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Hispanic Latin America, Spain and the Spanish-speaking Caribbean: A rich source of reference material for public health, epidemiology and tropical medicine

John r williams.

1 Department of Infectious Disease Epidemiology, Faculty of Medicine (St Mary's Campus), Imperial College London, Norfolk Place, London, W2 1PG, UK

Annick Bórquez

María-gloria basáñez.

2 Centro Amazónico para Investigación y Control de Enfermedades Tropicales (CAICET) 'Simón Bolívar', Puerto Ayacucho, Estado Amazonas, Venezuela

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0 ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Associated Data

There is a multiplicity of journals originating in Spain and the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (SSLAC) in the health sciences of relevance to the fields of epidemiology and public health. While the subject matter of epidemiology in Spain shares many features with its neighbours in Western Europe, many aspects of epidemiology in Latin America are particular to that region. There are also distinctive theoretical and philosophical approaches to the study of epidemiology and public health arising from traditions such as the Latin American social medicine movement, of which there may be limited awareness. A number of online bibliographic databases are available which focus primarily on health sciences literature arising in Spain and Latin America, the most prominent being Literatura Latinoamericana en Ciencias de la Salud (LILACS) and LATINDEX. Some such as LILACS also extensively index grey literature. As well as in Spanish, interfaces are provided in English and Portuguese. Abstracts of articles may also be provided in English with an increasing number of journals beginning to publish entire articles written in English. Free full text articles are becoming accessible, one of the most comprehensive sources being the Scientific Electronic Library Online (SciELO). There is thus an extensive range of literature originating in Spain and SSLAC freely identifiable and often accessible online, and with the potential to provide useful inputs to the study of epidemiology and public health provided that any reluctance to explore these resources can be overcome. In this article we provide an introduction to such resources.

Introduction

The Spanish language is spoken as mother tongue by 300–400 million people, the majority of whom live in the 21 countries around the world where Spanish is the primary language. Yet the public health and epidemiology literature originating in these countries is not readily accessed by peers in the field, who tend more frequently to consult and refer to literature catalogued in English language databases [ 1 , 2 ]. In consequence, many local, national, and regional studies of interest, as well as the possibility of establishing fruitful collaborations in important areas of epidemiology research and public health are missed by the international community [ 3 ]. Here we describe and review a number of epidemiological resources from Spain and Spanish-speaking Latin America including the Hispanic Caribbean (SSLAC) -in other islands of the 'Antilles' English, French, and Dutch are spoken. We do not, by any means, aim to provide an exhaustive list, a task that would require far more space than we have at our disposal, but we do attempt to share with the readers a selection that we have found useful in our own professional practice.

The article is organised as follows. We commence by briefly outlining some historical milestones in the development of epidemiology and public health in Spain and of the Universities and Faculties of Medicine in the now predominantly Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. Second, we summarise briefly some important early epidemiological research in SSLAC mainly in the area of tropical infectious diseases, and distinctive aspects of the epidemiologies of Spain and SSLAC. Third, and again briefly, we note the results of several bibliometric studies in relation to Spain and SSLAC. Next, we introduce a selection of the Spanish and SSLAC databases available, and a selection of the relevant journals providing tables summarising these (Tables ​ (Tables1 1 and ​ and2). 2 ). We conclude by emphasising the range and potential value of the bibliographic resources available and, focusing on SSLAC, discuss the origins of a distinctive approach to the study of public health and the background to an equally distinctive epidemiological context, characteristic features which may merit the attention of workers in the field.

A selection of health science journals from Spain and Hispano America (part 1)

A selection of health science journals from Spain and Hispano America (part 2)

Our aim in presenting this paper is to create an awareness among researchers beyond the boundaries of Spain and SSLAC of the richness and diversity of these resources, and to facilitate their use. We hope that this may: a) help to improve the comprehensiveness and quality of reviews and meta-analyses and minimise possible bias in literature searches; b) widen opportunities for collaborations with workers sharing similar interests, and c) facilitate a fuller understanding of the field in general and of specific areas of interest within it.

Historical background

Epidemiology and public health in spain.

Early in the previous millennium the Islamic south of Spain, Al-Andalus, was the centre of scientific and medical knowledge in Europe. In addition, the first universities in Christian Spain (including the present day University of Salamanca), were founded in the 13th C, well before the 15th C completion of the Spanish Reconquest. The beginnings of the study of public health in Spain were seen during the Renaissance under the sponsorship of Philip II [ 4 ], in the same era as enormous wealth was flowing into Spain from the Americas. Despite all this, as the 19th C drew to a close, Spain was, in Western European terms, an underdeveloped country characterised by poverty and life expectancy in 1901 of a mere 40 years [ 5 ]. Also, despite its colonial history, and unlike Belgium, Germany and the UK, in Spain there had been little development in the area of tropical medicine [ 6 ]. However, it was this epoch at the turn of the 20th C that saw the laying down of the foundations of an effective public health system. The Instituto Nacional de Higiene "Alfonso XIII" (INH) had its origin in this period [ 6 ], and a National School of Health (Escuela Nacional de Sanidad, ENS) was founded in 1924 [ 7 ]. Until the INH and ENS merged in 1934 as the Instituto Nacional de Sanidad (INS), the place of the teaching of 'hygiene' in the Universities had been precarious, being far below the levels seen in other European countries [ 8 ]. Unfortunately, the 1936–39 Spanish civil war interrupted this development of the study of epidemiology and public health for some years, and it was not before 1986 that this work began to be revitalised with the reinvention of the INS through the founding of the Instituto de Salud Carlos III [ 6 ]. Since then, in recent years (1995–2005) authors based in Spain have accounted for some 2,000 of the papers relating to infectious disease identified in the PubMed database [ 9 ]. However a study in 1999 had also identified a further 3,000 papers relating to public health and health policy in Spanish journals indexed in the Spanish Medical Index (Índice Médico Español, IME) [ 10 ], and a similar study one year earlier found that 2–3% of the papers indexed in IME related to epidemiology or public health, with only 0.2% published in English [ 11 ].

The University and the teaching of Medicine in Latin America

Pre-dating independence from Spain by nearly three centuries, the early dates of foundation of the first universities in what are now the Spanish-speaking nations of Latin America and the Caribbean, may not be well recognised in the Anglophone world. Claims to be the oldest university in Latin America are controversial, but in 1538 the Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo [ 12 ] was founded in what is now the Dominican Republic, although not officially recognised until two decades later. In the meantime were founded in 1551 the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (UNMSM), Perú [ 13 ] and also the Real y Pontificia Universidad de México (RPUM) which, after an interrupted history in the 19th C was to become the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) [ 14 ]. These were followed by the foundation of the Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (Argentina) [ 15 ] and the Universidad de Chile [ 16 ] in 1622. The oldest medical school in the USA is the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, founded in 1765, but the faculties of medicine of UNMSM and UNAM both lay claim to earlier beginnings. Two chairs in medicine were established at UNMSM in 1571, with a functioning faculty by the 17th C, although not formally constituted until 1856. At RPUM the first course on medicine began in 1579 [ 17 ] (and, despite the 19th C closures of RPUM, the medical school continued in being until absorbed into the refounded university which became UNAM). In 1676 the Universidad San Carlos de Guatemala also officially opened its doors, incorporating the study of medicine along with theology and law [ 18 ].

Early epidemiological work in Latin America

This long history perhaps reflects the fact that in contrast to the colonisation of Africa and the English Caribbean, primarily focused on trade and the exploitation of resources, in Latin America the plundering of wealth was accompanied by a parallel focus on establishing and peopling a (Catholic) civilisation and conversion of the many indigenous populations [ 19 ]. In many aspects this latter focus was a reflection – perhaps even, in a sense, a continuation – of the methods of the Reconquista, i.e. the reconquest of the Iberian peninsula by the Christians after eight centuries of Islamic rule by the Moors, a process that proved a training ground for the conquests in the Americas and which was completed with the fall of Granada in 1492, the very year that Christopher Columbus made his first encounter with the 'New World' [ 19 ].

The medical science and epidemiology that grew from this environment in Latin America was faced with the challenge of both autochthonous and imported infections. A surprisingly early record of a correctly made, but overlooked association between biting insects and disease dates back to 1764 and comes from Peru, where the Spanish-born physician Cosme Bueno described both bartonellosis (Carrion's disease) and cutaneous leishmaniasis and attributed it to the bite of small flies called 'uta' (a term still used in the Peruvian highlands to refer to the disease and the sandfly vectors) [ 20 ]. The accurate deduction of this relationship preceded the formulation of the 'germ theory' by Pasteur in 1877. From the late 19th C important figures emerge in Latin America, perhaps one of the most prominent being Carlos Finlay in Cuba, who proposed and tried to demonstrate in 1880, while conducting important work on cholera, that mosquitoes transmit yellow fever. In the early 20th C Carlos Chagas in Brazil discovered the presence of Trypanosoma cruzi in human blood (the causative agent of what came to be known as Chagas disease) and in 1909 unravelled its transmission by triatomines [ 21 , 22 ]. Rodolfo Robles in Guatemala was the first to hypothesise in 1915 the role of blackflies as vectors of human onchocerciasis (called Enfermedad de Robles or Robles disease in Guatemala) and link the infection to blindness, predating by nearly 10 years the work of Blacklock incriminating Simulium damnosum as the vector of river blindness in Africa [ 23 ].

Nevertheless, as late as 1960, as Director of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), Dr Abraham Horwitz [ 24 ] was still able to concur with the observation that in Latin America epidemiology was the "Cinderella of the medical sciences" [ 25 ]. Since then epidemiology in Latin America has made substantial advances although in many countries an "epidemiological polarisation" prevails, where communicable diseases persist but chronic diseases occupy a critically important and increasing place [ 26 , 27 ].

Epidemiology in Spain and Latin America

Spain, since arrival of democracy following the end of the Franco dictatorship in the 1970s, has rapidly achieved a Western European standard of living with research in public health and epidemiology becoming associated with the European tradition [ 9 , 28 ]. In contrast, globally, Brazil and Hispanic Latin America exhibit the highest national levels of health inequality [ 29 - 32 ] reflected in a tradition of research and literature on health inequalities [ 33 ] and which is associated with the social medicine movement, a movement having a historical role in attempting to resist both colonialism and post-independence military dictatorships [ 34 , 35 ]. Regrettably there appears to be little knowledge in the English-speaking world of the fruits of this research in the field of social medicine [ 36 ]. With regard to this, although Almeida-Filho et al. [ 33 ] identified a relative neglect of gender, race, and ethnicity issues in health inequity research in the Latin American literature, they also highlighted, at the methodological level, a remarkable diversity of epidemiological research designs and a refined ecological tradition, with consideration of aggregate and ethnographic methods not evident in other research traditions.

Bibliometrics and databases

Bibliometric studies.

In public health and epidemiology, Falagas and colleagues [ 37 ] reported that between 1995 and 2003, 686 articles (1.4% of the global total) originating from Latin America and the Caribbean were published in Thomson-ISI indexed journals, a number of the same order as for Eastern Europe but far below that of Western Europe or the United States of America. The mean impact factor of 1.7 however was comparable, exceeding that of W Europe (1.5) and approaching that of the USA (2.0). In parasitology, Falagas et al. [ 38 ] reported that in the PubMed database over the same period, 17%, of journal articles originated from Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), comparable with the production from the USA (20%), and that since 2001 increasing production in the former had resulted in LAC displacing the USA from second place behind W Europe (with 35% of the articles). Falagas et al. [ 39 ] subsequently reported that LAC assumed third place behind W Europe and Africa in production of articles in the field of tropical medicine with 21% of articles published, ahead of the USA with 11%. However as with parasitology, the mean impact factors were lower -in tropical medicine 0.90 for LAC compared with 1.65 for USA and 1.21 for W Europe. In the fields of microbiology [ 40 ] and infectious diseases [ 41 ] 1995–2002 productivity in terms of PubMed indexed journals was much lower with just over 2% of articles in both fields although the mean impact factor, 2.89, just exceeded that of W Europe with 2.82, with 3.42 for articles originating in the USA. The latter study also noted that, together with Africa and E Europe, the rate of increase in production in Latin America exceeded that of W Europe and the USA, and that if existing rates of increase were maintained their production would exceed that of the USA within 20 years or so.

A recent bibliometric study [ 33 ] using both PubMed and the Literatura Latinoamericana en Ciencias de la Salud (LILACS) [ 42 ] database noted that observed differences in research production between SSLAC countries could be misleading, e.g. the searching of indexed journals favours Mexico as, for reasons of geography, Mexican researchers engage in relatively more scientific exchange with North American universities. In fact, Hermes Lima et al. [ 43 ] point out that in the field of biomedicine, the predominant pattern of collaborations is South-North, favouring North America, rather than strengthening South-South links between countries within Latin America. However it is clear that among dominant factors influencing levels of research publication in public health are, of course, national expenditure on health research and, by implication, the level of economic wealth, an illustration of which is provided in Figure ​ Figure1 1 .

National expenditure on research and economic performance versus research productivity . a) Relationship for several Latin American countries between health research expenditure http://www.cohred.org/main/publications/backgroundpapers/FIHR_ENG.pdf and: i) journal articles on public health (triangles); ii) total public health research publications (crosses) indexed in LILACS-SP for 1980–2002) [ 45 ]. b) Relationship between gross domestic product (GDP) and biomedicine research productivity for three higher income countries and for Latin America (source: Falagas et al [ 37 ]).

Bibliographic databases

The LILACS database is a key resource for the identification of publications originating in Latin America and the Caribbean, whether written in English, Spanish or Portuguese. It includes theses, books and proceedings as well as journal papers. Clark and Castro [ 1 ] observed that "LILACS is an under-explored and unique source of articles whose use can improve the quality of systematic reviews" (for a succinct description of LILACS and how to access it see the article by Barreto and Barata in this thematic series [ 44 ]). Of 64 systematic reviews published in five high impact factor medical journals, only 2 had used LILACS whereas, of the remaining 62 reviews, 23 restricted their search to English language articles with only 18 clearly specifying no language restriction; for 44 of the reviews a subsequent LILACS search revealed articles which had been omitted but which were suitable for inclusion [ 1 ], evidence of the "lost science" highlighted by Gibbs [ 3 ]. Between 1980 and 2002, of the 98,000 publications relating to public health indexed in LILACS, Brazil and a group of seven countries of SSLAC (in descending order of production: Chile, Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru and Cuba) each accounted for 42–43% [ 45 ]. In these 7 countries of SSLAC the majority (57–89%) of publications were in the form of journal articles with the exception of Peru where 69% was in the form of monographs [ 45 ]. Between 94% and > 99% of publications from the SSLAC group, depending on country, were written in Spanish with the majority of the rest in English; Venezuela, with 4%, lead the production of publications in English [ 45 ]. Many of the publications in Spanish, however, also had abstracts in English. These publications were to be found in some 400 journals based in Brazil and over 500 journals in SSLAC, although 47% of the articles were located in just 91 journals, of which those publishing the largest number of articles in Spanish were Revista Médica de Chile (Chile), Archivos Latinoamericanos de Nutrición (Venezuela), Salud Pública de México (México), Gaceta Médica de México (México), Revista Chilena de Pediatría (Chile) and Revista Médica del IMSS (México) (see Macias Chapula [ 45 ] for the full list of 91 journals and their specialisms).

The LILACS database is nested within the Virtual Health Library (VHL) [ 46 ] of the Pan-American Health Organization's (PAHO) Latin American and Caribbean Center on Health Sciences Information (BIREME) (Figure ​ (Figure2). 2 ). The VHL (or BVS, Biblioteca Virtual en Salud [ 47 ]/Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde [ 48 ]) also encompasses a number of other relevant databases, ADOLEC (Literature on Adolescence Health) and HISA (Latin American and Caribbean History of Public Health) being just two examples. The VHL portal also provides for searches of MEDLINE and the Cochrane database.

Databases for Spanish language health journals . Diagram illustrates databases offering free access to scientific articles with emphasis given to Public Health and Epidemiology journals written in Spanish. Within each box is indicated year of launch, founding institution or organisation, and subjects covered. Arrows represent links between services.

Whilst LILACS provides a comprehensive database of Latin American literature, both peer-reviewed and "grey", on public health and epidemiology, the Scientific Electronic Library Online (SciELO) [ 49 ], a collaboration between a number or organisations, including BIREME, offers a portal providing free access to many journals from Latin America and the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) (see Barreto and Barata [ 44 ] in this thematic series for a succinct introduction to this also).

VHL/LILACS is not the only database which specialises in journals emanating from Latin America and/or Spain; see Figure ​ Figure2. 2 . For example, LATINDEX [ 50 ] offers a directory of a large number of Spanish and SSLAC journals in all the sciences, a proportion of which appear in a catalogue selected according to international quality standards. There are several others resulting from national or multinational initiatives (e.g. IMBIOMED [ 51 ]; LASM (Latin American Social Medicine) [ 52 ]) and focusing on medicine and health or with a wider remit (e.g. E-REVISTAS [ 53 ]; CLASE [ 54 ], PERIÓDICA [ 54 ]; REDALYC [ 55 ]). Both PERIÓDICA and CLASE were created by UNAM's Centro de Información Científica y Humanística (CICH) in the 1970s and constitute relevant regional sources of information. Regional full text access to articles appearing in the better quality health sciences journals published in Mexico is also available using the CD-ROM based ARTEMISA (Artículos Editados en México de Información en Salud) database or online since 2006 at Medigraphic Literatura Biomédica [ 56 ]. Table ​ Table3 3 provides a list of such databases together with the addresses of the relevant websites.

