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Center for Computational Imaging and Personalized Diagnostics

Research associate positions in computational imaging and machine learning.

Updated date: 1 year 25 weeks

Senior Research Associate - Pathology Research

Updated date: 1 year 4 weeks

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Case Western Reserve University

Research assistant 1.

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Title: Research Assistant 1

Department: Genetics and Genome Sciences

School: Medicine

This research assistant position can serve as a post-Bac “gap year” position, available now. If you are interested in applying for these positions, please go to the CWRU HR link https://case.edu/hr/careers (“View Open Positions” under “External Applicants”) and use position number 12666.

POSITION OBJECTIVE

Working under moderate supervision, perform research work in medical and related technical areas involving the use of lab/ research skills. The laboratory studies neural circuits in Drosophila using genetics, molecular biology, behavioral and microscopy techniques, research work in Drosophila aging and other projects designed by the principal investigator. The research work includes conducting experiments including but not limited to Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, and in situ hybridization.

ESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Perform experiments including Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, in situ hybridization, immunohistochemistry, tissue dissection, confocal microscopy and basic molecular biology. (45%)

2. Conduct genetics experiments, collect image data from confocal microscope and analyze results in ImageJ and GIS. Conduct behavioral experiments using video-analysis. (20%)

3. Design in situ RNA probes using bioinformatics tools. Fluorescently label RNA probes using kits. (10%)

4. Accurately record results for a particular experiment and related series of experiments in lab notebook and also electronically. Maintain records of experiments. (10%)

5. Order laboratory supplies necessary for completion of experiments using an in-house ordering system and restock inventory as needed. (5%)

6. Maintain test equipment utilized in experiments to ensure that it is clean and fully functional. Report any equipment malfunction to principal investigator. (5%)

7. Prepare general lab solutions, sterilize glassware, and maintain lab supplies and Drosophila stocks. (5%)

NONESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Order reagents and lab supplies from websites when needed.

2. Perform other duties as assigned.

Department: Daily to weekly contact with supervisor for the purpose of reporting results being obtained, and issues related to lab maintenance and equipment.

University: Occasional contact with other departments that provide services, such as fly media,

sequencing and imaging core facilities outside the biology department.

External: Limited contact with vendors to inquire about new products never tested in the lab before.

Students: Daily Contact with student employees.

QUALIFICATIONS

Education/Experience: Bachelor’s degree and 0 to 1 years of related experience or Associate’s degree in an approved biotechnology program and 0 to 2 years of related experience.

REQUIRED SKILLS

1. Knowledge and understanding of commonly-used concepts, practices, and procedures in a

laboratory environment.

2. Ability to perform basic laboratory techniques.

3. Relies on Instructions and pre-established guideline to perform the functions of the job.

4. Knowledge of computer software use (e.g. Image J, FIJI, Photoshop, BLAST, Excel, Word)

preferable but not required at the time of hiring.

5. Effective oral and written communication skills.

6. Good interpersonal skills; ability to work and communicate with various individuals within and external to the university.

7. Good organization skills; ability to multi-task, prioritize and meet deadlines. Must demonstrate attention to detail and accuracy, time management, and follow-through.

8. Ability to rely on and follow instructions and pre-established guidelines to perform the functions of the job.

9. Must demonstrate willingness to learn new techniques, procedures, processes, and computer

programs as needed.

10. Ability to meet consistent attendance.

11. Ability to interact with colleagues, supervisors and customers face to face.

WORKING CONDITIONS

Typical laboratory environment. May have exposure to hazards but with proper protection (formaldehyde). Exposure to noise form equipment. Frequent use of computers.

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Case Western Reserve University

Research assistant 1.

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Title: Research Assistant 1

Department: Genetics and Genome Sciences

School: Medicine

This research assistant position can serve as a post-Bac “gap year” position, available now. If you are interested in applying for these positions, please go to the CWRU HR link https://case.edu/hr/careers (“View Open Positions” under “External Applicants”) and use position number 12666.

POSITION OBJECTIVE

Working under moderate supervision, perform research work in medical and related technical areas involving the use of lab/ research skills. The laboratory studies neural circuits in Drosophila using genetics, molecular biology, behavioral and microscopy techniques, research work in Drosophila aging and other projects designed by the principal investigator. The research work includes conducting experiments including but not limited to Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, and in situ hybridization.

ESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Perform experiments including Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, in situ hybridization, immunohistochemistry, tissue dissection, confocal microscopy and basic molecular biology. (45%)

2. Conduct genetics experiments, collect image data from confocal microscope and analyze results in ImageJ and GIS. Conduct behavioral experiments using video-analysis. (20%)

3. Design in situ RNA probes using bioinformatics tools. Fluorescently label RNA probes using kits. (10%)

4. Accurately record results for a particular experiment and related series of experiments in lab notebook and also electronically. Maintain records of experiments. (10%)

5. Order laboratory supplies necessary for completion of experiments using an in-house ordering system and restock inventory as needed. (5%)

6. Maintain test equipment utilized in experiments to ensure that it is clean and fully functional. Report any equipment malfunction to principal investigator. (5%)

7. Prepare general lab solutions, sterilize glassware, and maintain lab supplies and Drosophila stocks. (5%)

NONESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Order reagents and lab supplies from websites when needed.

2. Perform other duties as assigned.

Department: Daily to weekly contact with supervisor for the purpose of reporting results being obtained, and issues related to lab maintenance and equipment.

University: Occasional contact with other departments that provide services, such as fly media,

sequencing and imaging core facilities outside the biology department.

External: Limited contact with vendors to inquire about new products never tested in the lab before.

Students: Daily Contact with student employees.

QUALIFICATIONS

Education/Experience: Bachelor’s degree and 0 to 1 years of related experience or Associate’s degree in an approved biotechnology program and 0 to 2 years of related experience.

REQUIRED SKILLS

1. Knowledge and understanding of commonly-used concepts, practices, and procedures in a

laboratory environment.

2. Ability to perform basic laboratory techniques.

3. Relies on Instructions and pre-established guideline to perform the functions of the job.

4. Knowledge of computer software use (e.g. Image J, FIJI, Photoshop, BLAST, Excel, Word)

preferable but not required at the time of hiring.

5. Effective oral and written communication skills.

6. Good interpersonal skills; ability to work and communicate with various individuals within and external to the university.

7. Good organization skills; ability to multi-task, prioritize and meet deadlines. Must demonstrate attention to detail and accuracy, time management, and follow-through.

8. Ability to rely on and follow instructions and pre-established guidelines to perform the functions of the job.

9. Must demonstrate willingness to learn new techniques, procedures, processes, and computer

programs as needed.

10. Ability to meet consistent attendance.

11. Ability to interact with colleagues, supervisors and customers face to face.

WORKING CONDITIONS

Typical laboratory environment. May have exposure to hazards but with proper protection (formaldehyde). Exposure to noise form equipment. Frequent use of computers.

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Case Western Reserve University

Research assistant 1.

• Share This: Share Research Assistant 1 on Facebook Share Research Assistant 1 on LinkedIn Share Research Assistant 1 on X

Title: Research Assistant 1

Department: Genetics and Genome Sciences

School: Medicine

This research assistant position can serve as a post-Bac “gap year” position, available now. If you are interested in applying for these positions, please go to the CWRU HR link https://case.edu/hr/careers (“View Open Positions” under “External Applicants”) and use position number 12666.

POSITION OBJECTIVE

Working under moderate supervision, perform research work in medical and related technical areas involving the use of lab/ research skills. The laboratory studies neural circuits in Drosophila using genetics, molecular biology, behavioral and microscopy techniques, research work in Drosophila aging and other projects designed by the principal investigator. The research work includes conducting experiments including but not limited to Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, and in situ hybridization.

ESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Perform experiments including Drosophila genetic manipulation, behavioral and aging analysis, bioinformatics, in situ hybridization, immunohistochemistry, tissue dissection, confocal microscopy and basic molecular biology. (45%)

2. Conduct genetics experiments, collect image data from confocal microscope and analyze results in ImageJ and GIS. Conduct behavioral experiments using video-analysis. (20%)

3. Design in situ RNA probes using bioinformatics tools. Fluorescently label RNA probes using kits. (10%)

4. Accurately record results for a particular experiment and related series of experiments in lab notebook and also electronically. Maintain records of experiments. (10%)

5. Order laboratory supplies necessary for completion of experiments using an in-house ordering system and restock inventory as needed. (5%)

6. Maintain test equipment utilized in experiments to ensure that it is clean and fully functional. Report any equipment malfunction to principal investigator. (5%)

7. Prepare general lab solutions, sterilize glassware, and maintain lab supplies and Drosophila stocks. (5%)

NONESSENTIAL FUNCTIONS

1. Order reagents and lab supplies from websites when needed.

2. Perform other duties as assigned.

Department: Daily to weekly contact with supervisor for the purpose of reporting results being obtained, and issues related to lab maintenance and equipment.

University: Occasional contact with other departments that provide services, such as fly media,

sequencing and imaging core facilities outside the biology department.

External: Limited contact with vendors to inquire about new products never tested in the lab before.

Students: Daily Contact with student employees.

QUALIFICATIONS

Education/Experience: Bachelor’s degree and 0 to 1 years of related experience or Associate’s degree in an approved biotechnology program and 0 to 2 years of related experience.

