 2001; Lilly & Cullen, 2007). Rebellion represents an effort to create a new system that aligns more closely with the values and goals of the dissenting group.

This video from ShortcutsTV demonstrates the five modes of adaptation.

General Strain Theory

Because traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, it can be difficult to test or interpret. Traditional strain theory mainly focused on blocked paths to success and was mainly applied to criminal behaviour among low socioeconomic status, mostly male offenders. Critics argued that traditional strain theory was oversimplified and early research did not have empirical support (Froggio & Agnew, 2007). General Strain Theory [3] (GST) addresses these weaknesses.

In contrast to Merton’s classical strain theory, GST takes a micro-level approach. GST shifted the focus of strain from a structural explanation of crime to one rooted in the psychosocial understanding of strain (Broidy, 2001). Consequently, GST expanded the understanding of strain past just thwarted opportunities to encompass a wider range of stressors linked to strain. This perspective no longer assumes a universal cultural of shared goals, making GST more adaptable to individual variations in goals, as well as differences in class, culture and gender (Broidy, 2001). Furthermore, GST enhanced the versatility of applying strain to outcomes that include criminal behaviour and factors outside of crime and delinquency.

The heart of GST is the impact of negative relationships and the resulting psychological distress they induce. These connections may involve individuals or societal frameworks, yet in both scenarios, individuals feel they are being treated in a way that goes against their desires (Froggio & Agnew, 2007).

Agnew (1992) outlined three primary routes where negative relationships can exert influence (p. 47):

strain stemming from the actual or expected failure to achieve positively valued goals.
strain arising from the actual or anticipated loss of valued stimuli.
strain originating from the actual or anticipated exposure to undesirable stimuli.

When individuals experience these strains, one outcome is negative emotion . Negative emotion then leads individuals to come up with coping mechanisms to help alleviate those negative feelings. Coping mechanisms can be positive or negative, but one potential outcome is that people engage in crime and antisocial behaviour to deal with the negative emotion that they are feeling.

The intensity , duration , recentness , and centrality of strain play crucial roles in shaping its effects. The more severe a strain in terms of intensity, the stronger the potential impact. Particularly intense strains may reduce the perceived costs of resorting to criminal behaviour for coping (Baron, 2004). Persistent strain (duration) that occurs over an extended period (chronic stressors) or tend to exert more influence than occasional ones, especially if the ongoing or frequent strains persist without resolution (Agnew, 2001).

A white man with his hands over his head in distress. This is a black and white photo.

APPLICATIONS OF THEORY

Strain theory and offending.

Examples of strains include parental abuse, excessive parental discipline and rejection, adverse school experiences that can include failing grades or strained relationships with teachers, victimisation by bullying or peer mistreatment, experiences of criminal victimisation, marital conflicts, unemployment or underemployment, racial discrimination, residing in economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods, homelessness and the inability to fulfil the desires for wealth, excitement, and social status (Agnew, 1992, 2001; 2006).

According to GST, the stress resulting from experiencing negative emotions due to strain serves as a catalyst for engaging in antisocial behaviours as a coping mechanism (Baron, 2004; Broidy, 2001; Froggio & Agnew, 2007). Individual resources such as self-esteem, self-worth, and self-efficacy, along with personal characteristics affecting coping abilities such as intelligence, creativity, and problem-solving skills, may shape the link between strain and antisocial outcomes (Agnew, 1992; Broidy, 2001).

Strains and Adaptations: Merton’s Framework in First Nations Disadvantage

Merton’s Strain Theory provides one framework for examining the complexities of disadvantage experienced by First Nations people in Australia. This perspective enables an in-depth examination of the historical and contemporary societal factors that contribute to the challenges faced by these communities. The theory illuminates the strains experienced by First Nations individuals in Australia and the various ways in which they adapt in response. Merton’s emphasis on using legitimate means to achieve culturally accepted goals is particularly relevant for First Nations communities, whose norms and aspirations revolve around preserving cultural identity, traditions, and community well-being (Smith, 2012). However, the imposition of colonial policies and enduring effects of historical trauma have disrupted the alignment between these cultural goals and the available means for their realisation.