Bibliographic databases. A selected list of less widely known databases indexing significant numbers of Spanish language articles

VHL however provides the best starting point for investigating the rich range of Spanish language literature in the field as well as providing a number of other tools such as its "Evidence Portal" and "Health Information Locator". In addition there are many links to national VHL sites which, whilst there is a substantial degree of overlap with the main VHL web site, also provide additional resources – national SciELO sites for example may include journals not featured on the main SciELO site. In fact the wealth of resources is such that it would not be surprising if first-time users experienced a certain degree of bewilderment in navigating their way through this network and, in truth a full description of what is available would stretch to many pages (such a description would also quickly become obsolete as development and consolidation continue to proceed hand in hand).

Focusing now on the Spanish and Latin American Spanish-language journals themselves, Tables ​ Tables1 1 and ​ and2 2 provide a summary of many of those which we feel may be of use to those working in the field of public health or epidemiology (we should emphasise that this list is by no means exhaustive). Amongst other things Tables ​ Tables1 1 and ​ and2 2 indicate the general area of interest for each journal, frequency of publication and addresses of the web pages, many within the SciELO database, where further details and/or online copies of journal articles may be available (a number of these journals are indexed in widely used databases such as MEDLINE, EMBASE or Ulrich's and links for some are also provided from the websites of the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors [ 57 ] or World Association of Medical Editors [ 58 ]). While the number of journals specifically focused on public health and epidemiology is not great, many others may potentially be of interest to workers in the field. A significant number of these journals provide an abstract in English and some also in Portuguese (see Tables ​ Tables1 1 and ​ and2). 2 ). Of those focussed on public health, it is worth mentioning a few that have greater visibility (see Table ​ Table4). 4 ). The Revista de Salud Pública , published by the Universidad Nacional de Colombia since 1999, treats a wide range of subjects relevant to national as well as international public health. It is indexed in MEDLINE, SciELO, LILACS, LATINDEX as well as in two Colombian databases: the National Index of Scientific and Technological Colombian Journals and LILOCS (Literatura Colombiana de la Salud). In 2006 it had an impact factor on a two year basis of 0.18 and a citation half life of 3.25 years in the SciELO database (Table ​ (Table4). 4 ). Two Cuban journals, Revista Cubana de Higiene y Epidemiología and Revista Cubana de Salud Pública offer slightly different approaches to public health. The first is more empirical and reports findings of studies in environmental hygiene, food-related infections and occupational medicine while the second mainly publishes essay-type articles on historical, controversial or novel issues relevant to public health involving professionals from other fields. The SciELO 2006 impact factor for these journals are 0.1591 and 0.0395 respectively while the half lives are 5.17 and 2.25 years respectively, suggesting that the Revista Cubana de Higiene y Epidemiología has more visibility. Salud Pública de México , the official journal of the National Institute of Public Health addresses a broad scope of subjects, publishing original articles resulting from research in parasitic diseases' epidemiology to health economics. Its SciELO impact factor for 2006 was 0.2747 and its half life was 4.86 years which reveals its importance in the field. All the articles are available in Spanish and English. Of the Spanish journals, Gaceta Sanitaria , Revista Española de Salud Pública , and Anales del Sistema Sanitario de Navarra provide a robust assortment of information. Gaceta Sanitaria is published by the Spanish Society of Public Health and Sanitary Administration (SESPAS) and it has recently been indexed in the Thomson database with an ISI impact factor of 0.825 in 2007 (note the contrast in scale between ISI and SciELO impact factors, reflecting differences in their corresponding bibliometric algorithms; aside from the issue of scale, Figure ​ Figure3 3 illustrates disparities between rankings for a selection of journals). Revista Española de Salud Pública had an impact factor of 0.0417 and a citation half life of 4.14 years in SciELO in 2006. Although Anales del Sistema Sanitario de Navarra is indexed in SciELO, bibliometric information is not provided, however it does have a SCIMago Journal Rank (SJR) of 0.044 (a measure of impact in the SCImago – Science Visualisation – database), while Gaceta Sanitaria has an SJR of 0.068 and Revista Española de Salud Pública has an SJR of 0.052 in this database. An important source of information of public health in Latin America is the Revista Panamericana de Salud Pública/Pan American Journal of Public Health (previously the separate journals: Boletín de la Oficina Sanitaria Panamericana and Bulletin of the Pan American Health Organization ) publishing in Spanish, English, and Portuguese by PAHO since 1997. This publishes original research and analysis, with a focus on health promotion and the evolution of the programmes with which PAHO is involved. Its 2006 SciELO's impact factor was 0.2030 with a citation half life of 4.52 years.

Public health and epidemiology journals of Spain and Latin America

The table shows those journals having a ranking from at least one of the Thomson ISI, SCImago or SciELO ranking lists

NB 1 Brazilian journals which also publish articles in Spanish are not included in this table as these are dealt with elsewhere in this issue (see Barreto and Barata [ 44 ])

2 The Institute of Scientific Information's (ISI) impact factor is calculated using data from the Journal Citation Reports (JCR) from the Science Citation Index (SCI). The algorithm is as follows: the number of times articles published in the former two years were cited in indexed journals during the following year divided by the number of published articles in these two years http://www.thomsonreuters.com/business_units/scientific/free/essays/impactfactor/ . The SciELO's impact factor follows the same algorithm but takes citations given by journals indexed in the SciELO database and does it for the former two and three years. The SCImago Journal Rank (SJR) uses a different and more complex algorithm developed by Stanford University for Google named PageRank, the basic concept being that each journal's prestige is dependent on the prestige of the journals citing it which are themselves dependent on the prestige of the journals citing them et cetera . It is an iterative process based not only on the number of citations a journal receives but on where these citations come from http://www.scimagojr.com/SCImagoJournalRank.pdf and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PageRank

Scatter plots illustrating lack of consistency between measures of impact . a) Thomson-ISI impact factors versus SCImago Journal Rankings for 2006 for 28 journals of health and life sciences from Spain and Latin America found in both indexes; b) Thomson-ISI impact factors versus SciELO impact factors for 10 journals of health and life sciences from Spain and Latin America found in both indexes.

It is perhaps surprising to witness the quantity and diversity of databases and interfaces devoted to the Spanish language literature in public health and epidemiology, a result of several independent initiatives. In the period from 1996 to 2003 over 10 databases were launched, and although two (LILACS and SciELO) have achieved international recognition, most of this effort appears to have been neglected by the wider international scientific community. Only rarely are these databases used in systematic reviews and citation of articles in Spanish are infrequent in papers in the English language journals of Europe, North America or Australasia.

The multiplicity of resources may be a problem in itself but development is ongoing and some degree of consolidation is likely although the fact that a number of countries are involved, with varying research standards and infrastructure and, indeed, differing policy objectives for public health, will make this task harder and perhaps slow down their adoption by a wider audience. Nevertheless the creation of LILACS and SciELO, robust sources for dissemination of scientific literature, is worthy of remark. Collaborations between Latin American countries have been relatively uncommon, yet these countries now are participating in the expansion of existing initiatives such as VHL/BVS, LILACS and SciELO and links are being developed between independent initiatives such as LATINDEX and REDALYC.

In the context of searching author names in any bibliographic database, it may be worth mentioning in passing a peculiarity of individuals' family names in many Spanish-speaking countries, and one which can impact on the search for publications by a specific author is the use together of paternal and maternal family names (although for everyday purposes only the paternal family name may be given) [ 59 - 62 ]. As an example, let us take the name of an individual from the Spanish-speaking world with perhaps the greatest global 'name recognition', the former Cuban leader Fidel Castro. His full name is Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, the paternal family name being 'Castro' and the maternal being 'Ruz'. Were he to be an author of a paper indexed in bibliographic databases, therefore, his name might be cited in different ways in different databases as FAC Ruz, as FA Castro Ruz or as FA Castro, clearly a potential source of confusion.

The increasing interest in disseminating research findings within Spain and Latin America arises in part from the need to keep pace with the global growth of Internet-based resources, but mainly because there is a tradition of research in this field which has been growing in the past few decades [ 33 , 63 ]. The end of the Franco regime in Spain and the emergence of the socialist movements across Latin America can be considered to have provided the sparks for the modern development of public health in these countries, a development which occurred rather late compared to that in other countries. Reintegration into the European mainstream influenced its development in Spain. The influence of specific ideological movements in Latin America meant that it was approached in a somewhat different manner to that in other parts of the world [ 64 ]. Much earlier, towards the end of the 18th C the work of Espejo in Ecuador [ 65 - 67 ] and that of Virchow in Europe [ 68 ], in the first half of the 19th C, had already provided a basis from which the study of social medicine in Latin America could develop, however the most significant step in the development of this study occurred in Chile in the 1930's with the epidemiological work of the physician and pathologist Dr Salvador Allende [ 34 , 69 - 71 ]. During the 1960's and 70's the political parties of the left, including that of Allende who was to become President of Chile, integrated health as a priority in their programmes and denounced the role of poverty as a determinant of disease [ 34 , 72 , 73 ]. The study of social medicine began to expand rapidly and although many experts in the field were forced into exile at the onset of the military dictatorships in the 1970's they continued to contribute from abroad. In those countries with less repressive regimes the development of theory continued to advance the debate [ 34 ]. This social medicine approach integrates health and disease in its social, economical and political context and stresses the multi-factorial nature of causality and implies a need for more qualitative research, as well as a variety of study designs and methodologies [ 33 ], a distinctive approach to epidemiology which may warrant the interest of the wider international scientific community.

Apart from its distinctive vision of epidemiology, Latin America also represents a very rich and distinctive context which may be of special interest to epidemiologists and other health professionals. Most countries in this region are now experiencing an epidemiological transition characterised by the coexistence of infectious diseases and the so called chronic diseases of "modern life". While, in the second half of the 20th C, huge improvements in public health indicators (e.g. life expectancy and infant mortality) were observed, epidemics of non-communicable diseases began to grow [ 64 ]. Globalisation here has been characterised by rapid industrialisation, uncontrolled urbanisation and important changes in lifestyle, all contributing to the emergence of new epidemics but also to the resurgence and/or spread of infectious diseases such as dengue, cholera, and Chagas disease which were considered to belong to the past [ 64 ] or be confined to rural areas. Unregulated industrialisation of agriculture characterised by unrestrained release of pesticides and other chemicals not only caused environmental damage but also the appearance of occupational diseases [ 64 ]. Two out of the world's ten most populous cities are now found in Latin America, Mexico City and São Paulo, both harbouring over 20 million inhabitants. This accelerated growth was not followed by adequate provision of the basic requirements for human well-being, clean water and sewage disposal. Also, fuelling the burden of non-communicable diseases are changes in nutritional habits and an increasingly sedentary lifestyle. In 2000, 31% of deaths were caused solely by cardiovascular diseases [ 74 ], but widespread occurrence of cardiomyopathies arising from Chagas' disease [ 75 ] emphasises the overlap between the epidemiologies of chronic and infectious disease. With the highest levels of social inequality in the world [ 74 ], Latin America has been facing dramatic increases in violence fostering mental health problems as well as high rates of intentional injuries [ 74 ]. Inequities in access to health-care depending on socio-economic status, gender and ethnicity continue to grow [ 76 ]. Here we cannot give a comprehensive overview of epidemiology and public health in Latin America, but we wish to remind the reader of its complexity and distinctive nature and of the potentially important contribution that the research undertaken in this region could bring to the international community.

Unfortunately, there is often a perception that Spanish and Latin American journals in the fields of epidemiology and public health are of lower scientific quality. In this same issue, Barreto and Barata [ 44 ] comment on the inadequacy of the ISI impact factor to rate foreign language articles on public health and epidemiology and they describe several alternatives proposed by different researchers. The topic is well documented in his article and we will not go over it again, but it is perhaps of interest to note SCImago, employing a recently launched scientometric journal ranking algorithm, developed jointly by researchers from a number of Spanish universities [ 77 ]. This project offers an alternative, and perhaps a more appropriate means to judge the soundness of scientific articles, which may be particularly useful in relation to those written from Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries. Although the language barrier remains a problem, many journals now provide abstracts in English and, increasingly, journals and databases are encouraging bilingual and multilingual publication.

Dissemination of information about the resources described here is not only important to facilitate global awareness of relevant research and to stimulate the collaboration between Spanish-speaking countries and the international community, but also to encourage and facilitate it within Spain and Latin America, even at the level of individual countries. It has been found that these resources are rarely accessed by researchers in Latin American countries. A study among researchers in 16 countries showed that only 6% of them used LILACS and that after MEDLINE the most accessed interfaces were Google and Yahoo [ 78 ]. Institutions in the region rarely provide interfaces such as free access to online libraries and furthermore, in some settings, slow and unreliable Internet connections may take an hour or more to download a single paper, if at all. The price of articles is generally a barrier to the dissemination of scientific literature, which is exacerbated in countries with poor resources and especially in public universities. Open access publishing will certainly make a huge difference, but first requires awareness of the availability of these resources.

In summary, there is much published Spanish language material which is available online, most comprehensively via VHL, LILACS and SciELO. Nevertheless these resources are under utilised, not only by non-Spanish-speaking researchers but also by many researchers based in Spanish-speaking countries. We hope that this article will have contributed to the creation of an awareness of the existence of these resources and that the detailed information provided will facilitate their access.

• There is evidence of omission by systematic reviews of relevant studies published in Spanish

• A wealth of bibliographic databases focusing on journals of epidemiology and public health from Spain and Latin America is available

• Historical and present day contexts of public health studies in Spain and Latin America are discussed, emphasising the development of theories of social medicine

• The main features of the most prominent databases are described.

• A detailed list of relevant journals is provided

Abstracts in non-English languages

The abstract of this paper has been translated into the following languages by the following translators (names in brackets):

• Chinese – simplified characters (Mr. Isaac Chun-Hai Fung) [see Additional file 1 ]

• Chinese – traditional characters (Mr. Isaac Chun-Hai Fung) [see Additional file 2 ]

• French (Mr. Philip Harding-Esch) [see Additional file 3 ]

• Spanish (Dr. María Gloria Basáñez) [see Additional file 4 ]

List of abbreviations

ADOLEC: Literature on Adolescence Health database; ARTEMISA: Artículos Científicos Editados en México sobre Salud [Database of science articles on health published in Mexico]; BIREME: Biblioteca Regional de Medicina [Latin American and Caribbean Center on Health Sciences Information]; BVS: Biblioteca Virtual en Salud/Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde [Virtual Health Library]; CICH: Centro de Información Científica y Humanística, UNAM; CLASE: Index of documents published in Latin American journals specialising in the social sciences and humanities; ENS: Escuela Nacional de Sanidad, Spain; E-REVISTAS: Plataforma Open Access de Revistas Científicas Electrónicas Españolas y Latinoamericanas [Open Access Platform for Spanish and Latin American Scientific Electronic Journals]; HISA: Latin American and Caribbean History of Public Health database; IMBIOMED: Índice Mexicano de Revistas Biomédicas Latinoamericanas [Mexican Index of Latin American Biomedical Journals]; IME: Índice Médico Español [Spanish Medical Index]; INH: Instituto Nacional de Higiene "Alfonso XIII", Spain; INS: Instituto Nacional de Sanidad; LAC: Latin America and the Caribbean; LASM: Latin American Social Medicine database; LATINDEX: Sistema Regional de Información en Línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal [Regional online information system for Scientific Journals of Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal]; LILACS: Literatura Latinoamericana en Ciencias de la Salud [Latin American Literature in Health Sciences]; LILOCS: Literatura Colombiana de la Salud [Colombian Health Literature database]; PAHO: Pan American Health Organization = Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS); PERIÓDICA: Índice de Revistas Latinoamericanas en Ciencias [Index of documents published in Latin American journals specialising in science and technology]; REDALYC: Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal [Network of Science Journals of Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal]; RPUM: Real y Pontificia Universidad de México; SciELO: Scientific Electronic Library Online; SCIMago: Imago Scientae [Science Visualization]; SESPAS: Sociedad Española de Salud Pública y Administración Sanitaria [Spanish Society of Public Health and Health Administration]; SJR: SCIMago Journal Rank; SSLAC: Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America and the Caribbean; UNAM: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México; UNMSM: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Perú; VHL: Virtual Health Library.

Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors' contributions

JRW conceived the paper; AB and M-GB helped prepare figures and tables; AB drafted the discussion; all authors contributed to the researching of the databases and the writing of the paper, and read and approved the final version submitted.

Supplementary Material

Chinese abstract – simplified characters. Translation of the English abstract into Chinese using simplified characters.

Chinese abstract – traditional characters. Translation of the English abstract into Chinese using traditional characters.

French abstract. Translation of the English abstract into French.

Spanish abstract. Translation of the English abstract into Spanish.

Acknowledgements

M-GB thanks the Medical Research Council UK and AB thanks UNAIDS. All the authors thank two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. Rosalind M. Eggo copy-edited the final version of the manuscript.