REQUIRED SKILLS

1. Knowledge and understanding of commonly-used concepts, practices, and procedures in a

laboratory environment.

2. Ability to perform basic laboratory techniques.

3. Relies on Instructions and pre-established guideline to perform the functions of the job.

4. Knowledge of computer software use (e.g. Image J, FIJI, Photoshop, BLAST, Excel, Word)

preferable but not required at the time of hiring.

5. Effective oral and written communication skills.

6. Good interpersonal skills; ability to work and communicate with various individuals within and external to the university.

7. Good organization skills; ability to multi-task, prioritize and meet deadlines. Must demonstrate attention to detail and accuracy, time management, and follow-through.

8. Ability to rely on and follow instructions and pre-established guidelines to perform the functions of the job.

9. Must demonstrate willingness to learn new techniques, procedures, processes, and computer

programs as needed.

10. Ability to meet consistent attendance.

11. Ability to interact with colleagues, supervisors and customers face to face.

WORKING CONDITIONS

Typical laboratory environment. May have exposure to hazards but with proper protection (formaldehyde). Exposure to noise form equipment. Frequent use of computers.

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Management research is in dire need of non-Western voices

Western business practice is not universal, so why are studies from elsewhere so rare in the literature, asks yuliya snihur  .

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In the Western world, we often consider our way of doing business the default. Whether it’s how to manage subordinates or build work relationships, Westerners take for granted that what’s prevalent in their countries is the norm everywhere.

This is reflected in the fact that a vast majority of published papers in supposedly global (but largely Western-run) management journals come from Western countries.

As the editorial team of the Journal of Management Studies ( JMS ), my colleagues and I wanted to bring this to the community’s attention by looking at the types of investigations featured in our own journal.

We reviewed papers published in JMS between 2012 and June 2023, and found that only 12 per cent of them came from non-Western contexts . For some of those years, the proportion was as low as 3 per cent. Data from countries such as Brazil, India, Nigeria and even Japan, among many others, is under-represented in the literature.

While research from emerging markets has begun to gain traction, these voices continue to be under-represented in scholarly articles about management. Embracing more non-Western voices could create a more level playing field and ease the burden felt by those employing non-Western data in their research.

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Moreover, it would open the door to valuable research that could otherwise be overlooked. After all, what happens in Western business settings is not always the global norm and studies of Western practices are not universally relevant. Work cultures differ according to their varying social, political, religious and historical contexts.

Equally, non-Western research is not inevitably “niche” or without relevance beyond its particular region. In fact, there is a lot the West can learn from non-Western contexts. Some JMS studies, for example, look at how Buddhism and Taoism can shape management practices – such as using mindfulness for occupational well-being or adopting leadership practices that focus on nurturing employees. Although these religions are not prominent in the West, they offer lessons that are global in scope – and managers can implement them no matter where their company is based.

Another JMS paper looked at the role that institutions play in reproducing racial oppression and inequality in post-apartheid South Africa. Through qualitative interviews with farmers and other key stakeholders, the research showed how organisations affect inequality through incomplete processes of institutional change – offering valuable insights for scholars studying inequality across the world.

The non-Western papers we looked at – from, admittedly, a limited pool of data – touched on themes such as corporate social responsibility, transition economies and labour rights: globally occurring phenomena that may manifest themselves more forcefully in non-Western contexts. One example looks at apparel factories in Bangladesh, where work safety and fair pay continue to be major issues. The researchers studied workplace dialogue, giving insight into workers’ everyday lives and providing a better understanding of what types of changes could improve their lives in particular and local working conditions in general.

Similarly, entrepreneurship research could look closer at where the phenomenon is prevalent outside Western contexts. One JMS paper questions the role of elite multinational corporations and NGOs that sell microcredit or consumer products to vulnerable populations by drawing from on-site observations at a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh. It urges scholars to reconsider how entrepreneurship can thrive in noncooperative spaces.

Find out more about how to get full unlimited article access to THE for staff and students.

Several JMS papers illustrate the importance of studying relationship-building in non-Western contexts, shedding light on how it can differ from conventional approaches in the West. These studies depart from the network-based approach and focus more on the multifaceted drivers, processes and outcomes of relationship-building.

One factor highlighted by these papers – which looked at data from Africa, Asia and South America – is the need for companies to overcome resistance from non-market actors, such as NGOs or labour unions, which operate outside traditional market mechanisms but nonetheless have an important influence on economic activities.

Understanding the diverse stakeholders involved and the time-intensive nature of relationship-building is essential for firms to avoid corruption and build reputations as ethical actors.