The history of First Nations people is characterised by dispossession, violence, and cultural assimilation, with colonial policies leaving a lasting impact on cultural continuity (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This historical trauma creates significant strain, disconnecting culturally accepted goals from viable means for attainment.Cultural marginalisation further compounds this strain as First Nations people navigate a society that often dismisses or misunderstands their cultural practices (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This strain becomes evident in the clash between cultural identities and societal expectations, compelling individuals to navigate the complexities of conforming to mainstream norms while preserving their Indigenous heritage.

Socioeconomic disparities compound these strains, as evidenced by high unemployment rates, educational and healthcare inequities, inadequate resources, lack of community connectedness, and over-representation in the criminal justice system (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022; Dockery, 2010; Marmot, 2011).

In this context, anomie may occur because of a disjunction between culturally prescribed societal goals and the limited access to legitimate means available to First Nations communities. Anomie manifests as a complex social phenomenon, reflecting the struggles of First Nations communities in reconciling cultural identity within social structures that perpetuate disadvantage.

The interplay of these factors creates a web of strains that individuals navigate through conformity, rebellion, innovation, retreatism, and ritualism.

Case Study: General Strain Theory and Intimate Partner Violence Prevention

Eriksson and Mazerolle (2013) suggest General Strain Theory (GST) as a valuable framework to better understand the perpetration and non-perpetration of intimate partner homicide (IPH). By assessing gender-specific strains, negative emotions toward strains, and conditional factors of strains, GST not only provides insight into why men are overrepresented as perpetrators of IPH but also why some women resort to such violent acts.

Gender-Specific Strains: Men and women experience different strains leading up to an IPH. Strain experienced by male perpetrators of IPH include challenges to their control or authority, loss of the relationship (separation), forms of legal actions such as protection orders or arrest, and infidelity. For female perpetrators of IPH, strains often involve enduring abuse, restricted freedom, and threats to themselves or their children.
Negative Emotions to Strain: There are distinct differences in the emotional responses to strain between male and female perpetrators of IPH. Male perpetrators are more likely to respond to strain with negative emotions of jealousy, intense anger, and abandonment-rage, whereas female perpetrators often act out of fear or desperation. Gender-specific negative emotions stemming from strain play a crucial role in mediating the path towards violent behaviour, particularly in the context of (IPH).
Conditional Factors of Strain : Male and female perpetrators of IPH are influenced by different conditional factors that either exacerbate or mitigate the pathway from strain to violence. For male perpetrators of IPH, factors such as impulsivity, sensitivity to perceived threats, and connections with criminal peers exacerbate strain. For female perpetrators, negative reactions to strain are increased by a perceived lack of social support and limited access to essential resources.

Recognising the distinct experiences of strain that lead male and female perpetrators to commit IPH is essential for developing effective prevention strategies.

GST highlights the necessity of developing prevention programs that cater to the specific experiences and needs of men and women. By focusing on the specific strains and emotional processes that lead to violence, these intervention aims to address some of the underlying causes of IPH, fostering safer and healthier relationships.

Enhancing access to social support and legal assistance plays a pivotal role in how individuals cope with strain, making it imperative for IPH prevention initiatives to bolster community support systems, and improve access to legal and social services. Educating practitioners and the public about the relational strains that can escalate into IPH can assist in the early identification of those at risk.

Finally, the application of GST to IPH calls for ongoing research to further understand the complex interaction of strain, emotions, and violence within intimate relationships. Policymakers can use these insights to develop targeted strategies for IPH prevention, focusing on reducing strains.