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• Review Article
• Published: 26 March 2024

Climate change impacts and adaptations of wine production

• Cornelis van Leeuwen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9428-0167 1 ,
• Giovanni Sgubin 2 , 3 ,
• Benjamin Bois   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7114-2071 4 ,
• Nathalie Ollat 1 ,
• Didier Swingedouw   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0583-0850 2 ,
• Sébastien Zito 1 &
• Gregory A. Gambetta   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8838-5050 1  

Nature Reviews Earth & Environment ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Climate change
• Environmental impact

Climate change is affecting grape yield, composition and wine quality. As a result, the geography of wine production is changing. In this Review, we discuss the consequences of changing temperature, precipitation, humidity, radiation and CO 2 on global wine production and explore adaptation strategies. Current winegrowing regions are primarily located at mid-latitudes (California, USA; southern France; northern Spain and Italy; Barossa, Australia; Stellenbosch, South Africa; and Mendoza, Argentina, among others), where the climate is warm enough to allow grape ripening, but without excessive heat, and relatively dry to avoid strong disease pressure. About 90% of traditional wine regions in coastal and lowland regions of Spain, Italy, Greece and southern California could be at risk of disappearing by the end of the century because of excessive drought and more frequent heatwaves with climate change. Warmer temperatures might increase suitability for other regions (Washington State, Oregon, Tasmania, northern France) and are driving the emergence of new wine regions, like the southern United Kingdom. The degree of these changes in suitability strongly depends on the level of temperature rise. Existing producers can adapt to a certain level of warming by changing plant material (varieties and rootstocks), training systems and vineyard management. However, these adaptations might not be enough to maintain economically viable wine production in all areas. Future research should aim to assess the economic impact of climate change adaptation strategies applied at large scale.

Climate change modifies wine production conditions and requires adaptation from growers.

The suitability of current winegrowing areas is changing, and there will be winners and losers. New winegrowing regions will appear in previously unsuitable areas, including expanding into upslope regions and natural areas, raising issues for environmental preservation.

Higher temperatures advance phenology (major stages in the growing cycle), shifting grape ripening to a warmer part of the summer. In most winegrowing regions around the globe, grape harvests have advanced by 2–3 weeks over the past 40 years. The resulting modifications in grape composition at harvest change wine quality and style.

Changing plant material and cultivation techniques that retard maturity are effective adaptation strategies to higher temperatures until a certain level of warming.

Increased drought reduces yield and can result in sustainability losses. The use of drought-resistant plant material and the adoption of different training systems are effective adaptation strategies to deal with declining water availability. Supplementary irrigation is also an option when sustainable freshwater resources are available.

The emergence of new pests and diseases and the increasing occurrence of extreme weather events, such as heatwaves, heavy rainfall and possibly hail, also challenge wine production in some regions. In contrast, other areas might benefit from reduced pest and disease pressure.

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Introduction

Grapes are the world’s third most valuable horticultural crop, after potatoes and tomatoes, counting for a farm-gate value of US$68 billion in 2016 ref. 1 . Global production in 2020 was 80 million tonnes of grapes, harvested from 7.4 million hectares 2 . Of the produced grapes, 49% were transformed into wine and spirits, while 43% were consumed as fresh grapes and 8% as raisins. Wine, as a commodity, can be valued over a price range from US$3 to over US$1,000 per bottle, depending on quality and reputation 3 . Hence, financial sustainability does not only rely on the balance between yield and production costs, as for most agricultural products, but also on quality and reputation. The region of production is a major driver of reputation and value 4 . This regional variation in wine quality is not surprising, because the climate, or more precisely the ‘right variety in the right climate’, is a well-identified attribute of premium wine production 3 . The effect of climate conditions on grape composition at harvest (and thus, wine composition and quality) seems to be even more important than the soil type 5 .

With climate change, this fundamental regional influence on wine quality and style is changing 6 . For example, a substantial advance in harvest dates and/or an increase in wine alcohol level have already been observed in many regions such as Bordeaux and Alsace (France) 7 , 8 , 9 . The suitability for wine production in established winegrowing regions is likely to change during the twenty-first century 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 . Pressures from temperature rise and drought could challenge production in already hot and dry regions to the point where suitability will be lost, with enormous negative social and economic consequences. Mid-latitude wine regions could be increasingly exposed to spring frost events, owing to earlier budburst 14 , 15 . Projected increased hailstorm severity can result in crop and plant damage 16 . However, some of these projections are overly pessimistic, because they do not take into account the possibility for growers to adapt to the changing conditions 17 . For example, major technical levers for adaptation include changes in plant material, training systems and/or seasonal management practices 18 , 19 , 20 .

In addition, new winegrowing regions could emerge in previously unsuitable areas, as cool and subhumid climates see increasing temperatures, creating economic opportunities but also threatening wild habitats when these emerging regions do not result from converted farmland 10 . If these new vineyards are irrigated, this will increase competition for freshwater resources. Even converting existing farmland to winegrowing means less arable land dedicated to food production.

In this Review, we synthesize climate change effects on viticulture and wine production. Many articles have been published on regional impacts of climate change on wine production, and our aim is to assemble these results to produce a global picture of the changing geography of wine. We discuss the impacts of changing temperature, radiation, water availability, pests and diseases, and CO 2 on viticulture and wine. Potential adaptation measures and their limits are discussed, for example, existing producers can adapt to a certain level of warming by changing plant material (varieties and rootstocks), training systems and vineyard management. However, these adaptations might not be enough to maintain economically viable wine production in all areas. Finally, implications of viticultural expansion are discussed and compared with historical shifts in production.

Shifting geographies of wine production

Wine grapes are cultivated from the tropics to Scandinavia 21 , 22 and can be grown at elevations of over 3,000 m 23 , revealing the remarkable adaptability of grapevine to a wide range of climate conditions. Vineyard management aims at locally adapting vine cultivation to match terrain, soil and climate conditions. In cool and subhumid environments, such as vineyards in northwestern Europe, important climate-related challenges are grapevine diseases and difficulties in obtaining fully mature fruit. Hence, vineyards are commonly planted on slopes to optimize light interception and runoff, on shallow soils to promote mild water deficits that enhance ripening, with early ripening grapevine cultivars, and using training systems that maximize exposed leaf areas per unit of ground surface 24 . In such regions, the impacts of climate change are predominantly positive, as warmer conditions and higher evaporative demand make it easier for grapes to ripen 25 and limit disease-triggering humidity. In drier and warmer regions, the main challenge is plant water availability. Adaptation to water scarcity depends on local practices, favouring either irrigation or systems that use low water consumption, such as cultivation of drought-resistant varieties cropped as bushvines and/or at low planting density (number of vines per hectare). In warm and dry regions, climate change is a threat requiring immediate adaptations because of excessively high temperatures 26 and increased water scarcity 27 .

Climate change is having a growing impact on the wine industry, potentially altering the geography of high-quality wine production. After segmenting each continent and its wine-producing areas into macro-regions defined by specific climate-driven conditions (see Supplementary note and Supplementary Table  1 for definitions), we estimate a substantial risk of unsuitability (ranging from moderate to high) for 49–70% of existing wine regions, contingent on the degree of global warming (Fig.  1 ). Simultaneously, 11–25% of existing wine regions might experience enhanced production with rising temperatures, and new suitable areas might emerge at higher latitudes and altitudes (Fig.  1 ). These assessments on the future risks and opportunities for wine production worldwide are based on an exhaustive literature review (see Supplementary Table  2 ) and exhibit specific features across continents.

a – f , Current suitability across continental regions is noted by the green shading of the hexagons, from less suitable (light green) to more suitable (darker green), for North America (panel a ), South America (panel b ), Europe (panel c ), Africa (panel d ), Asia (panel e ) and Oceania (panel f ). This current suitability was based on the actual production area and on published studies (see Supplementary information ). Future suitability change in these regions is noted by the colour of the dots within the hexagons according to the key; the left dot represents the change for a scenario in which there is global warming (GW) of up to 2 °C and the right dot the change for warming of 2-4 °C. The size of the dot represents the confidence of the assessment (the larger the dot, the higher the confidence). The potential suitability of emerging wine regions is noted by hexagons that are shaded purple, from less (light purple) to more (darker purple) potential suitability based on consensus from the literature. The methodology to produce the maps is explained in the  Supplementary information . The acronyms of all regions delimited by hexagons are provided in Supplementary Table  1 , and references used for the assessments are available in Supplementary Table  2 . Out of the 73 globally identified traditional wine-producing regions, an assessment on future climate suitability was feasible for 72: for global warming below (above) 2 °C, 18 (8) show improved suitability, 19 (13) show a slight risk of suitability loss, 34 (30) a moderate risk of suitability loss and 1 (21) a high risk of suitability loss. Simultaneously, 26 new potential emerging wine regions have been identified.

North America

Currently, most of the wine production in North America (10% of global wine production 2 ) is concentrated on the west coast 28 , particularly in northern California, including Napa Valley, which stands out both in terms of production and value (Fig.  1a ). Moderate levels of global warming are projected to maintain the suitability of coastal regions of California for high-quality wine production 10 , 29 . However, winemakers in this region will face increasing risks of drought, heatwaves and wildfires, necessitating the proactive adoption of adaptation measures 30 . If global warming exceeds 2 °C, coastal California will transition to a very warm and arid climate for viticulture, probably resulting in a decline in wine quality and economic sustainability 12 , 26 . The interior regions of California might experience this decline earlier and will need to adopt more radical adaptation measures even below 2 °C of global warming 31 . The southern part of California, already characterized by a warm and dry climate, is expected to become unsuitable for high-quality wine production under global warming scenarios exceeding 2 °C 10 , 12 . Overall, the net suitable area for wine production in California could decline by up to 50% by the end of the twenty-first century 12 . Similar risks exist for Mexico, the southwestern United States and those regions of the east coast south of New Jersey 10 . The northernmost wine regions of America (that is, New British Columbia, Washington State, Oregon on the west coast, Great Lakes region and New England on the east coast) are likely to shift from cool to intermediate, or even warm, climate viticulture in the future, thus increasing their potential for premium wine production 10 , 12 , 29 , 32 . However, global warming surpassing 2 °C is likely to result in antagonistic effects. On one hand, it can enhance climate suitability, with suitable areas in these regions (excluding Oregon) probably more than doubling 10 , 12 . On the other hand, it would introduce unprecedented risks of heatwaves and increased disease pressure 26 , 33 , particularly considering that these regions are predominantly classified as humid.

South America

Current wine production in South America (10% of global wine production 2 ) is primarily concentrated in the middle to high altitudes of Chile and Argentina, benefiting from favourable temperatures and sunlight along the foothills of the Andes Mountains (Fig.  1b ). Given the extensive irrigation already adopted over the driest wine regions, such as Mendoza, projections in precipitation over traditional South American vineyards do not indicate substantial changes in suitability 34 . Consequently, the future suitability in these regions will be primarily dependent on temperature increase, ground and surface water availability 35 , and the frequency of extreme events. For a limited level of warming, the Pacific sector of South America is expected to experience a low risk of suitability loss, but this risk increases for the Atlantic regions such as Brazil and Uruguay. Cool-climate winegrowing regions, such as the Pampa region, might be improved under these conditions 34 , 36 . For more severe warming, the resilience of the northern Argentinian wine regions might require a shift from lowlands to higher slopes of the Andes 34 , 36 , while the Atlantic sector will offer poor opportunities for winemaking 10 , 12 . Expanding into newly suitable areas could imply movement southward into Argentinian Patagonia 34 , 36 or potentially an exploration of the high altitudes of the Ecuadorian and Colombian Andes 10 , 12 . In general, the projected decrease in suitable areas in the Pacific South America will probably be balanced by the potential emergence of new suitable areas 10 , 12 .

Europe is recognized as the primary producer of premium wine worldwide, with a substantial production located south of approximately 50° N. Spain, France, Italy and Germany collectively contribute to half of global wine production 2 (Fig.  1c ). However, climate change is expected to shift suitable regions towards higher latitudes and altitudes 10 , 12 . Under low levels of global warming (<2 °C), most traditional wine-producing regions will maintain suitability, albeit contingent on the implementation of adaptation measures, notably in southern Europe 13 . The combination of rising temperatures and reduced rainfall will induce severe risk of drought over south Iberia, Mediterranean France and Spain, the Po Valley, coastal Italy, the Balkan Peninsula and the southwestern Black Sea regions 13 , 27 , 37 , 38 . The risk of widespread water scarcity might render unsustainable any extensive increase in irrigation intended to preserve the suitability of these areas. Moreover, warmer conditions and increased sunburn exposure will negatively affect both yield and wine quality in these areas. For more severe warming scenarios, most Mediterranean regions might become climatically unsuitable for wine production, and vineyards below 45° N might be so challenged that the only feasible adaptation would be to relocate to higher altitudes 11 , 13 , 39 , 40 , 41 . About 90% of the traditional wine regions situated in the lowlands and coastal regions of Spain, Italy and Greece could be at risk of disappearing by the end of the century 12 . Only a minor portion of this loss (less than 20%) can be potentially compensated for by shifting vineyards towards mountainous areas, considering elevations of up to 1,000 m 11 , 42 .

Atlantic sectors of Iberia and France, along with the western Black Sea regions, will face lower risks than the Mediterranean 13 , 43 , 44 , 45 . With limited global warming, the implementation of viticultural techniques that delay ripening and alleviate water stress seem sufficient to preserve high-quality wine production 46 . More severe warming scenarios are likely to necessitate the transition to later-ripening grape varieties in these regions 12 , 13 . Conversely, Galicia, the northern Balkans, and in general areas north of 46° N are expected to benefit from global warming, at least for limited levels of temperature increase 10 , 13 , 27 . Over certain regions, early budburst might lead to an increased risk from spring frost 14 , 18 , 47 . Overall, the suitable surface area of traditional wine-producing regions is expected to decline by 20–70% by the end of the century, depending on the severity of the warming scenario 13 . Simultaneously, new wine regions are expected to expand northward, notably along the Atlantic sector 10 , 11 , 12 , 14 , 27 , resulting in a net increase of climatically suitable areas in Europe by up to 60% 13 . However, such an expansion is purely theoretical and pertains solely to climate conditions, without considering soil quality, pre-existing land use and other crucial factors for establishing new vineyards.

Africa has a relatively low level of wine production (3.8% of global wine production 2 ), with South Africa being the primary producer, while other countries such as Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria (Fig.  1d ) have a much smaller scale of production 2 . The scientific literature on future wine production in South Africa is limited, resulting in a low-confidence assessment of a moderate risk of suitability loss in both the more productive western region and the eastern region 10 , 12 . In contrast, a richer body of literature focused on the Mediterranean basin, considering different levels of global warming, indicates a moderate-to-high risk of suitability loss in the Maghreb region 27 , 48 , whose possibility of future wine production presupposes the movement to higher altitudes, for example the Atlas Mountains. Potential emerging wine regions in Africa include the highlands of Kenya and notably the highlands of Ethiopia, where the wine industry is in its early stage of development 10 , 12 .

The main winemaking regions in Asia (about 3.5% of global wine production 2 ) include the Caucasus and China (Fig.  1e ). The assessment of future Asian climate suitability for wine production is uncertain owing to limited studies, especially for Xinjiang, one of the major wine-producing regions of the continent. The inland Chinese regions (for example Ningxia), characterized by a mountain climate, might benefit from warming below 2 °C, expanding suitable areas 12 , 49 . However, further warming could render parts of this region substantially warmer and more arid, posing challenges for premium wine production 12 , 49 . The Caucasian and eastern Asian regions will face low-to-moderate risks of unsuitability depending on warming levels 10 , 12 , 41 , and this risk is higher for the arid areas of Middle East and Central Asia, possibly leading to completely unsuitable conditions for temperature increases above 2 °C 12 . Emerging regions such as the northeastern Black Sea coasts, eastern Anatolia and Pamir–Himalayan Mountains show potential for future wine production 10 , 12 .

Projected climate change in Oceania (6% of global wine production 2 ) will lead to overall warmer and drier conditions, making those regions that are already relatively warm and arid the most vulnerable (Fig.  1f ). Although limited global warming (<2 °C) will generally bring better temperature conditions to southern regions, a moderate risk of suitability loss is expected in the inner region of New South Wales 50 , 51 . This risk remains low in the rest of mainland Australia and northern New Zealand 52 . If global temperatures rise above 2 °C, the risk of suitability loss will substantially increase, and the traditional inland regions of Australia might become unsuitable 52 . Conversely, Tasmania and southern New Zealand will benefit from limited warming, which might offer more favourable conditions for premium wine production. Tasmania, in particular, shows higher potential for premium wine production in both moderate and more severe warming scenarios 10 , 51 , 52 , while New Zealand’s high-quality production can probably be ensured through management adaptation alone 12 , 53 . Overall, depending on the degree of global warming, up to 65% of the traditional Australian vineyards might become climatically unsuitable, whereas wine-producing regions in New Zealand have the potential to expand by 15–60% by the end of the century 12 .

In summary, on a global scale, approximately 25% of current wine regions might benefit from a temperature increase capped at 2 °C, and around 26% are likely to maintain their current suitability with proper management practices. This implies that global warming levels below 2 °C can be deemed a safe threshold for over half of traditional vineyards. Conversely, for temperature increases beyond 2 °C, 70% of existing winemaking regions might face substantial risks of suitability loss. Specifically, 29% might experience too extreme climate conditions, preventing premium wine production, while the future of the remaining 41% will hinge on the effective feasibility of effective adaptation measures. Further investigation in this direction is warranted to assess the environmental and economic impact of these potential strategies.

Adapting to a hotter and drier future

To maintain environmentally sustainable viticulture — that is, the production of wines with marketable quality and yield levels assuring profitable operations — adaptation is mandatory. Growers can adapt through the choice of plant material (rootstocks and varieties) or by modifying training systems and vineyard management practices. Adaptation to warmer temperatures and increased drought should be considered separately (Fig.  2 ). However, Mediterranean summer conditions with combined stresses, such as extreme temperatures, high radiation levels, strong winds, and long periods of water deficit combined with mineral stresses, are more likely to occur in the future, with non-additive and more deleterious effects than each stress taken separately 54 , 55 .

The timing of phenology is key in the production of high-quality wines. When the end of the ripening period takes place in September (March in the Southern Hemisphere), temperatures are high enough to ensure full ripeness of the grapes, but generally without excessive heat 3 . Increased temperatures under climate change advance the end of the ripening period to July or August (January or February in the Southern Hemisphere) when excessive heat can impair grape quality potential and threaten yields. Adaptive measures aim at retarding the ripening period to later in the season when temperatures are cooler. These include changes in plant material, training systems and management practices. Also, different means to obtain a cooler microclimate in the bunch zones are effective adaptations to a warmer climate. Hence, grape growers should avoid as much as possible the advancement of the ripening period.

Increased temperatures

Wine quality is very sensitive to temperature during grape ripening 9 , 56 . When temperatures are too low, wines tend to exhibit a green and acidic profile. Conversely, when temperatures are too high, wines possess high alcohol and low acidity levels, featuring cooked fruit aromas rather than fresh fruit aromas 57 . By choosing grape varieties in relation to local climate (for example early-ripening varieties in cool climates and late-ripening varieties in warm climates), ripening under ideal temperatures can be achieved under a wide range of climate conditions 3 . As a result, under current climate conditions, optimal harvests take place in September to early October in the Northern Hemisphere (March or early April in the Southern Hemisphere) in most renowned wine regions, when temperatures are neither too low nor too high.

Phenology is considered one of the most robust biological indicators of ongoing climate change 58 , and for grapevine many long-term records of major phenological stages exist (for example records of budbreak, flowering and veraison — the colour change of grape berries that marks the onset of ripening). These records almost universally indicate advanced phenology for the grapevine due to higher temperatures, in particular since the late 1980s 7 , 8 , 19 , 59 . For example, both budbreak and flowering advanced by 15 days in Alsace (France) during the period 1965 to 2003, meaning that the length of the period between budbreak and flowering remained the same 7 . Because the stages have shifted in concert, this advance in phenology could possibly shift flowering to a cooler period of the year when less favourable conditions could reduce yields 60 (Fig.  2 ). In some regions, dormancy release of latent buds might be impaired when autumn and winter temperatures increase, which can delay budbreak 8 . Delayed budbreak, as a result of climate change, is, however, an exception, and the general trend remains advanced budbreak. Harvest date is not a true phenological stage as it is influenced by human perception of desired ripeness level for the intended wine style and might be influenced by disease pressure. Nevertheless, harvest date is still largely linked to climate, and long-term harvest records have been used for climate reconstructions since the fourteenth century 61 , 62 . In most winegrowing regions around the globe, grape harvests have advanced by 2–3 weeks over the past 40 years 19 , 63 , 64 (Fig.  2 ). Earlier phenology means that ripening will occur in a warmer period of the year. Because of this shift in phenology, every 1 °C increase in temperature during the growing season results approximately in 2 °C warmer temperatures during grape ripening 65 .

As a result, wine quality and typicity are changing (Fig.  3 ). Alcohol levels and wine pH are increasing 6 , 19 , while acidity is decreasing 66 , 67 (Fig.  3 ). This decreased acidity induces lower microbiological stability, which can lead to off-flavours like those produced by the wild yeast Brettanomyces bruxellensis 68 (Fig.  3 ). Phenolic compounds, such as tannins, which give the structure to red wine, and anthocyanins, which are responsible for its colour, are reduced in grapes under high temperatures 69 , 70 , 71 . Moreover, sugar and anthocyanin accumulation in grape berries are decoupled under high temperatures, making harvest decisions increasingly difficult 72 .

Climate change (in particular, increased temperatures) might impair wine quality. Major effects of increased temperatures and drought include: a modification of the aroma profile, with more overripe and cooked fruit aromas replacing fresh fruit aromas; excessive alcohol levels; increased pH, resulting in wines with less perceived freshness and increased risk of microbiological spoilage. ABV, alcohol by volume. Credit: right inset, bhofack2/Getty images; left inset, LauriPatterson/Getty images.

The amount of humidity that the air is able to contain increases with temperature 73 . Hence, vapour pressure deficit and reference evapotranspiration (ET 0 ) increase with temperature. As a result, even if precipitation levels remain unchanged, plant water use will increase with higher temperature, increasing the risk of drought 74 .

Excessive temperatures can negatively affect yield, because of increased competition for carbohydrates during bunch initiation in primary buds 75 , a decrease in the number of flowers per bunch 76 , reduced fecundation 77 , reduced berry size due to limited carbohydrate resources 75 , 78 , or increased drought 79 . However, reduced yields have not been observed for a temperature increase of 2 °C above current temperatures in South Australia 80 .

Plant material choices are a key lever for adapting to increasing temperatures 81 , and the thousands of existing Vitis vinifera varieties display great differences in the timing of their phenology 82 , 83 , 84 . Varieties and clones with a long phenological cycle delay the ripening period to a later period in the season when temperatures are cooler. As a first step, later-ripening clones can be chosen within the existing varieties that are grown in a particular region 19 , 85 . Although the differences in phenology might not be as great, making use of clonal diversity alleviates the need to change varieties. If more phenological diversity is needed, the proportion of late-ripening varieties can be increased. Genetic diversity from niche environments (in particular from the Mediterranean islands, such as Baleares, Cyprus, Cyclades) should be explored to access extremely late-ripening varieties 86 . Later-ripening varieties can also be created through breeding, although simulation using genetic models indicates that even the most ideal late-ripening variety might not ripen late enough in extreme climate change scenarios 87 . The temperature requirements for major phenological stages across varieties are available in the literature 83 , 84 , and these can serve as guidelines for selecting varieties adapted to future climate conditions 88 .

Exposure to direct sunlight increases bunch temperature substantially. As a result, the effect of radiation and temperature are not easy to separate 89 . A potential avenue to adapt to higher temperatures is adopting resilient training systems that prevent grapes from excessive exposure to direct sunlight. These training systems mitigate the heating of bunches to temperatures far above ambient air temperatures, which reduces the risk of sunburn. Examples of such training systems are the traditional goblet bushvine 20 , 90 or more sprawling canopies that shade fruit 91 . Establishing vines with higher trunks increases minimum temperatures, while reducing maximum temperatures in the fruit zone 92 . Elevating the fruit zone has the effect of reducing the exposure of grapes to both spring frost and heatwaves. Minimal pruning delays maturity but increases water use 93 . Applications of chemically inert mineral particles such as zeolite and kaolin can substantially reduce leaf temperature 94 .

Some annual vineyard management practices also have the potential to delay maturity 95 , such as establishing a reduced ratio of leaf area to fruit weight 96 , 97 , or late pruning 98 . Shading nets reduce temperature in the canopy and fruit zone but substantially increase production cost 99 . Simply choosing to harvest earlier (for example by reducing the time from the onset of ripening to harvest) can avoid excessive sugar and alcohol in the resulting wine and can reduce cooked fruit aromas 100 . Finally, when possible, vineyards can be moved to higher altitudes where temperatures are cooler 34 . However, this option might have important environmental impacts 10 , as we discuss in the section on the impact of viticultural expansion.

The quantity and quality of solar radiation influence the morphological development of the grapevine, its physiology, and the production of metabolites that play a key role in wine quality. Managing sunlight interception by leaves, buds, flowers and grapes through planting density, row height and canopy management is crucial to grapevine production 101 . The intensity of photosynthetic activity depends on both temperature and sunlight 102 , and the photosynthesis saturation threshold for light increases with air temperature (optimum between 25 and 30 °C) 103 . Like all plants, grapevine biomass production increases with light availability 104 , except in hot and dry conditions, which can reduce photosynthesis despite non-limiting light conditions 105 . Solar radiation contributes to grape yield as it has a key role in fruitfulness 106 . It also triggers secondary metabolism and favours the production of polyphenols (tannins, anthocyanins) 107 and many aromatic compounds that contribute to wine quality 108 . The role of ultraviolet light needs particular attention, as high-elevation viticulture is developing with climate change. Ultraviolet light decreases photosynthetic activity 109 , increases polyphenols in fruit and can potentially decrease the incidence of some major grapevine diseases 110 , such as grey mould or powdery mildew 111 .

The projected change in incoming solar radiation over wine-producing areas of the world is heterogeneous. By the end of the twenty-first century, solar radiation in Europe and northeastern America might experience a rise of 5–12% 112 , 113 , specifically during summer 114 , whereas little or uncertain change is projected in other major wine-producing regions. In hot winegrowing regions, grape ripening speed and sunburn risks are tempered through training systems that limit grape exposure to sun (for example bushvines, sprawling canopy, pergolas) 20 . Row orientation 115 , shading nets 116 or adjustable above-canopy solar panels 79 are additional strategies to cope with risks related to excessive sunshine (drought, excessive heat, sunburn).

Agricultural droughts — defined as periods of abnormal soil moisture deficit, due to shortage of precipitation and excess evapotranspiration, that affect crop production — are already increasing in a number of regions around the world, partly owing to human-induced climate change 117 . In the future, this observed trend will continue, and soil moisture will strongly decrease in various wine regions (Fig.  4 ). Globally, agricultural droughts might occur 2.4 or 4.1 times more frequently for a 2 °C or 4 °C global warming level, respectively 117 . Europe and most notably the Mediterranean region might be strongly affected by such an increase (Fig.  4c ), given that the frequency and intensity of drought have already substantially increased since the mid-twentieth century in the Mediterranean region 117 .

a – f , Projections for agricultural drought (soil moisture deficit) in major current and future winegrowing regions for temperature increases of 2 °C (left dot) and 4 °C (right dot), given the present-day level of precipitation, for North America (panel a ), South America (panel b ), Europe (panel c ), Africa (panel d ), Asia (panel e ) and Oceania (panel f ). Abbreviations of each winegrowing region are listed in Supplementary Table  1 . Precipitation data are averaged on the period 1979–1999 from Global Precipitation Climatology Project (GPCP) data 254 and expressed in mm yr −1 . The projections data are taken from CMIP6 climate models, gathered in Figure SPM.5 of the 2021 IPCC report 117 . The level of confidence reflects the agreement among models as well as the size of the region concerned. In most regions, water availability will decline, in particular in the Mediterranean basin.

Water fluxes through the soil–plant–atmosphere continuum are regulated by leaf stomata 118 . Under drought, plants activate stomatal closure to prevent damage from excessive water losses (Fig.  5 ). Because CO 2 enters the leaf mesophyll through these stomata, water deficit also reduces photosynthesis, leading to a reduction in crop productivity 119 , 120 . The mechanisms triggering stomatal closure are complex and involve hydraulic 121 and hormonal signalling 122 , resulting in important differences in drought resistance across grapevine varieties 123 , 124 and rootstocks 125 . Water deficit reduces shoot growth more quickly than it reduces transpiration, in particular for secondary stems 126 . As a result, leaf area is reduced under drought, which further reduces water losses through transpiration, but also reduces plant productivity 127 .

Adaptation can be achieved through either limiting transpiration or increasing access to soil water. Limiting transpiration can be achieved by reducing canopy size and/or choosing varieties with more conservative stomatal control. Increasing access to soil water can be achieved by decreasing density, choosing high-vigour drought-tolerant rootstocks and/or establishing vineyards in a manner that promotes deeper rooting. Successfully adapting vineyards to drought is likely to require combining many of these adaptation mechanisms. E max denotes maximal transpiration. Adapted from ref.  255 under a Creative Commons licence CC BY 4.0 .

Water deficit negatively affects all yield components. Under drought, bunch initiation in latent buds is impaired, resulting in a lower number of bunches per shoot 128 . Limited availability of carbohydrates in dry conditions further reduces fruit set, limiting the number of berries per bunch 129 . Finally, berry weight is lower under drought 130 , in particular when occurring before veraison 131 , and more severe pre-veraison water deficits can reduce yield in the following season 132 . Owing to a reduced carbohydrate availability, effects on yield losses are cumulative after multiple dry years 133 .

The composition of grapes is also affected by water deficit. Because photosynthesis is reduced under severe drought, the sugar import in berries is impaired, resulting in lower sugar content (when expressed in mg per berry). Berry growth is, however, also severely restricted, so sugar concentration (expressed as gl − 1 sugar in grape juice) is not necessarily lower in water deficit conditions 134 , 135 . Compared with well-watered vines, berries actually ripen faster under mild water deficits, whereas ripening slows down under severe water deficit 136 . Water deficit reduces berry malic acid content, resulting in lower total acidity and higher pH 137 . Berries of red grapevine varieties accumulate more anthocyanins under water deficit, which improves red wine quality 138 , 139 , 140 . Water deficit also has positive impacts on most aroma compounds in grapes and red wines 141 , 142 . Hence, in general, red grape and wine quality is improved when vines are grown under water deficit, except when severe 137 . The relationship with water deficit is less straightforward for white grapes and wines 143 , because more polyphenols in white grapes do not necessarily translate into improved quality 144 .

Adaptation methods to mitigate drought damage are economically sustainable and possible with annual rainfall as low as 350 mm yr −1 (ref. 137 ). The choice of drought-resistant plant material is a major means for adaptation (Fig.  5 ). Typical Mediterranean varieties such as Grenache, Carignan and Cinsault produce good yields and high-quality wines in dry conditions with rainfall as low as 350 mm yr −1 without supplementary irrigation 145 , 146 . The mechanisms of varietal differences in drought resistance involve the complex interaction between many traits, which include lower maximum transpiration and stomatal conductance, and earlier stomatal closure 124 , 146 . Water-use efficiency also varies among clones at the intravarietal level 147 . Cultivated vines are generally grafted on rootstocks, and these display variability in drought resistance resulting from differences in their ability to explore the available soil volume (the plant’s vigour) together with differences in their ability to regulate transpiration of the variety grafted on top of the rootstock 148 , 149 . The training system is another key driver of drought resistance in grapevines (Fig.  5 ). For example, Mediterranean goblet bushvines are highly resilient to drought because of their reduced ratio of canopy surface area to vineyard surface area 90 , 150 . Bushvines grow near the ground where friction limits wind speed, reducing plant transpiration. Reduced planting density accomplishes the same reduction in the ratio of canopy to vineyard surface area, limiting light interception and transpiration on a per hectare basis. Thus, decreasing the number of vines per hectare, by increasing the distance between the rows, limits seasonal water consumption 19 . Applications of chemically inert mineral particles such as zeolite and kaolin increase midday leaf water potential, water-use efficiency and yield 94 , 151 . Short- and long-term adaptations to increased drought are extensively reviewed 152 .

The vine is a deep-rooting plant species, which is one of the drivers of its drought tolerance, because soil water holding capacity increases with rooting depth 153 . Before establishing the vineyard, deep soil preparation by means of a ripper favours deep rooting and increases plant available water reservoir 154 , 155 (Fig.  5 ).

Irrigation is another option to manage drought in vineyards. It promotes higher yields in dry conditions but also consumes limited freshwater resources 156 . Vines were traditionally dry-farmed in the Mediterranean basin but are usually irrigated in emerging winegrowing regions. In some of these regions (Mendoza, Argentina; Murray River Basin, Australia; Central Valley, California, USA), rainfall is at or below 300 mm yr −1 , and vines either cannot be grown, or yields would be prohibitively low, without supplementary irrigation 157 . To achieve higher yields, irrigation is now expanding in countries where vines used to be dry-farmed, like Spain. This growing use of irrigation is increasing competition for the limited freshwater resources in these countries 158 , 159 . Drip irrigation reduces the amount of irrigation water applied 160 but increases the risk of soil salinization 161 .

Increased CO 2

In the future, atmospheric CO 2 concentrations might reach 600 ppm or over 1,000 ppm by the end of the twenty-first century, depending on the emission scenario 117 , 162 . Generally, elevated CO 2 positively affects photosynthesis and enhances plant growth in C3 plants, owing to the CO 2 fertilization effect 163 . However, some negative effects have also been reported on plant mineral status 164 and in the control of cellular oxidation status and associated regulatory pathways to stress responses. Together, these effects could underlie acclimation processes 165 .

The few pluriannual enriched CO 2 experiments (free-air CO 2 enrichment, known as FACE, and open-top chamber experiments) in the field have shown a consistent increase in CO 2 assimilation, biomass accumulation at the vegetative and reproductive levels, water-use efficiency at the leaf level, and advanced phenology 166 , 167 , 168 . The effects on stomatal conductance and transpiration were inconsistent and depended on variety and other climate parameters such as evaporative demand and the tested CO 2 concentration. Berry sugar, organic acids and secondary metabolites such as polyphenols and aromas were only marginally affected by increased CO 2 concentration, and the effect was not consistent across years 167 , 169 .