THEORY CRITICISMS

Critics argue that traditional strain theory places too much emphasis on economic success as the primary goal in society. It may not fully account for individuals who have different goals or aspirations, such as achieving social recognition, personal satisfaction, or community involvement, which may not align with conventional success as defined by society (Bernard, 1984). They also argue that it does not adequately address cultural variations in goals and means as different cultures could have different definitions of success, and what constitutes strain and deviance can also vary significantly across societies (Briody, 2002; Jensen, 2020).

Another criticism is that strain theories offer a simplistic explanation for deviant behaviour. While GST explains how individuals might turn to deviance when they cannot achieve success through legitimate means, the theory does not account for the diversity of deviant behaviours or the complex motivations behind them (Briody, 2002). Merton’s Strain Theory assumes a universal pursuit of success and conformity to cultural goals. There is the argument that these theories primarily focus on explaining street-level crimes and neglect aspects of white-collar crimes and elite deviance. It does not account for how individuals with privileged access to resources may engage in deviant behaviours or evade punishment (Bernard, 1984; Kornhauser, 1978).

THE FUTURE OF THE THEORY

As with many criminological theories, strain theories will be put to the test with emerging technologies and emerging crimes that come as the result of these new ways to communicate and interact. Recent research with cybercriminals (Dearden et al., 2021) found that high levels of anomie was correlated with increased cybercrime activity. Even in cyberspace, economic strain continues to affect individuals’ behaviours and choices.

Many people have raised concerns that the post-COVID world has led to more loneliness and relationship breakdown. Could this be a sign of increased anomie? As economic stress takes its toll on younger generations, will new structural goals emerge? What will they be?

Strain theories provide a framework to understand the complex relationship between societal pressures and criminal behaviour. They suggest that individuals may resort to deviance when confronted with a disjuncture between societal expectations and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to a state of anomie. By identifying structural strains as catalysts for criminal conduct, traditional strain Theory sheds light on the societal roots of deviant behaviour. General Strain Theory offers an explanation for how these strains may affect individuals and individual decision making. These theories provide ongoing explanations about the interplay of societal structures and individual responses to strain, contributing significantly to our understanding of the dynamics of criminal behaviour within a broader sociological context.

Check Your Knowledge

Discussion questions.

How does the concept of “anomie” relate to Merton’s Strain Theory, and why is it important in understanding deviance?
Merton’s theory suggests that American society places a high value on success and the “American Dream.” How do you think this holds up in modern day Australia?
What is the relationship between negative emotion and crime/delinquency? Can you think of examples of negative emotions that you think would be more likely to lead to antisocial behaviour?

Agnew, R. (1989). A longitudinal test of the revised strain theory. J ournal of Quantitative Criminology , 5 (4), 373–387.

Agnew, R. (1992). Foundation for a general strain theory of crime and delinquency. Criminology , 30 (1), 47–88.

Agnew, R. (1997). S tability and change in crime over the life course: A strain theory explanation. In T. P. Thornberry (Ed.), Developmental theories of crime and delinquency (Vol. 7, pp. 101–132). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency , 38(4), 319–361.

Agnew, R. (2006). Pressured into crime: an overview of general strain theory (1st ed.). Roxbury Pub.

Akers, R. (1998). Social learning and social structure: A general theory of crime and deviance . Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Akers, R. (2000). Criminological theories: Introduction, evaluation, and application. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

Baron, S. W. (2004). General strain, street youth and crime: A test of Agnew’s revised theory, Criminology , 42(2), 457-483.

Bernard, T. J. (1984). Control Criticisms of Strain Theories: An Assessment of Theoretical and Empirical Adequacy. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 21 (4): 353–372. doi : 10.1177/0022427884021004005

Broidy, L. M. (2001). A test of general strain theory. Criminology . 39( 1): 9–36. doi: 10.1111/j.1745-9125.2001.tb00915.x. ISSN 0011-1384

Broidy, L. M., & Agnew, R. (1997). Gender and crime: A general strain theory perspective. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 34 (3), 275–306. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022427897034003001

Cunneen, C., & Tauri, J. M. (2019). Indigenous peoples, criminology, and criminal justice. Annual Review of Criminology , 2 , 359–381

Dearden, T. E., Parti, K., & Hawdon, J. (2021). Institutional anomie theory and cybercrime—cybercrime and the American dream. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice , 37 (3), 311–332. https://doi.org/10.1177/10439862211001590

Dockery, A. M. (2010). Culture and wellbeing: The case of Indigenous Australians. Social Indicators Research , 99 , 315-332.