Nevertheless, it is now clear that at the global level the positive effects of CO 2 on assimilation and biomass production are already offset by limiting abiotic factors such as increased vapour pressure deficit, drought and temperature 170 , 171 , 172 . When high temperatures (+2 °C) were combined with high CO 2 (650 ppm), synergetic effects on carbon assimilation were observed, but an antagonist effect on stomatal conductance and transpiration, resulting in temperature neutralizing the positive effect of CO 2 on water-use efficiency 166 . Under high-temperature, high-CO 2 climate change conditions (700 ppm [CO 2 ] and temperatures +4 °C) applied in a greenhouse during a single growth cycle, a decrease of anthocyanin to sugar ratio was observed 109 , 173 , similar to ratios observed under elevated temperature only, suggesting that the effects of elevated temperature alone predominate.

Extreme events

Global warming is already modifying the occurrence of some extreme events, and this trend is likely to worsen during the twenty-first century regardless of the emission scenario considered. Summer heatwaves have become more frequent and are stronger in amplitude 117 . For a scenario of 4 °C global warming, heatwaves that occurred once every decade in the pre-industrial era are projected to occur almost every year, exhibiting a 5 °C increase in amplitude as compared with heatwaves from the preindustrial era 117 .

Temperatures above 35 °C have a range of developmental, physiological and biochemical impacts on grapevines that depend on interactions with other climate variables (for example drought and wind) and on the timing of their occurrence relative to the vine’s growth cycle 174 . Extremely high temperatures (above 40–45 °C) can limit photosynthesis owing to damage to photosystem II and cause irreversible burning of leaves and berries 175 , with severe negative impacts on fruit yield. Yield losses up to 30–45% have been reported due to heatwaves 175 , 176 . However, these data are rare, and it can be hypothesized that yield losses could be even more severe if heatwaves occurred during or just after flowering, causing flower abortion and a reduction of bunch biomass 78 , 177 , and/or in combination with extreme drought events 174 , 178 . In addition to yield losses, heat stress negatively affects ripening and berry composition. For example, heatwaves during the green stages of berry development delay the onset of ripening 179 , 180 . Exposure to extreme heat events during ripening can affect sugar accumulation, organic acid and amino acid metabolism, as well as secondary metabolites that have a strong impact on berry composition and wine quality, such as polyphenols and aromas 108 , 180 , 181 . Shading the vines with nets or photovoltaic panels can be efficient options to mitigate the effects of heatwaves. Row orientation and training systems allowing more shade on canopies and clusters are also long-term adaptation means to lower the detrimental effects of extreme temperatures 178 .

The combined effects of more frequent drought and heatwaves increase the likelihood of wildfires 182 . Areas planted with vineyards can buffer the progress of wildfires 183 and might serve as natural firebreaks, because of biomass discontinuity and limited burning capacity 184 . Nevertheless, vines subjected to wildfires can be damaged to various degrees by flame, heat and smoke, in particular under warm and dry climates. Vines heavily affected by heat present reduced growth, starch concentrations in canes and buds, and fertility during the following season, with recovery taking up to 2 years 185 . When wines are produced with berries exposed to wildfire smoke during ripening, smoke taint is a major concern depreciating wine quality 186 . It provokes unpleasant ‘smoky’ and ‘ashy’ aromas and flavours caused by volatile phenols produced during the combustion of plant biomass but also by endogenous berry metabolic pathways through the shikimic acid and phenylpropanoid pathways 187 . Although volatile phenols decrease quickly following grape exposure to smoke 188 , unripened berries can also induce smoky aromas in wines. The accumulation of metabolites of the aforementioned glycosidic and shikimic pathways can be further transformed into undesirable compounds. Keeping vineyard surroundings free from bushy vegetation and vineyard soils free from grasses could mitigate wildfire damages in vineyards 189 .

Extreme precipitation events are already occurring more frequently in many regions, and there is a high confidence that this trend will continue 117 . It is predicted that at the global scale the frequency of extreme precipitation events will increase by 2.7 times on average, with about a 30% increase in volume per event for a 4 °C global warming scenario 117 , which might strongly increase the risk of flooding events. For a 2 °C global warming scenario, the frequency of heavy rain events is predicted to increase by 1.7 times, with a 14% increase in volume per event.

Flooding can affect both vineyards and buildings associated with winemaking, with short- and long-term consequences, which have subsequent major direct and indirect economic impacts on the production 190 . Flood damage modelling efforts have been aimed at evaluating the risks and the potential economic consequences of increasing flood frequency, mainly for compensation and insurance purposes 190 , 191 . In the vineyard, impacts are threefold: the soil might be affected with erosion or soil displacement, the vines can be uprooted and the canopy partly or totally damaged, and finally the crop can be destroyed when flood occurs during the season before harvest 190 . To mitigate flood damage to the vineyard, under-vine vegetation can be grown to improve infiltration of rainwater and limit erosion in case of heavy rain events. Competition for water from the cover crop is generally limited or non-existent, because under-vine vegetation enhances deeper rooting, promoting the vine’s roots to access deep water reserves 192 . Equipment and stored wines can be destroyed by flooding if the winery is located in a risky area, which should be avoided as much as possible.

Although projections place high confidence in extreme precipitation increase in the future, the change in hailstorm frequency and intensity remains uncertain. An assessment suggested that hailstorm frequency might increase in Australia and Europe, but decrease in East Asia and North America, while hail severity will increase in most regions 16 . However, hail results from severe convective storms, including complex and fine-scale phenomena, which suffer inaccurate simulations by climate models 16 . Hail can partly or totally destroy the annual vegetation of the vines, as well as the crop, with risks of pest and disease infections and secondary effects over several seasons. The fruit quality might also be impaired 193 . Damage on latent buds can affect the production of the following year 194 . When there is high risk of hail, damage can be prevented by using nets or alternative vine-covering systems 195 .

Finally, projections of the risks of future spring frost show large uncertainties. Although the number of frost days is decreasing and the date of the last spring frost is advancing, budbreak dates are also advancing. The relative rates of change of these events in the future are strongly model-dependent, thus prohibiting a robust assessment 14 , 15 , 196 , 197 . Several methods have been developed for frost protection in vineyards, including wind machines, over-vine sprinklers, budbreak delaying techniques 198 and the increase of trunk height 92 .

Climate change implies that vineyards are increasingly subjected to constraining climate conditions, such as elevated temperature and heatwaves, drought or extreme precipitation, leading for example to increased risks of floods and wildfires. These hazards can alter the quantity and the quality of harvested grapes as well as long-term vineyard sustainability. Adaptation strategies implemented by growers, either annually, such as pruning date or cover-crop management, or over the long-term, such as varietal choice, training systems and plantation sites, might substantially reduce the vulnerability of vineyards.

Changing impacts of pests and diseases

Winegrowers are challenged by a multitude of pathogens and insects (hereafter termed bioaggressors), causing major yield and quality losses which sometimes limit economically viable wine production. The current control of vineyard bioaggressors is mainly based on pesticide applications, leading to soil and water pollution 199 , affecting global health 200 , and leading to substantial global financial losses 201 . The impact of bioaggressors is strongly affected by climate, and climate change is modifying the spatial distribution, frequency and intensity of bioaggressors 202 , 203 , 204 .

These changes may have negative, positive or neutral effects for viticulture (Fig.  6 ). Negative effects include more favourable conditions for the development of pests 201 and diseases 202 , immigration of pathogen vector 203 , increasing the speed of growth, and/or increased plant susceptibility 204 . Positive effects include conditions becoming unfavourable for the pathogen, more adapted conditions for a bioaggressor’s natural enemies, improvement in the plant’s defences, and/or reduction in the plant’s susceptibility period 205 , 206 , 207 , 208 , 209 . All these interactions might be affected in parallel and to a greater or lesser degree, making it very difficult to determine the direct impact of climate change on bioaggressors.

For each bioaggressor, coloured backgrounds to each statement identify the positive or negative expected consequences of climate change as reported or hypothesized in the scientific literature. In subtropical to mid-latitude wine regions where drier conditions during the growing season are expected, downy mildew pressure should decrease as a result of reduced contamination. In contrast, powdery mildew pressure should increase owing to earlier and faster development of the pathogen. Insects, which either transport virus and phytoplasma or provide direct damage to grapevine, will show various changes in their life traits that might either limit or increase their harmfulness. Phytopathology depends not only on the bioaggressors’ biological features but also on plant vulnerability to pests and diseases 232 . Moreover, interactions (depicted by circular arrows) of bioaggressors with their natural enemies or trophic competitors, such as parasitoids, might modify pest and disease issues in the vineyard 256 . As a result, pest-related damages, as well as the outcomes of grey mould, viruses and grapevine trunk diseases in a changing climate, remain highly uncertain. Credit: insets showing grapevine pests and diseases courtesy of Marielle Adrian, Anais Pertuizet, and Fanny Vogelweith.

Climate change might favour the expansion of invasive species in new territories (Fig.  6 ). For example, the spotted wing drosophila ( Drosophila suzukii , native to Southeast Asia), which damages various fruit crops including grapes, has been spreading in Europe and the United States since the early 2000s. Even if pest immigration is also related to increasing globalization, climate change affects the survival and continued spread of this species, owing to milder winters and improved conditions for development during summer 210 .

Studies of the consequences of climate change on grapevine insects are mostly focused on Lobesia botrana , a moth from the Tortricidae family, which inflicts damage on buds, flowers and berries worldwide. Its lifecycle traits, in particular its reproductive cycle, are mostly driven by temperature conditions 211 . Hence, warming is changing its phenology with earlier emergence 212 and increased voltinism 213 (number of generations per year; Fig.  6 ). Yet an increase in the number of generations does not necessarily produce additional damage, as higher temperatures lead to an earlier harvest 214 , 215 . In hot production areas (southern California, southern Spain, Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Palestine), where summer temperature approaches the upper thermal limit of this species, a decrease in L. botrana abundance is projected, whereas an increase is simulated during the twenty-first century in northern California and most of Europe 216 , 217 .

Fungus or fungus-like related diseases do not only depend on temperature, but are highly sensitive to humidity and precipitation changes. Downy and powdery mildews are considered the most important fungal threat for many wine-producing regions worldwide with a diversity of climate conditions 218 . These two diseases are caused by polycyclic pathogens whose development is strongly dependent on the weather conditions of the growing season. Plasmopara viticola , causing downy mildew, requires rainfall and leaf wetness to contaminate grapevine at every stage of its development 219 . Owing to uncertainties in precipitation changes in many regions at mid-latitudes 117 , projected changes in downy mildew risks yield contradictory results. In northeast France, less favourable conditions are expected owing to decreases in the duration and occurrence of leaf wetness and to temperatures exceeding the optimum for infection 220 . In contrast, in northern Italy 221 and in many European wine regions 222 the disease severity is expected to slightly increase with rising temperature. Similar uncertainties exist for Erysiphe necator , the causal agent of powdery mildew 214 , 223 , 224 .

Climate change might affect other major grapevine diseases such as grape grey mould, a ubiquitous disease worldwide 218 , caused by Botrytis cinerea , or grapevine trunk diseases (a syndrome causing grapevine decay and caused by a large diversity of fungal pathogens 225 ). As grey mould epidemics are strongly related to humidity conditions 226 , one could expect reduced grey mould where drier conditions during grape ripening period are expected (Fig.  6 ). However, investigations regarding these pathologies are few, rendering projections of their possible evolution during the next decades uncertain.

In conclusion, while climate optimum ranges are identified for development rate, spreading and virulence of many grapevine bioaggressors 219 , 227 , 228 , 229 , projection of climate change impacts on grapevine phytopathology are challenging because of the existence of complex interactions, including the genetic evolution of bioaggressors (leading to adaptation to new climate conditions), microbial ecology at plot and plant levels 230 , and pest–plant–parasites tritrophic interactions 231 , 232 .

The impact of viticultural expansion

As detailed above, climate change threatens long-established viticultural regions throughout the world, and predicting future threats to these regions has garnered a lot of attention. What is less studied is the potential impact of viticultural expansion into new regions. Changes in climate are predicted to make large areas previously considered unsuitable or undesirable for viticulture into desirable regions 10 , 13 , 37 . Most of these newly suitable regions are predicted to be at higher latitudes and/or altitudes. For example, suitable land area increases ranging from 80% to more than 200% (dependent on the degree of warming) are predicted for the northerly regions of Europe and North America 10 . In addition, the expansion of newly suitable viticultural areas in Europe is predicted to greatly outpace losses, resulting in a net increase of as much as 40% by the end of the century 13 . Regional studies have made similar predictions. For example, vineyard area in the United Kingdom has expanded approximately 400% between 2004 and 2021, and studies predict emerging viticultural suitability across large portions of the country 233 .

Viticultural expansion requires either the conversion of existing agricultural land and/or the conversion of wild habitats. Thus, viticultural expansion will have major impacts on land use and natural resources. Even within established wine regions, changing suitability could potentially threaten wild lands. As temperatures increase, higher elevations might become increasingly suitable for viticulture, but this upslope expansion could encroach on wild habitats in mountain regions 234 , 235 .

Unfortunately, studies that detail changes in land use resulting from viticultural expansion are scarce. One such study, examining expansion and changes in land use in the Prosecco region of Italy, demonstrated that impacts on wild lands can be important. During a 5-year period from 2007 to 2012, conversion of existing cropland accounted for approximately 65% of the new expansion 236 , while the remaining 35% was planted on converted grass and woodlands. We would expect the impact of viticultural expansion on wild habitats to be highly variable across different regions, but clearly, this expansion poses a real threat. Governmental authorities would be wise to monitor these conversions in order to quantify the extent to which wild lands are being impacted.

Making accurate predictions regarding viticultural expansion is difficult because it is dependent on many factors. The suitability predictions outlined in this Review are all based on environmental constraints, but changes in vineyard area are dependent on additional factors, most notably market forces. In the early 2000s, a period of rapid growth of viticulture in South Africa, warnings were made that increasing local suitability could drive viticultural expansion into surrounding wild lands 237 . In reality, there has been a reduction in vineyard area in the region since the 2000s, because of decreased market demand 238 . Although the warnings were correct to point out the threats posed by viticultural expansion, this expansion was never realized because of other constraints.

Throughout history, vineyard locations have changed continuously, at the local, national and international levels. Geopolitical issues, social demands, market forces, issues around transportation, natural crises such as disease outbreaks, and changes in environmental conditions have been the main drivers of change 239 , 240 , 241 , 242 , 243 . There are numerous historical examples. Archaeological excavations show that viticulture existed in Great Britain during the Roman period 244 when climate conditions in the Northern Hemisphere were almost as warm as the 1960–1990 reference period 245 , 246 . It disappeared after the sixteenth century because of increased imports from abroad 247 and probably also because of the colder conditions of the Little Ice Age, which lasted about 500 years from the fourteenth to mid-nineteenth century, with average temperatures 0.4–0.7 °C lower than for a reference period defined as 1961–1990 in the Northern Hemisphere and Europe 246 , 248 .

In Europe, the largest vineyard expansion occurred from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth centuries, despite relatively cool conditions. In France, vineyards increased by 43% between 1808 and 1870 ref. 249 , followed by a sudden collapse because of the phylloxera outbreak. This expansion was mainly linked to the large social demand due to the industrial development around major cities. In 1827, a detailed statistical analysis about vineyard location in France showed that only the northwest of France had no vineyards at this time 250 , presumably because of unsuitable climate conditions. In many of the emerging wine regions, viticulture development was first linked to colonial expansion, with economic motivations being important drivers of vineyard development 247 , 251 .

The extent to which viticulture will expand into new regions remains an open question and depends to a large extent on market forces. This potential expansion holds economic opportunities but also risks the loss of wild lands and increased consumption of freshwater resources when new vineyards are irrigated. Regions where this expansion is likely to occur should be proactive about mitigating these negative impacts on natural resources.

Summary and future perspectives

This Review outlines the huge challenges that climate change is presenting for viticulture and provides a consensus map on suitability gains and losses that details potential changes to the distribution of winegrowing regions globally. The exact extent of these changes remains unknown and will depend on the magnitude of climate change along with the ability to adapt to these challenges. The primary threats are increased heat and drought, extreme weather events, and unpredictability with regard to changing pest and disease pressure. The regions that are most at risk are those with already hot and dry climates. Without radical adaptation, some of these regions are clearly threatened. Change also brings with it opportunities, as some regions will benefit, and new wine regions will surely emerge. However, these changes are not without consequences either, and expanding viticulture could bring with it impacts on natural resource consumption and wild habitats.

Where possible, these climate challenges need to be met with robust science-based adaptation strategies. Some adaptations to hotter and drier climates are already known and embody simple, sound agronomic principles. For example, heatwave damage can be mitigated through changing canopies to increase the shading of fruit, and vineyard water use can be reduced through decreased planting density and smaller canopies. Given the geographical range across which grapevine is cultivated, it can be argued that it is a highly tolerant crop, but concrete climate thresholds for losses in fruit and wine quality, and the knowledge of how these thresholds vary with variety, rootstock and management practices, are still lacking. The difficulty in predicting hard thresholds for decreased fruit quality and production is probably due to the plasticity of grapevines, which readily adapt to climate challenges even within a single season, and to the adaptations brought about by the winegrowers themselves.

Grapevine varietal diversity is probably the most promising adaptation lever for climate change, and probably the most underused. The limited use of genetic diversity is almost certainly due in part to market forces that have homogenized diversity across most regions 81 , 252 . Still, there are hundreds to thousands of different varieties and clones waiting to be explored, many of which will have valuable phenotypes for adaptation to climate change. Guiding the use of this diversity is problematic because we do not clearly understand the physiological mechanisms and genetic basis for most traits, making screening varieties laborious and time-consuming. Advancement in the understanding of these mechanisms, and their genetic underpinnings, will speed the identification of varieties adapted to specific climate extremes. This will require identifying and accurately phenotyping key traits across a wide diversity of grapevine genotypes.

As the climate becomes more extreme, some viticultural regions are starting to hit these thresholds. Exceptionally hot and dry vintages across Europe, for example in Spain and Portugal, have driven some rainfed vineyards in the hottest and driest regions to their breaking point, resulting in stunted vines, defoliated canopies and severe yield losses. We need to learn from these events through monitoring programmes that quantitatively follow these extreme climates and their impacts. For example, in many dry-farmed regions, water status monitoring is conspicuously absent, and implementing such monitoring could reveal threatening levels of water stress and allow mitigating actions 137 . As viticulture expands into new regions, impacts on natural ecosystems and biodiversity need to be considered and negative impacts mitigated. This could mean avoiding the conversion of wild lands, designing new vineyards to be dry-farmed wherever possible to eliminate the need for irrigation, and/or emphasizing sustainability and environmental stewardship.

The most important aspect of wine production is the finished product. All adaptations to climate change must preserve the economic sustainability of production through maintaining adequate yields and quality that meet consumer demands 152 . Working with the market and the consumers can be the biggest challenge, and sometimes highly effective adaptation options remain unused because of market constraints (for example new hybrid varieties and genetically modified varieties). Marketing wine by the region of origin and not by the variety is a route to consumer’s acceptance of the use of less-known varieties, which might potentially be better adapted to the changing climate 253 .

One thing is certain: climate change will drive major changes in global wine production in the near future. Having the flexibility to adapt to these changes will be essential.

Data availability

The suitability assessment compiled in Fig.  1 can be obtained by applying, for each region identified in Supplementary Table  1 , the methodology explained in the Supplementary note and in Supplementary Tables  3 , 4 and 5 , for each specific reference selected in Supplementary Table  2 .

The data underlying Fig.  3 are freely available, for the observed precipitations at http://gpcp.umd.edu/ and for drought projections at https://catalogue.ceda.ac.uk/uuid/1b91153925dd474387bb696d59adbd15 .

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Acknowledgements

B.B. and S.Z. thank P. Louâpre and M. Adrian for help with Fig.  6 . D.S., C.v.L., G.G. and G.S. acknowledge the financial support of the RRI ‘Tackling Global Change’ funded by the University of Bordeaux and Jas Hennessy.

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C.v.L. acted as lead author and designed Fig. 2 . G.S. implemented an extensive literature review for Fig. 1 , designed that figure and participated in writing. G.S. also wrote the methodology in the Supplementary Data section. D.S. designed Fig. 4 and participated in writing. B.B. and S.Z. designed Fig. 6 and participated in writing. N.O. participated in writing. G.G. designed Fig. 5 , participated in writing and edited the manuscript.

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English dominates scientific research – here’s how we can fix it, and why it matters

Científica titular del Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS - CSIC), Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS - CSIC)

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It is often remarked that Spanish should be more widely spoken or understood in the scientific community given its number of speakers around the world, a figure the Instituto Cervantes places at almost 600 million .

However, millions of speakers do not necessarily grant a language strength in academia. This has to be cultivated on a scientific, political and cultural level, with sustained efforts from many institutions and specialists.

The scientific community should communicate in as many languages as possible

By some estimates, as much as 98% of the world’s scientific research is published in English , while only around 18% of the world’s population speaks it. This makes it essential to publish in other languages if we are to bring scientific research to society at large.

The value of multilingualism in science has been highlighted by numerous high profile organisations, with public declarations and statements on the matter from the European Charter for Researchers , the Helsinki Initiative on Multiligualism , the Unesco Recommendation on Open Science , the OPERAS Multiligualism White Paper , the Latin American Forum on Research Assessment , the COARA Agreement on Reforming Research Assessment , and the Declaration of the 5th Meeting of Minsters and Scientific Authorities of Ibero-American Countries . These organisations all agree on one thing: all languages have value in scientific communication.

As the last of these declarations points out, locally, regionally and nationally relevant research is constantly being published in languages other than English. This research has an economic, social and cultural impact on its surrounding environment, as when scientific knowledge is disseminated it filters through to non-academic professionals, thus creating a broader culture of knowledge sharing.

Greater diversity also enables fluid dialogue among academics who share the same language, or who speak and understand multiple languages. In Ibero-America, for example, Spanish and Portuguese can often be mutually understood by non-native speakers, allowing them to share the scientific stage. The same happens in Spain with the majority of its co-official languages .

Read more: Non-native English speaking scientists work much harder just to keep up, global research reveals

No hierarchies, no categories

Too often, scientific research in any language other than English is automatically seen as second tier, with little consideration for the quality of the work itself.

This harmful prejudice ignores the work of those involved, especially in the humanities and social sciences. It also profoundly undermines the global academic community’s ability to share knowledge with society.

By defending and preserving multilingualism, the scientific community brings research closer to those who need it. Failing to pursue this aim means that academia cannot develop or expand its audience. We have to work carefully, systematically and consistently in every language available to us.

Read more: Prestigious journals make it hard for scientists who don't speak English to get published. And we all lose out

The logistics of strengthening linguistic diversity in science

Making a language stronger in academia is a complex process. It does not happen spontaneously, and requires careful coordination and planning. Efforts have to come from public and private institutions, the media, and other cultural outlets, as well as from politicians, science diplomacy , and researchers themselves.

Many of these elements have to work in harmony, as demonstrated by the Spanish National Research Council’s work in ES CIENCIA , a project which seeks to unite scientific and and political efforts.

Academic publishing and AI models: a new challenge

The global academic environment is changing as a result the digital transition and new models of open access. Research into publishers of scientific content in other languages will be essential to understanding this shift. One thing is clear though: making scientific content produced in a particular language visible and searchable online is crucial to ensuring its strength.

In the case of academic books, the transition to open access has barely begun , especially in the commercial publishing sector, which releases around 80% of scientific books in Spain. As with online publishing, a clear understanding will make it possible to design policies and models that account for the different ways of disseminating scientific research, including those that communicate locally and in other languages. Greater linguistic diversity in book publishing can also allow us to properly recognise the work done by publishers in sharing research among non-English speakers.

Read more: Removing author fees can help open access journals make research available to everyone

Making publications, datasets, and other non-linguistic research results easy to find is another vital element, which requires both scientific and technical support. The same applies to expanding the corpus of scientific literature in Spanish and other languages, especially since this feeds into generative artificial intelligence models.

If linguistically diverse scientific content is not incorporated into AI systems, they will spread information that is incomplete, biased or misleading: a recent Spanish government report on the state of Spanish and co-official languages points out that 90% of the text currently fed into AI is written in English.

Deep study of terminology is essential

Research into terminology is of the utmost importance in preventing the use of improvised, imprecise language or unintelligible jargon. It can also bring huge benefits for the quality of both human and machine translations, specialised language teaching, and the indexing and organisation of large volumes of documents.

Terminology work in Spanish is being carried out today thanks to the processing of large language corpuses by AI and researchers in the TeresIA project, a joint effort coordinated by the Spanish National Research Council. However, 15 years of ups and downs were needed to to get such a project off the ground in Spanish.

The Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia, on the other hand, have worked intensively and systematically on their respective languages. They have not only tackled terminology as a public language policy issue, but have also been committed to established terminology projects for a long time.

Multiligualism is a global issue

This need for broader diversity also applies to Ibero-America as a whole, where efforts are being coordinated to promote Spanish and Portuguese in academia, notably by the Ibero-American General Secretariat and the Mexican National Council of Humanities, Sciences and Technologies .

While this is sorely needed, we cannot promote the region’s two most widely spoken languages and also ignore its diversity of indigenous and co-official languages. These are also involved in the production of knowledge, and are a vehicle for the transfer of scientific information, as demonstrated by efforts in Spain.

Each country has its own unique role to play in promoting greater linguistic diversity in scientific communication. If this can be achieved, the strength of Iberian languages – and all languages, for that matter – in academia will not be at the mercy of well intentioned but sporadic efforts. It will, instead, be the result of the scientific community’s commitment to a culture of knowledge sharing.

This article was originally published in Spanish

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Original research article, students' knowledge of healthy food and their actual eating habits: a case study on the university of granada (spain).

• Department of Sociology, Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology, University of Granada, Granada, Spain

This article focuses on an analysis of the discourses produced during 34 semi-structured interviews (17 men and 17 women) conducted at the University of Granada (Spain) with undergraduate, Master, and Ph.D. students. The interviewees were between 20 and 44 years old. It was observed that the fact of having a high educational level did not prevent University students from eating unhealthily. There is a gap between the fact that 97.1% of 34 students interviewed (that is, 33 of them) know what healthy food is and their self-perception about whether or not what they are eating is healthy, since in 41.2% of them said self-perception is negative. This gap narrows as the interviewees' age increases and their socio-economic and vital situation is stabilizing which favors that their eating habits become more regular and healthier. Thus, all the interviewees aged 27 or over self-perceived that they were eating healthily. But the biggest differences are those that have to do with the gender of interviewees. Thus, while 23.5% of women interviewed perceived that they were not eating healthy, 76.5% of them felt that they were eating healthy. However, among the men interviewed, these percentages were somehow reversed, in such a way that 58.8% of them believed that they were not eating healthy, compared to 41.2% of them who indicated that they were eating healthy. Therefore, the investigation revealed that women tend to have the best chances of assuming healthy eating habits. Male students living outside the family home or without female partners exhibited greater feeding problems, while females living under similar conditions tended to display healthier eating habits. This is related to the fact that women have traditionally been in charge of acquiring and preparing food. So, women's food education has not been restricted to the mere transmission to them of knowledge about what healthy food is, but from their childhood they were food trained through their active involvement in practical experiences. Obviously, the solution proposed to this male disadvantage is to not perpetuate macho gender stereotypes that assign women the role of home caregivers, but to seek that both women and men have the opportunity and the duty to experience equally those practical experiences that involve the tasks of the acquisition and preparation of food. Working to achieve a situation like this, not only promotes progress in gender equality, but also helps to overcome the lower training of men to perform the tasks inherent in their diet.

Introduction

Beyond being an action, whose only purpose is to satisfy one of the most primitive needs of human beings, feeding should be understood as a social practice that is socially constructed and/or reconstructed over time ( Berger and Luckmann, 1979 ; Verplanken and Faes, 1999 ; García-Cardona et al., 2008 ). The family home is the first environment of socialization and personality formation ( Isaza, 2012 ). Thus, the family home constitutes the primary social space in which individuals' practices, customs, gender identity/roles and social habits begin to develop; particularly, individuals' eating habits. Such habits are understood here as the set of feeding-related social customs that influence the way people prepare, consume, or even select food. Therefore, preparing and consuming food are cultural behaviors that provide individuals with an identity ( Fischler, 1980 ; FAO, 2008 ; Barilla Center for Food Nutrition, 2009 ; Almerico, 2014 ; Cox, 2014 ; Silva et al., 2014 ; The Nielsen Company, 2015 ; Levine et al., 2016 ). The food people consume and how the food is consumed are essential determinants of health. Regarding this matter, here we mention only a few references from an abundant bibliography ( Willett et al., 1995 ; Martín Criado, 2004 ; Díaz-Méndez and Gómez-Benito, 2008 ; Gracia-Arnáiz, 2010 ; Guenther et al., 2013 ; Martinez-Lacoba et al., 2018 ).

Growing concerns about eating healthy foods have emerged as the consumption of industrially produced foods has augmented, and the negative consequences of industrially produced foods are increasingly acknowledged. Obesity is among the most widespread consequences. For instance, according to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development ( OECD, 2017a ), obesity has rapidly increased in OECD countries from 2010 and not only among adults, since children constitute 24.6% of the overweight population. Additionally, the OECD (2017a) reported that 19.5% of the population in Europe was overweight or obese in 2015, and this percentage exceeded that in other countries, such as Korea and Japan (6%), but was less than that in New Zealand, Mexico, and the United States (30%). Therefore, unsurprisingly, ischemic heart disease (10.6% in women and 12.8% in men) and heart attacks (8.2% in women and 7% in men) are currently among the main causes of death in Europe.

In the Spanish context, people are attempting to acquire better eating habits, as indicated by the Organization of Consumers and Users ( OCU, 2017 ). According to data from an OCU interview, the respondents reduced their consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages by 56%, pastries and sweets by 47%, and alcohol by 38%, while the consumption of fruits has increased by 30% and vegetables by 31%. Among all explanations given by the interviewees about these changes, their concern regarding their health was the most frequent, which is in line with the growing awareness that food plays a key role in people's health ( Cubero-Juánez et al., 2017 ; De Ridder et al., 2017 ; Dernini et al., 2017 ; Grosso et al., 2017 ; Oliffe et al., 2017 ; WHO, 2018 ). However, despite efforts to improve their eating habits, Spanish people have not yet managed to consume the healthiest possible diets ( OCU, 2019 ).

According to the National Institute of Statistics ( INE ), in 2019 , 18.7% of Spaniards aged 16 years and over reported that their health was “very good,” while 56.6% of the respondents described their health as “good.” Only 5.6% of the population considered their health “bad,” and 1.5% of the population considered their heath “very bad.” Regarding the healthiness of food, a report by OCU (2017) pointed out that 6% of Spaniards consumed more sweets and sweetened beverages, 7% of Spaniards consumed less fruit, and 5% of Spaniards consumed fewer vegetables than 2 years before. Among the reasons given in the report, the Spaniards indicated that they did not changed their bad eating habits due to the lack of time or will. However, Spaniards are not the only individuals who show the consequences of adopting unhealthy eating habits. Thus, regarding the percentage of individuals who are obese or overweight due to inadequate nutrition, some European Union countries are even above the Spanish average (16.7%), such as the United Kingdom (26.9%), Germany (23.6%), and Luxembourg (22.6%) ( OECD, 2017b ).

In these circumstances, as this article shows, even the fact of having a high level of studies, does not guarantee the strengthening of good and healthy eating practices among the University students interviewed ( Entrena-Durán et al., 2020 ). Thus, as revealed by the research “Effects of Age and Gender Identity on the Healthiness of University Students' Eating Habits in Spain” on which the writing of this article has been based, all the interviewees know what constitutes healthy food because of their elevated educational level. However, this knowledge does not always lead them to eat healthy. Achieving a healthy diet also requires the internalization and implementation of daily healthy eating habits. For that reason, the subsequent analysis focuses on the role that age and gender identity play in facilitating or hindering the acquisition of such habits to young men and women interviewed for this study.

Materials and Methods

This research study analyzed the eating habits reported in the interviews with a group of students at Granada University (Spain). In this regard, we clarify here that we have focused our research on University students because this social group is very appropriate to study how life crises (these usually appear as a consequence of the change processes in which people are involved) affect to eating patterns and habits. Thus, when young students enter the University, they usually undergo a deep change and an important life crisis, since many of them have to leave their home and move away from their families. As a consequence, these students experience the loss of the relatively stable living environment where they have resided until then, in which their diet, analogous to the generality of their life, has usually been regulated by their parents; mainly by their mothers, who have been responsible for the tasks of acquisition and preparation of food for the family.

All these sudden changes explain that a series of eating problems, such as the irregularity in meal times, the excessive consumption of fast food, the follow-up of nutritionally inadequate diets or the high incidence of eating disorders, are frequent among the University population ( Ruiz-Moreno et al., 2013 ).

A qualitative study, based on semi-structured interviews, was carried out in order to understand the knowledge the subjects analyzed have about the motivations behind the aforementioned eating problems. The qualitative methodology of our research has allowed us to comprehend, through the analysis of discourses produced by the students interviewed, how these students experience and explain their eating disorders.

We selected our sample among students of the University of Granada, but this should not be understood in the sense that we have limited ourselves to doing research with local students. In fact, this limitation has not occurred because the University of Granada has an outstanding national and international position. Thus, the 2020 edition of the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU), also known as the Shanghai Ranking, has placed the University of Granada among the 300 best Universities in the world. In this Ranking, as has been happening in the last 5 years, the UGR appears in positions 201–300, where the Autonomous University of Barcelona, the Complutense University of Madrid and the University of Valencia are also located. This circumstance, together with the fact that the University of Granada has a long tradition of international academic cooperation, explains that many students come to Granada from all over Spain, as well as from very different countries abroad; mainly, from the European Union (EU). Particularly, with regard to the EU, the University of Granada is the Spanish University that accepts more foreign students within the framework of the Erasmus Program. So, as can be seen in Table 1 , in the selected sample for this study only 14 students are from the municipality of Granada or its province, while the remaining 20 students interviewed came from other Spanish provinces or even from abroad. In other words, 41.2% of those interviewees are from Granada or its province and 58.8% of them came from other parts of Spain, and even some of these students are from foreign countries.

Table 1 . List of interviewees.

The selected sample contained a group of 14 undergraduate, 18 Master, and 2 Ph.D. students which were chosen using a non-probability purposive sampling method. Therefore, we interviewed 34 students (17 women and 17 men) who were between the ages of 20 and 44. The leading reason for deciding to conclude the fieldwork with 34 interviews was because we saw no additional information was obtained from the new interviews done.

The 34 students interviewed were not told that we were going to investigate the influence of their age and gender identity on the healthiness of their eating habits. They were only told that our interviews were intended to both know their self-perception about their own eating behaviors and their opinions regarding the healthiness of eating habits in Spain.