Durkheim, É., & Coser, L. A. (1984). The division of labor in society . (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Free Press.

Durkheim, É., Spaulding, J. A., & Simpson, G. (2002). Suicide: a study in sociology (Ser. Routledge classics). Routledge.

Eriksson, L., & Mazerolle, P. (2013). A general strain theory of intimate partner homicide. Aggression and violent behavior , 18 (5), 462-470. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2013.07.002

Froggio, G., & Agnew, R. (2007). The relationship between crime and “objective” versus “subjective” strains. Journal of Criminal Justice , 35 (1), 81–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2006.11.017

Jensen, G. F. (2020). Salvaging structure through strain: A theoretical and empirical critique. In The legacy of anomie theory (pp. 139–158). Routledge.

Kaufman, J. M., Agnew, R., & Henry, S. (2010). Anomie, strain and subcultural theories of crime . Taylor and Francis.

Kornhauser, R. (1978). Social sources of delinquency: an appraisal of analytic models . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Lilly, J. R., Cullen, F. T., & Ball, R. A. (2007). Criminological theory: context and consequences (4th ed.). SAGE Publications.

Marmot, M. (2011). Social determinants and the health of Indigenous Australians. Medical Journal of Australia , 194 , 512–513. doi: 10.5694/j .1326-5377.2011.tb03086.x

Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies (2nd ed.). Zed Books.

The American Dream as a term has become a reflection of many of the goals that occupy Westernised society, including things like financial security, a house in the suburbs, and a stereotypical family. ↵
Interested in learning more about Professor Robert Agnew and his contributions to criminology? Check out his interview with Professor Timothy Brezina as part of the Oral History Project of the American Society of Criminology . ↵
For an in-depth discussion about General Strain theory given by Professor Agnew, check out a recent lecture at the University of Tampa. ↵

a condition of instability resulting from a breakdown of standards and values or from a lack of purpose or ideals.

Developed by Robert Agnew, General Strain Theory (GST) states that individuals engage in criminal behaviour due to experiences of strain or stress. GST identifies several sources of strain, including the failure to achieve positively valued goals, the removal of positively valued stimuli, and the presentation of negative stimuli. These strains lead to negative emotions, which may prompt individuals to engage in crime as a coping mechanism.

Perspectives that focus on large-scale social processes, structures, or phenomena. Macro-level studies might examine how societal-level factors, such as economic conditions, cultural norms, or legal systems, contribute to crime rates or patterns of deviance.

small scale, involving small quantities; when used in the social sciences, usually referring to individual level descriptions

The objectives, values, and interests that a society or culture deems desirable and worthy of pursuit. In the context of strain theories, the emphasis is often on material success and wealth as primary cultural goals.

The socially approved ways or methods of achieving cultural goals, such as education and employment. Strain theories often discuss the accessibility or availability of legitimate means to all members of society.

The ways individuals respond to the strain resulting from the disjuncture between cultural goals and the availability of legitimate means to achieve them. Robert Merton outlined five modes of adaptation: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion.

The gap or misalignment between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to strain and potentially prompting deviant responses.

An adaptation where individuals accept both the cultural goals and the legitimate means of achieving them, even when they experience strain.

Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the cultural goals but rigidly adhere to the legitimate means, often out of a sense of obligation or habit.

Innovation involves accepting cultural goals but using illegitimate or socially unapproved means to achieve them, often associated with criminal behaviour.

Retreatism describes rejecting both cultural goals and legitimate means, leading to withdrawal from societal expectations, which can manifest in drug addiction or vagrancy.