The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 min, depending on the respondents' motivation in answering the questions. Most participants in this study were highly receptive and communicative. All interviews were recorded with the prior consent of the interviewees.

After all interviews were done, we analyzed all collected information. First, we focused on assessing whether the interviewees were aware of the need to adopt healthy eating habits and how to identify healthy food. Once we verified that 97.1% of 34 interviewees (that is, 33 of them) were aware of these feeding issues (mainly due to their educational level), we investigated the reasons why this awareness or conscience did not motivate many of them to change their eating habits to healthier ones, so that, there is a gap between what the interviewees thought they knew and their real eating behaviors.

As just said, there is a gap between the fact that 33 of 34 students interviewed (that is, 97.1% of them) know what healthy food is and their self-perception about whether or not what they are eating is healthy (see Table 1 ). So, in 14 of them said self-perception is negative; that is in 41.2% of the selected sample. This gap narrows as the interviewees' age increases and their socio-economic and vital situation is stabilizing, which favors that their eating habits become more regular and healthier. Thus, all the interviewees aged 27 or over self-perceived that they were eating healthily. But the biggest differences are those that have to do with the gender of interviewees.

Likewise, Table 1 shows how only 4 of the 17 women interviewed perceive that they do not eat healthy, while 13 of them perceive that they eat healthy. As for men, there are 10 who perceive that they do not eat healthy and 7 who think that they eat healthy. But, it should be noted the fact that four of these men live with their parents, two with their female romantic partners and only one lives alone, but he is 42 years old and, therefore, he is more aware of the need to eat healthy. In other words, there are important differences according to gender in the perceptions of the interviewees about the healthiness of their diet. Thus, while 23.5% of women interviewed perceived that they were not eating healthy, 76.5% of them felt that they were eating healthy. However, among the men interviewed, these percentages were somehow reversed, in such a way that 58.8% of them believed that they were not eating healthy, compared to 41.2% of them who affirmed that they were eating healthy.

Moreover, one significant thing we note in this research is that, due to their high educational level, the generality of interviewees, regardless of their gender, show an absolute distrust of advertisements. Therefore, all University students analyzed seemed to be aware of the “tricks” used by advertising to cajole and attract consumers toward their products regardless of whether such products are healthy. Both women and men revealed some distrust of food ads.

“Often, the labeling of products is pure marketing, selling methods that companies have to create new demands for consumers. For instance, people want to be healthier, and the response of companies is offering milk with added calcium or omega 3, which was not initially demanded by the people. All our lives, we have taken untreated milk that was healthy, but now, they are selling us Premium milk, which is milk with new additives. So, a demand that you did not have before is now being produced” (Man, 37 years old).

However, surprisingly, only 7 of 34 interviewed students (that is, 20.6% of them) openly stated that they usually read the labels of the foods they consume. Only two of these seven students were men, but they were especially motivated to verify these labels since they were both vegans.

“I look at the labels of products, their images, their presentation. I try not to buy many packaged products because they put many images of trees and/or fruits. and so, they try to deceive us. However, sometimes, I have bought these kinds of products, and when I think about it later, I say to myself ‘I've let myself be cajoled’, but anyway. I think so many products are being sold to us in this way now” (Man, 22 years old).

The importance of regulating food advertising was also noted by the interviewees with an emphasis on advertising targeting children.

“It is necessary to intensify and improve the regulations of industrial food advertising (industrial bakery, sugary soft drinks and so on) above all in children's programs since children are very vulnerable. Although, often, children are not the ones who buy the food they see in the ads of the supermarket, but their parents buy it.” (Man, 42 years old).

As shown in Table 1 , the aforementioned fact that 97.1% of 34 interviewed (that is, 33 of them) clearly distinguished between healthy and unhealthy food does not mean that 97.1% of students eat healthily. So, 32 interviewees (namely, 94.1% of them) confessed that they allowed themselves one or another “whim” in their everyday lives. For instance, the respondents consumed precooked foods, such as pizza and lasagna, and industrially manufactured sweets and ice cream. Furthermore, while 22 interviewees (namely, 64.7% of interviewees) said that they had some concern about their diet, the fact is that only 15 students (44.1% of them) expressed a settled intention to get a healthy diet. Most of these students were women, although the case of some men is also significant, such as this 27-year-old man, for whom a healthy diet is the one that is as varied as possible.

“I am quite influenced by my grandmother's meals; so, what I usually prepare to eat is traditional meals, such as lentil soups or stews… I do not usually repeat the meal in the same week; so, what I understand for a healthy diet is to eat as much variety as possible” (Man, 27 years old).

In particular, 14 students (41.2% of the sample), of which 8 were women, said they were selective regarding the foods they consumed, and they attempted to review the labels and composition of each product. Nevertheless, most interviewees (58.8% of them) said that they do not usually review the labels of products because they do not understand them, or they lack the time. Moreover, when they review the labels, they are rushed and only superficially read them.

“I don't pay attention to labels basically because I cannot understand them. There are all ingredients, but when you start reading something called ‘E’ and this kind of things… I cannot understand them” (Man, 27 years old).

“Sometimes when I buy frozen foods, I see the labels… When the freezing process began, the expiration date, if it has saturated fats. but the truth is that it is not something that I usually do” (Woman, 24 years old).

“The truth is that I do not look at the label in detail. I do not look at all the components that the product has” (Woman, 33 years old).

Additionally, as shown in Table 1 , we try to find out if the place where the interviewees lived significantly influenced their eating habits. In this sense, the analysis of 34 conducted interviews revealed that 8 University students (23.5% of them) were still living with their parents (3 women and 5 men), 18 University students (52.9% of them) shared housing with other students (9 women and 9 men), 6 University students (17.6% of them) lived with their romantic partners (4 women and 2 men), and only 2 University students (5.9% of them) lived single (1 woman and 1 man). In this regard, those 8 students who still lived with their families were the ones who ate more healthily, mainly because, in this case, their mothers were the ones who acquired and cooked the food.

The Decisive Influence of Age and Gender

However, what decisively influenced the interviewees' eating behaviors was their age and gender. Firstly, we observed that the concern in buying healthy foods grew as the age of the interviewees increased. Particularly, students aged 27 years or older (that is, 35.3% of the interviewees) showed great interest in maintaining the type of diet that they thought was most beneficial to their health.

“I do not drink milk anymore. Some people have told us that it is not recommendable to drink so much milk at a certain age. My partner has high cholesterol, and we had to change our diet …I think that is also due to the fact that we are getting older… hahaha … We try to do some exercise as well” (Woman, 44 years old).

Those University students who showed a lower degree of involvement in the tasks of buying and cooking food were aged between 20 and 26 years; namely, 64.7% of the selected sample. These students, who are the youngest of this sample, are highly dependent on their parents for performing tasks, especially their mothers. Thus, these often continue providing containers with frozen food they had prepared to their sons even after they have left the family home. Focusing on the gender variable, we observed that the said dependency is lower among women, and only three of nine women students sharing housing with other students (33.3% of them) admitted that they received meals prepared by their mothers, even though they no longer resided under the same roof. However, only one of nine male students in the aforementioned residential situation (11.1% of them) said that he prepares his own food without any help, while most young male interviewees showed that they were strongly dependent not only on their mothers but also on other women (romantic partners or female companions with which they shared housing) in terms of buying and/or cooking food. In other words, 88.9% of these students used to ignore these tasks and leave them in female hands.

“I have been living out of my parents' home for 3 years. My first year was a bit disastrous in terms of my feeding… I lost 10 kg because I only ate some pasta and rice… it was definitely a critical point in my feeding. Fortunately, my nourishment improved when I started living with a woman flatmate, but, when she left the floor, I lost weight again. Now, I'm trying to improve my diet a bit” (Man, 20 years old).

Unfortunately, this situation does not change significantly as the interviewees age. Those male students aged over 27 years who reside with their romantic partners continue to show a strong dependence on women for activities, such as purchasing food and cooking.

“When I eat alone, I do not have control over the food that I eat. When I lived with my parents, they used to manage everything about feeding, and my partner currently helps me. I thought that it is because of this kind of life in which we need to do lots of things and all them so quickly that we do not have time enough to eat” (Man, 33 years old).

Justifications to Explain Eating Habits

One of justifications used by some students to explain why they are not eating healthily is the lack of time in their daily lives. So, 7 of the 34 interviewees (20.6% of selected sample) said that they did not have enough time to eat a healthy diet. Two of these students were women and the remaining five were men. Besides, 14 students said that they had time to prepare all their meals; that is, 41.2% of the selected sample. Ten of these 14 students (namely, 71.4% of them) were women and the remaining four were men, including the two aforementioned men who were vegans; thus, they were strongly motivated to devote enough daily time to prepare their food.

“The great majority of my friends eat really unhealthy; they do not do exercise, and they eat a lot of fried food. I think that it is because they are lazy or maybe because of the stress of working all day, and they directly think, ‘Well, for just one day in which I can allow a whim, I'm going to eat a soup? Not at all” (Man, 25 years old).

Nevertheless, the remaining 13 students (38.2% of the selected sample) openly stated that they had no time problems related to feeding, either because they were living with their parents or because they often received frozen food cooked by their mothers. In particular, with reference to these 13 students (5 women and 8 men) it should be noted that, in addition to the key role played by mothers, men mentioned that their female partners are mainly responsible for preparing and cooking food. Therefore, these female partners could be perpetuating the same role in some way that they see their mothers perform, i.e., the main individual responsible for feeding the family. In fact, these mothers assume and internalize the function that “male domination” ( Bourdieu, 2001 ) has assigned to them so intensely that they often do not allow their daughters to work in the kitchen while they are inside it.

“When I live with my mother, I do not make my own meal, but when I live alone, I do everything by myself. This is not because I do not want to do it, but it is because my mother prefers doing all household tasks without any sort of help. She told me, ‘no, no, get out of the kitchen!’; so… how can I learn?” (Woman, 21 years old).

Furthermore, 26.5% of interviewees (5 men and 4 women) mentioned direct and conscious social pressure as an influential factor on their eating habits.

“Maybe, if you go out with your friends on weekends, you are more exposed to eat some inappropriate food, such as burgers or some fried food… And, in case you prefer another healthier meal, they automatically look at you as weird or something like this…” (Man, 25 years old).

“I do not usually eat snacks. I eat them when I meet with some friends” (Man, 22 years old).

In addition to friends, social pressure may also come from some relatives, romantic partners, or even flatmates. In all these cases, the way social pressure is exercised varies according to the age of those who experience it. Primarily, age determines the settings where such pressure is exerted. In this regard, although students older than 30 years refer to such settings as “small meetings with friends,” younger students talk about getting together in an apartment to play video games or going to bars to “take tapas.”

“I usually buy snacks, but it is because my husband and my little son like them. I do not like snacks; so, I do not eat them. I mostly prefer doing varied meals for them, such as fruits or vegetables… This is what I understand for healthy diet” (Woman, 33 years old).

“I usually eat some snacks just when I meet with some friends to watch a football match or dinner. but I do not consume them on my own. With these products, it happens to me, I think, what happens to us all. this feeling of saying ‘take them away from me because otherwise I cannot stop eating them!’ It is true; they are good. I suppose that is because of the additives or aromas they have.” (Man, 37 years old).

Last but not least, the price of the products was another of the interviewees' arguments to justify their unhealthy eating habits. Thus, most students agreed that the healthiness of a food product is lower when the price is cheaper. Consistently, 19 of the 34 interviewees (55.9% of the selected sample) explicitly said that they had more or less difficulties (depending on their respective living standards) to eat healthy due to the high prices of organic or natural products compared to the prices of industrially processed foods, which they perceived as less healthy. Nine of these 19 students were men aged between 20 and 28 years, while the other 10 students were women aged between 21 and 27 years.

“When I was a degree student, I ate lots of pre-cooked food because I preferred to save my money for other things, such as going out with friends, for example” (Man, 26 years old).

However, the importance of price decreases as the University students become economically independent from their parents and their age and purchasing power increase. This change is particularly observed among those female students who are 27 years old or older.

“I usually buy organic/local food products, such as vegetables or meat, in local markets or corner shops… I do not usually take into account their price, but what drives me to purchase these products is that they inspire more confidence in me than those from great supermarkets because you meet the owner, and you can know everything about the product just by asking him/her” (Woman, 44 years old).

Particularly, the students most interested in eating a healthy diet are also those who are the most concerned about buying food products whose healthiness they trust. But, even in this case, price continues to have much influence on deciding what to buy or what can be bought. Some students suggested the need to implement policies to solve this problem.

“I think that we should encourage more local products. that is, that people consume more of this type of product than foreign ones. Perhaps governments should encourage more consumption of local foods by subsidizing them or establishing certain norms for the market” (Woman, 27 years old).

The authors of this work are fully aware that the discussion on the factors that influence eating habits and affect their greater or lesser healthiness does not end with age, gender and other factors that we have considered in this research. In this regard, numerous studies have demonstrated that the educational status, the income level, the role of agri-food supply chains and the lesser or greater accessibility to these by people, the occupation and even social class are factors that can influence people's feeding habits ( De Irala-Estévez et al., 2000 ; Trichopoulou et al., 2002 ; Darmon and Drewnowski, 2008 ; Cobb-Clark et al., 2012 ; Horská et al., 2020 ). However, these factors are not the only ones that determine individuals' eating habits, since other external or environmental factors alter these habits and are beyond an individual's control. Examples of these factors include the characteristic cultures of the social and/or geographical context in which a person lives or has grown and food advertising ( Troncoso and Amaya, 2009 ; Saucedo et al., 2010 ; Ganasegeran et al., 2012 ; Robinson et al., 2013 ; Becerra et al., 2015 ; WHO, 2018 ; Higgs and Ruddock, 2020 ).

Currently, concerns about people's health since childhood and throughout their entire adulthood are increasing. Demands for natural and healthy foods by consumers are growing ( De Ridder et al., 2017 ; Dernini et al., 2017 ; Oliffe et al., 2017 ; Parham et al., 2017 ; Vallejo-Alviter and Martínez-Moctezuma, 2017 ). In this context, in which daily lives of people take place, the said demands are often manipulated by marketing strategies used by the food industry. Thus, a series of foods that are actually industrial products are presented as natural and/or ecological and, therefore, good for health, which has become an advertising hook for this type of processed foods.

Usually, advertising, rather than reliably reporting the quality and characteristics of the products offered or promoting a healthy diet, reflects marketing strategies that create symbolic necessities in a consumption society. Now, in this society, individuals seek to face new experiences and feelings or simply publicly show their identities by purchasing certain material goods ( Ibáñez, 1997 ). Thus, unsurprisingly, the WHO (2014 , 2018 , 2020) openly criticized current advertising campaigns for promoting food products without being entirely honest with consumers, and subsequently, the WHO noted the urgency of persuading governmental institutions to take action to address this issue.

Regarding the control of food advertising in Spain, the Spanish Ministry of Health (SPH) published the so-called PAOS code in 2005 (Advertising (Publicidad), Activity (Actividad), Obesity (Obesidad), and Health (Salud) [PAOS]) ( SPH, 2005 ; AECOSAN, 2012 ). In collaboration with a group of companies voluntarily committed to the cause, the Ministry intended to co-regulate the food and drink products advertised to children to prevent obesity and promote health among them ( González-Díaz, 2013 ). Nonetheless, despite all the ethical rules established in this code for the development, creation and dissemination of advertising messages to children, there exists still a high degree of non-compliance with the PAOS code, at least regarding television commercials. Thus, as shown in a recent article ( León-Flández et al., 2017 ), up to 88.3% of television advertisements for foods and beverages targeting minors violated the code in some way in 2012, while in 2008, the degree of noncompliance was 49.3%. Notably, non-compliance was greater in the commercials aired on children's channels (92.3%) than in commercials airing on channels targeting the entire population (81.5%). In this context, the aforementioned article proposed more restrictive and legal measures for food advertising to children, with healthy products being the only suitable products that can be advertised to minors.

Nonetheless, the problems caused by unhealthy feeding practices cannot be solved only by the enactment of prohibitive or restrictive new laws or measures that are often not complied with. Furthermore, this issue cannot only be resolved by doctors and nutritionists prescribing highly strict diets that are demoralizing to those who are unable to follow them ( Pérez-Rodrigo and Aranceta, 2001 ; Worsley, 2002 ; Bandura, 2004 ; Kupolati et al., 2015 ; Nguyen et al., 2015 ; OECD, 2017b ; Rush and Yan, 2017 ). Of course, both the regulation of food advertising and the work of nutritionists or doctors are essential factors for expanding and strengthening healthy eating habits among the population ( Worsley, 2002 ; Maixé-Altés, 2009 ; Robinson et al., 2013 ; Perveen, 2017 ; Rush and Yan, 2017 ; Schneider et al., 2017 ). Nevertheless, even though these factors may have an undeniable impact on the improvement in food health, they alone do not ensure that progress toward healthier eating practices is achieved. Even improving people's education cannot guarantee the strengthening of such practices, such as we have shown in this article ( Entrena-Durán et al., 2020 ).

The University students interviewed here have reached a high educational level, and consequently they engage in critical thinking that allows them to clearly discern between healthy and unhealthy food. However, this fact does not guarantee that all these students eat healthily. On the contrary, there is a gap between what the students know and how a significant proportion of them actually behave, and between what they express in their discourses and the concrete practices or eating habits they perceive or say they follow in their daily lives ( Martín Criado, 1998 ).

Our study has helped to reveal some of the causes behind this gap. So, the fact of focusing exclusively on University students has allowed this research to demonstrate that the circumstance of having a high educational level is not enough to ensure that there will be healthy eating habits. In addition to the educational level, a decisive element in order to achieve a healthy diet is to internalize food habits that make it possible. We have seen that these habits are strengthened as the interviewees' age increases. We have also found that most of women interviewed show healthier eating habits.

In the first place, we have observed that, as their age increases, the socio-economic and vital situation of interviewees is stabilizing, which favors that their eating habits become more regular and healthier, and this happens at the same time that the interviewees' awareness of the need to lead a more regulated and healthy lifestyle augments.

Secondly, with respect to gender, our research has shown that food education is more effective among women. This is so because women have traditionally been in charge of acquiring and preparing food at their homes. In other words, women's food education has not been restricted to the mere transmission to them of knowledge about what healthy food is, but from their childhood they were food trained through their active involvement in practical experiences. All this explains both why healthy eating habits are more strongly rooted in women and why these tend to have the best chances of assuming such habits.

Regarding Bourdieu's Concepts and the Assumption of Healthy Eating Habits

To understand eating habits shaping and assumption by individuals and the implementation of these habits, we can be inspired by the habitus and field concepts of Bourdieu (1991) . Therefore, the present study reveals that the reason why people eat healthily does not only depend on their knowledge of healthy food, but healthy eating is strongly influenced (hindered or furthered) by the habitus acquired by individuals. Moreover, in the case of the University students studied here, the strength of their eating habitus fluctuates according to their age and gender. These two variables, together with the specific contexts in which they act, constitute the particular circumstances under which people's eating habits develop day-by-day. In turn, the said circumstances play a key role in the processes of shaping, assuming and implementing eating habits and, according to Bourdieu, they create a sort of field (i.e., a social game space or scenario ) in which the production and reproduction of feeding-related discourses, practices and habits occur. Particularly, in the case of women, their socialization in the procurement and preparation of food has created a very optimal field for their internalization and effective assumption of a healthy food habitus , which according to Bourdieu, could be understood as the assumption of a set of durable dispositions or predispositions to buy, prepare and eat healthy food. We make this assertion based on the fact that, for Bourdieu (1991) , the habitus can be understood as a system of durable and transposable predispositions and dispositions that operate as schemes that generate and organize social practices. Simultaneously, these schemes incline people to act, perceive, value, feel and think in a certain way.

So understood, the habitus concept is very fruitful in explaining women's predisposition to assume the gender role of performing the tasks of buying, cooking and feeding their family group. Thus, women internalize a gender role that is nothing more than a product of history, i.e., a social construction. They assume this role as inherent to their gender identity, as if it were innate to their female nature and accept their supposed natural-psychological aptitudes for the said tasks. By acting in this way, women contribute to the reproduction of “male domination” over them while such domination is simultaneously legitimized as being grounded in biology ( Bourdieu, 2001 ).

According to this logic, the biological nature of men renders them better prepared than women to function outside the home. Thus, a fact whose causes are merely social tends to be legitimized as natural because men often have greater access to and control over the material and symbolic resources that underpin their predominance in the public sphere. Consistently, men—and society at large—think that when they are responsible for household chores, such as feeding the family, they are performing an exceptional task that is not inherent to their masculine nature. Men improve their self-esteem by assuming this role and achieve a social recognition that is based on a macho thought regardless of their intentions. This thought could be formulated as “what a good person that man is who help his wife with domestic chores and taking responsibility for these tasks when she is not at home or is sick.”

In contrast, even upon entering the public sphere, women have fewer opportunities to avoid their role as home caregivers. This role has been strongly internalized by most women as an inherent obligation due to their gender; thus, they tend to be highly self-demanding and blame themselves when they feel that they have failed their main responsibility when their home is not working well.

In particular, Bourdieu's (1991 ; 2001 ) conceptual framework and theories of gender socialization can be very useful tools for explaining the guilt that many women experience when they work outside the home and cannot exclusively dedicate themselves to household tasks. Some authors have noted that as long as home care is understood as a process associated with and undertaken by women, our society will not overcome labor, social and political segregation ( Doucet, 2009 ; Skærbæk, 2011 ). These authors emphasize that home caregiving should be understood as an existential condition of life that affects both men and women.

Unfortunately, the present study has shown that gender inequalities persist even among University students. Thus, both students sharing the same apartment and heterosexual couples living together, share a common situation in which the women continue to perform most of the domestic chores. In consequence, improving individuals' educational levels is insufficient. In addition, working on relations between genders is necessary for achieving a complete and effective redefinition of their habitus ( Bourdieu, 1991 ) in such a way that any predisposition or inclination that tends to legitimize or naturalize gender inequalities disappears. To achieve this goal, we must seek to inculcate egalitarian habits of behavior and relationship between both sexes from childhood. Undoubtedly, this task requires family socialization, training for gender equality at the different educational levels, and the media in general to stop the macho portrayals and stereotypes.

Consistently, men must be educated to be equally involved in domestic responsibilities and particularly to believe that the time devoted to feeding is not lost but instead is beneficial in terms of improving their health and because of the creativity it entails.

Some Limitations of Our Study and Suggestions for Future Research

The qualitative methodology of our research has permitted us to see, through the analysis of their discourses, how the interviewees experience and explain their food problems. The analysis of these discourses has allowed us to collect comprehensive information regarding the perceptions of both healthy food and healthy eating habits in Spain. Such depth of information could not have been obtained through a quantitative survey. However, this research has some limitations.

Interviewing an entire group of students who live together in the same flat could be beneficial, since this could allow us to contrast all information provided by each student. Nevertheless, it was not possible for the interviewees to bring their roommates to the interview, likely because of the lack of strong relational links between the flatmates.

Moreover, a comparative investigation that involved samples from different universities could have been intriguing. Nonetheless, such a study would require financial resources, which we lack. However, while it is true that the interviews were conducted exclusively at the University of Granada, as explained above, we selected a sample of interviewees in which we included a majority of students from outside Granada. Therefore, in some way, our sample is something representative to allow a certain degree of extrapolation of the results obtained here to other University contexts.

Recommendations for Policy Makers

Public policies can contribute by creating conditions that enable people to more easily develop healthy eating habits. For instance, by forcing the food industry to put clearer labeling. Moreover, such policies must ensure a sufficient supply of healthy food at affordable prices and they should promote and/or support food education. This education should focus not only on transmitting knowledge regarding healthy food, but also on training people to develop predispositions toward this type of food and acquire a healthy food habitus ( Bourdieu, 1991 ). Thus, it is very necessary to inculcate healthy eating habits in people through practical experiences. For example, by means of promoting access to rural environments and contact with nature from early childhood (through visits to school farms, field trips, etc.) not only to encourage greater physical exercise, but also to favor both knowledge of traditional and/or ecological products and some practical knowledge about sustainable and healthy food ( Paddock, 2017 ).

Educational actions, such as those abovementioned, favor the incorporation of healthy eating habits, which are best achieved when an adequate field or social game space is created for this purpose. This field has to be built by implementing policies, such as the creation of employment and improvements in wages and quality of work, which could increase people's purchasing power. These policies should be combined with all these other measures aimed at facilitating accessibility to healthy foods.

Furthermore, the consolidation of healthy food habits can be greatly favored by implementing policies that encourage the creation of conditions under which both men and women have more time to live with their families and perform household chores. Overall, these conditions could contribute to facilitating all members of the family to assume the responsibilities inherent in the acquisition and purchasing of food regardless of their gender.

The present study suggests that, in their position, women have some advantages over men in developing healthy food habits. Obviously, a solution is to not perpetuate macho gender stereotypes that assign women the role of home caregivers, but to seek the establishment of a society in which the economic value of domestic labor is recognized and women and men should have the opportunity, and the duty, to experience equally those practical experiences that involve the tasks of the acquisition and preparation of food. The fact of working for the achievement of a socioeconomic situation in which this is possible, not only has a positive impact on the advancement of gender equality, but also it contributes to creating more adequate conditions to overcome the disadvantages men have due to their lack of training to perform the home care services and, in particular, the tasks of buying and preparing food, either for themselves or for their families.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets on which the writing of this article has been based are not made available to readers. The main reason for this is to prevent the people interviewed for this research from being identified. Any additional clarification about the interviews conducted may be requested from the corresponding author of this paper. Requests to access the datasets should be directed to fentrena@ugr.es .

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by the Ethics Committee in Human Research of the University of Granada. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

FE-D and HB-L: conception, conceptualization, design, original draft, methodology, research, and analysis. FE-D and J-MV-G: methodology, analysis, writing, and final review. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

No scholarship or financial aid was requested or granted specifically for conducting the research on which this study is based. However, such research was carried out within the framework of the Research Group Social Problems in Andalusia (SEJ-129), which is financed by the Regional Government of Andalusia and the Government of the Spanish State.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

We thank all those University students who kindly participated in this research.

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Annex: Questionnaire Used to Do the Interviews

We asked the interviewees open questions. Before starting the interviews, we read them the following paragraph:

“Dear student,

We invite you to participate in this project on the eating habits of the University's student population, whose basic objective is to analyze these habits and the greater or lesser healthiness of them from the self-perception that the own students have. Your participation is totally voluntary. We need you to answer a semi-structured interview, which you are free to interrupt when you deem it convenient or to refuse to answer any of the questions. To enable the analysis of the results, the interview must be recorded. However, this audio will not be used to disclose your personal data at any time. In fact, you will not even be asked your name during the recording and you will only be asked to indicate your age, the type of studies you do, if you live with your parents or with other students, as well as other information. The objective of this is that we who do this research can classify and then study the information you provide us, which will be considered in an aggregate manner, without linking it to your name or any other data from which you can be identified. The recording will be used exclusively to extract the information provided with the aforementioned study purpose. Your participation in the interview, voluntary, and unpaid, assumes that you authorize the use of the information you provide us. However, at any time you can decide to withdraw from the survey and demand that the information you have up to that moment be destroyed. Your participation in the current investigation, or your refusal to do so, will not affect in any way the qualification of any of the matters you are currently studying or your possibilities of academic promotion.”

Next, we made the interviews in which we asked the following open questions:

Summary of the interview guide

Opening questions: How old are you? What are you studying at University? Where do you live? Who do you live with?

Topic 1: Daily routine related to eating habits.

Do you make your own purchases? If you do not , why? Who makes the purchases in your home? If you do , how much time do you spend making purchases on average? Do you cook in your house? If you do not , who cooks in your house? Why? If you do , how much time do you spend cooking on average daily? Do you pay attention to the labels on eating products? In the case that you do not live with your parents, do you need any help preparing your own meals? If yes, who usually helps you and how? The interviewees have to explain their answers .

Topic 2: Personal knowledge of and putting into practice healthy eating habits.

I am going to mention some eating products, and you [interviewee] have to say which product is healthy and which is not. Any answer provided by an interviewee must be explained . What would you consider a healthy diet? Do you consider your eating habits healthy? Regardless of his/her answer, he/she must explain .

Topic 3: Problems found by interviewees and possible solutions.

In your opinion, what social, cultural, economic or political problems can hinder the strengthening of healthy eating habits within Spanish society? Please, describe and explain these problems in greater depth. What types of solutions do you think can help solve these problems? Please, explain in greater depth.

Keywords: food healthiness, students, feeding, self-perception of food, effects of age and gender, discourse analysis

Citation: Entrena-Durán F, Baldan-Lozano H and Valdera-Gil J-M (2021) Students' Knowledge of Healthy Food and Their Actual Eating Habits: A Case Study on the University of Granada (Spain). Front. Sustain. Food Syst. 5:687574. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2021.687574

Received: 29 March 2021; Accepted: 25 May 2021; Published: 18 June 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Entrena-Durán, Baldan-Lozano and Valdera-Gil. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Francisco Entrena-Durán, fentrena@ugr.es

This article is part of the Research Topic

Consumer Behavior and Sustainability in the Food Chain

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IF YOU WANT TO IMMERSE YOURSELF IN HISPANIC CULTURE:

• Research some aspect of culture of a particular Spanish-speaking country/region.
• Research a national holiday in a Spanish-speaking country.
• Research a religious holiday in a Spanish-speaking country.
• Research a celebration in a Spanish-speaking country (quinceañera, wedding, or other life-cycle celebration).

IF YOU LIKE ART OR ARCHITECTURE:

• Research a well-known Hispanic artist.
• Research a specific piece of art created by a Hispanic artist.
• Research a specific art form or art movement in a Spanish-speaking country/region.
• Research the architecture of a Hispanic city.

IF YOU LIKE MUSIC:

• Research a well-known Hispanic composer.
• Research a well-known Hispanic musical group.
• Research a specific Hispanic musical genre.
• Research a well-known piece of Hispanic music (popular song, classical piece, opera, etc.).
• Research the national anthem of a Spanish-speaking country and the history behind it.
• Compare/contrast the musical traditions of 2 different Spanish-speaking countries.

IF YOU LIKE TO READ OR WRITE:

• Research a well-known Hispanic writer.
• Research a specific Hispanic literary genre.
• Research a well-known piece of Hispanic literature.
• Research current events in a Spanish-speaking country.
• Research the literacy rates among Spanish-speaking countries.

IF YOU LIKE HISTORY OR GEOGRAPHY:

• Research the history of a specific Spanish-speaking country.
• Research a well-known Hispanic historical figure.
• Research a well-known Hispanic world leader or political figure.
• Research Hispanic immigration in the USA.
• Research the Olmec, Aztec, Maya, Inca, or other indigenous civilization.
• Research the geography of a specific Spanish-speaking country/region.
• Research significant rivers, mountain ranges, or other geographical features of Latin America or Spain.
• Research the ways in which the geography and climate of a specific Spanish-speaking country influence the diet of the people who live there.

IF YOU LIKE DANCE OR SPORTS:

• Research a specific Hispanic dance form (flamenco, salsa, sardana, son, tango, cumbia, etc.).
• Compare/contrast the dance forms of 2 different Spanish-speaking countries.
• Research jai-alai, including its history and significance.
• Research soccer in a specific Spanish-speaking country and the differences in the culture, importance, fan support, player attitudes, etc.
• Research a well-known Hispanic athlete.
• Research the national team of a particular sport in a specific Spanish-speaking country.

IF YOU LIKE FOOD:

• Research the history, culture, and anthropological significance of a specific food item or dish from a specific Spanish-speaking country/region/people.
• Research the typical diet of a specific Spanish-speaking country/region/people.
• Compare/contrast the cuisine of 2 different Spanish-speaking countries.
• Research the wine industry in a specific Spanish-speaking country.

IF YOU LIKE TV OR MOVIES:

• Research the history, background, and significance of a specific Spanish-language TV station.
• Research the history, background, and significance of a specific Spanish-language TV program.
• Research the history, background, and significance of a specific genre of Spanish-language TV programming (news, game shows, soap operas, etc.).
• Research a well-known Hispanic TV or film star.
• Research a well-known Hispanic film director.
• Research the film industry of a specific Spanish-speaking country.

IF YOU LIKE TO TRAVEL:

• Research the attractions in a specific Spanish-speaking city/region/country (monuments, museums, nature, geography, cultural/historical sites, etc.).
• Research the travel and tourism industry in a specific Spanish-speaking country/region.
• Research study abroad opportunities for your area of study in a specific Spanish-speaking city/region/country.
• Research job opportunities in a Spanish-speaking country for 1 or 2 specific careers.
• Research and explore Spanish influences in the USA.

IF YOU LIKE SHOPPING:

• Research the products for which a specific Spanish-speaking country is known, including the history and significance of each product.
• Research the ways in which advertisers market to the Spanish-speaking population in the USA.
• Research the traditional clothing/costumes of a specific Latin American indigenous culture (the Maya, the Bribri, the Aymara, the Inca, etc.).

IF YOU HAVE NATIVE SPANISH SPEAKERS IN YOUR FAMILY / OR CLOSE FRIENDS:

• Research your family history.
• Research the family history of your Spanish-speaking close friends.
• Research the Spanish-speaking country that your family member/close friend came from.
• Research the historical, political, economic, religious, and/or other conditions that led your family members/close friends to emigrate.

Category: Project Resources , Resources · Tags: creative , español , hispanic , ideas , LEAF , project , spanish , synthesis

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All  Resources from The LEAF Project are protected under the Creative Commons License.  CC Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International .

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Topics & Activities include:

• identify the country’s location on a world map and continent map
• complete a compass rose
• create a map key
• label a country map according to the map key

Quick Facts

• record the country’s population, area, climate, products, and currency
• color the country’s flag 
• describe the meaning of its color(s) and symbol(s)
• learn common words and phrases in the country’s official language
• create a menu for a day 
• design traditional clothing (paper, fabric) for paper dolls 
• identify popular sports and activities
• classify by animal group and display in a pocket chart

Influential People

• sketch a portrait and write a description of the individual’s contributions 

Holidays & Celebrations

• create Save the Date cards using 4Ws (what, when, where, why) and 1 H (how) 

🌎   A country research project is a fun learning experience for the whole class, cooperative groups, or independent investigations. 

🌍   Perfect for a multicultural night or fair.

🔆  Minimal Prep & Maximum Engagement

Related Post: Helpful Resources for Country Research Projects

Encourage further exploration with additional country research projects.

Kids will love learning about our diverse world and filling their passports!

South Africa

United States

Save money, and buy a BUNDLE !

Any Questions? Reach out to [email protected]