Rebellion involves rejecting both existing cultural goals and means and substituting them with alternative goals and means, aiming to create societal change.

A central concept in General Strain Theory, referring to the adverse feelings (such as anger, frustration, or depression) that result from experiencing strain.

The strength or magnitude of the strain experienced by an individual, which can influence the likelihood of resulting in criminal behaviour.

The length of time an individual is exposed to strain, with prolonged exposure potentially increasing the risk of deviance.

How recently strain has been experienced by an individual, with more immediate strains having a potentially greater impact on behaviour.

How central or significant the source of strain is to the individual's life, with more central strains having a stronger effect on behaviour.

Strategies or methods individuals use to deal with strain and negative emotions. Effective coping can reduce the likelihood of engaging in criminal behaviour as a response to strain.

Introduction to Criminology and Criminal Justice Copyright © 2024 by Tracy Meehan; Lucy Forrester; and Jaana A. Haaja is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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IMAGES

10 Strain Theory Examples (Plus Criticisms of Merton) (2024)
Robert Merton S Strain Theory Examples
📗 Essay Sample on The Structural Strain Theory
Write short notes on:Baeyer's strain theory
(PDF) General Strain Theory and Stability in Offending and Substance
(PDF) Community, Strain, and Delinquency: A Test of a Multi-Level Model

VIDEO

Strain Theory: Reprise
Strain Theory: Numeral B
Strain Theory: Know Hope
Strain Theory: Sweat
Strain Theory: It Only Hurts For A Little While
Strain Theory: Earthworm

COMMENTS

(PDF) Strain Theories and Crime
Abstract. Strain theories state that certain strains or stressors lead to negative emotions, which create pressure for corrective action. Crime is one possible response, especially when people ...
Control Criticisms of Strain Theories: An Assessment of Theoretical and
Strain theories have been subjected to a number of theoretical and empirical criticisms, resulting in a decline in strain-oriented research. A review of those criticisms finds that theoretical objections are largely self-contradictory, and empirical studies that focus on seriously delinquent populations provide considerable support.
General Strain Theory and Delinquency: A Replication and Extension
Strain theory has recently been reformulated into a theory of broader scope. In this revitalized version, called general strain theory, strain is hypothesized to have three distinct sources; (a) blockage of desired goals, (b) withdrawl or loss of valued objects, and (c) introduction of negative stimuli.
General Strain Theory
Journal of Criminal Justice, 31 (6), 511-521. General strain theory (GST) provides a unique explanation of crime and delinquency. In contrast to control and learning theories, GST focuses explicitly on negative treatment by others and is the only major theory of crime and delinquency to highlight the role of negative emotions in the etiology ...
PDF Building on The Foundation of General Strain Theory: Specifying the
stated, "if strain can be defined in so many different ways, then strain theory is virtually unfalsifiable. There is always a new measure that might salvage the theory" (p. 152). It is therefore crucial that GST more precisely specify the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency. This article represents an attempt to do ...
Building on the Foundation of General Strain Theory: Specifying the
4. The distributive justice literature focuses on norms governing the distribution of outcomes, with outcomes broadly defined. Such outcomes include the types of strain considered in general strain theory (GST): the blockage of goal-seeking behavior, the removal of positively valued stimuli, and the presentation of negatively valued stimuli.
Strain Theory and Crime
Despite the plethora of international research supporting anomie and strain theories, comparatively few studies have examined the impact of anomie and strain on crime and delinquency within an Australian or New Zealand context, with the notable exception of cross-national tests of Institutional Anomie Theory (IAT) (Hughes et al. 2015).Applying anomie and strain theories to crime and ...
Strain Theories
Classic strain theory focuses on that type of strain involving the inability to achieve monetary success or the somewhat broader goal of middle-class status. Classic strain theory fell into decline during the 1970s and 1980s, partly because research appeared to challenge it. There were several attempts to revise strain theory, most arguing that ...
AN EMPIRICAL TEST OF GENERAL STRAIN THEORY
Abstract. This paper tests Agnew's (1992) general strain theory (GST) of crime and delinquency. GST argues that strain occurs when others (1) prevent or threaten to prevent you from achieving positively valued goals, (2) remove or threaten to remove positively valued stimuli that you possess, or (3) present or threaten to present you with ...
A Revised Strain Theory of Delinquency
delinquency research and public policy (Liska,b). Recent research, how-ever, has been critical of strain theory or, at best, has provided only mixed support for the theory. This has led a number of researchers to call for either the abandonment or revision of strain theory (Elliott et al.; Hirschi; Kornhauser). This paper reviews the criticisms ...
General Strain Theory, Persistence, and Desistance Among Young Adult
Agnew R. Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency. 2001; 38:319-361. [Google Scholar] Agnew R. Pressured into Crime: An overview of General Strain Theory. Roxbury Publishing; Los Angeles, CA: 2006. [Google Scholar]
PDF Agnew's General Strain Theory: Context, Synopsis, and Application Blake
Research by Tittle et al. was reflective of a larger trend of scholars beginning to question the reliance upon police data. Other studies, using a similar approach, built upon the research of Tittle et al. and yielded even ... Merton's strain theory provided five possible adaptations individuals use when dealing with strain. However, Merton ...
General strain theory and the development of stressors and substance
Little research has examined whether General Strain Theory (GST) can account for continuity in illicit behavior over their time. ... However, given the lack of research concerning strain and continuity in illegal behavior, the current study is a warranted first step. ... This paper builds on past work by using data that covers 30 ...
PDF The Maximizer: Clarifying Merton's Theories of Anomie and Strain
and Ohlin's (1961) theory of differential opportunity built upon Merton's strain theory, underscoring the fact that those involved in illegitimate means of opportunity require a set of learned skills as do those involved in legitimate means. In this tradition, the present paper further expands Merton's theories of
Strain and Delinquency
It draws on strain theory to explain group differences in delinquency, such as the higher rates of offending among males. Researchers continue to examine factors that affect the likelihood of delinquent coping. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion of the implications of strain theory for controlling delinquency.
THE EMPIRICAL STATUS OF STRAIN THEORY
THE EMPIRICAL STATUS OF STRAIN THEORY. Velmer S. Burton, F. Cullen. Published 1992. Sociology, Political Science. Journal of Criminal Justice. Merton's macro-level theory of "social structure and anomie" has evolved into an individual-level "strain theory" that roots crime in the experience of blocked access to desired success goals ...
Gender and Crime: A General Strain Theory Perspective
Criminology 30:47-87. Agnew, Robert . 1995. "Gender and Crime: A General Strain Theory Perspective.". Paper presented at the 1995 annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology, November 15-18, Boston. Agnew, Robert . 1997. "Stability and Change in Crime over the Life Course: A Strain Theory Explanation.".
Sociological Theories of Crime: Strain Theories
Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 38(4), 319-361. Agnew, R. (2006). Pressured into crime: an overview of general strain theory (1st ed.). Roxbury Pub. Akers, R. (1998).
Merton's Strain Theory of Deviance and Anomie in Sociology
Merton's Theory of Deviance. Building off of Durkheim's work on anomie, Merton (1957) was the first person to write about what sociologists call strain theory. To Merton, anomie was a condition that existed in the discrepancy between societal goals and the means that individuals have to achieve them.
The Maximizer: Clarifying Merton's theories of anomie and strain
The present paper explores the justification for merging legitimate and illegitimate means of opportunity in pursuit of the American Dream. ... `Student Anger and Aggressive Behavior in School: An Initial Test of Agnew's Macro-level Strain Theory', The Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 38: 362-86. Google Scholar. Capowich, George ...
Terrorism and strain: An exploratory analysis of the impact that
In sum, this research retests and builds on Agnew's theory and argues that general strain theory can help terrorism studies to understand the sources of strains of terrorists and the effect of strains on their violent behavior.