Non-Western countries are becoming more central in the global economy – including Brazil, India and Nigeria, as well as South Africa. However, there is a serious lack of research looking into the cultural, political, regulatory and ethical contexts needed to succeed as a business in such countries. According to our research, only 3.7 per cent of the published studies in JMS in the past 10 years were carried out in Brazil, 7.5 per cent in India, 2.8 per cent in South Africa and none in Nigeria.

As JMS editors, we encourage authors working in non-Western contexts to submit their work to us as much as possible.

Yuliya Snihur is associate professor of entrepreneurship at IESE Business School. Her study was carried out with fellow JMS editors Christopher Wickert, Kristina Potočnik, Shameen Prashantham and Weilei (Stone) Shi.

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Research: Negotiating Is Unlikely to Jeopardize Your Job Offer

• Einav Hart,
• Julia Bear,
• Zhiying (Bella) Ren

A series of seven studies found that candidates have more power than they assume.

Job seekers worry about negotiating an offer for many reasons, including the worst-case scenario that the offer will be rescinded. Across a series of seven studies, researchers found that these fears are consistently exaggerated: Candidates think they are much more likely to jeopardize a deal than managers report they are. This fear can lead candidates to avoid negotiating altogether. The authors explore two reasons driving this fear and offer research-backed advice on how anxious candidates can approach job negotiations.

Imagine that you just received a job offer for a position you are excited about. Now what? You might consider negotiating for a higher salary, job flexibility, or other benefits , but you’re apprehensive. You can’t help thinking: What if I don’t get what I ask for? Or, in the worst-case scenario, what if the hiring manager decides to withdraw the offer?

• Einav Hart is an assistant professor of management at George Mason University’s Costello College of Business, and a visiting scholar at the Wharton School. Her research interests include conflict management, negotiations, and organizational behavior.
• Julia Bear is a professor of organizational behavior at the College of Business at Stony Brook University (SUNY). Her research interests include the influence of gender on negotiation, as well as understanding gender gaps in organizations more broadly.
• Zhiying (Bella) Ren is a doctoral student at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania. Her research focuses on conversational dynamics in organizations and negotiations.

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Land use changes in the environs of Moscow

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This study illustrates the spatio-temporal dynamics of urban growth and land use changes in Samara city, Russia from 1975 to 2015. Landsat satellite imageries of five different time periods from 1975 to 2015 were acquired and quantify the changes with the help of ArcGIS 10.1 Software. By applying classification methods to the satellite images four main types of land use were extracted: water, built-up, forest and grassland. Then, the area coverage for all the land use types at different points in time were measured and coupled with population data. The results demonstrate that, over the entire study period, population was increased from 1146 thousand people to 1244 thousand from 1975 to 1990 but later on first reduce and then increase again, now 1173 thousand population. Builtup area is also change according to population. The present study revealed an increase in built-up by 37.01% from 1975 to 1995, than reduce -88.83% till 2005 and an increase by 39.16% from 2005 to 2015, along w...

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Land use/Cover Change in Russia within the context of global challenges. The paper presents the results of a research project on Land Use/Cover Change (LUCC) in Russia in relations with global problems (climate change, environment and biodiversity degradation). The research was carried out at the Faculty of Geography, Moscow State University on the basis of the combination of remote sensing and in-field data of different spatial and temporal resolution. The original methodology of present-day landscape interpretation for land cover change study has been used. In Russia the major driver of land use/land cover change is agriculture. About twenty years ago the reforms of Russian agriculture were started. Agricultural lands in many regions were dramatically impacted by changed management practices, resulted in accelerated erosion and reduced biodiversity. Between the natural factors that shape agriculture in Russia, climate is the most important one. The study of long-term and short-ter...

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In recent decades, Russia has experienced substantial transformations in agricultural land tenure. Post-Soviet reforms have shaped land distribution patterns but the impacts of these on agricultural use of land remain under-investigated. On a regional scale, there is still a knowledge gap in terms of knowing to what extent the variations in the compositions of agricultural land funds may be explained by changes in the acreage of other land categories. Using a case analysis of 82 of Russia’s territories from 2010 to 2018, the authors attempted to study the structural variations by picturing the compositions of regional land funds and mapping agricultural land distributions based on ranking “land activity”. Correlation analysis of centered log-ratio transformed compositional data revealed that in agriculture-oriented regions, the proportion of cropland was depressed by agriculture-to-urban and agriculture-to-industry land loss. In urbanized territories, the compositions of agricultura...

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Despite harsh climate, agriculture on the northern margins of Russia still remains the backbone of food security. Historically, in both regions studied in this article – the Republic of Karelia and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) – agricultural activities as dairy farming and even cropping were well adapted to local conditions including traditional activities such as horse breeding typical for Yakutia. Using three different sources of information – official statistics, expert interviews, and field observations – allowed us to draw a conclusion that there are both similarities and differences in agricultural development and land use of these two studied regions. The differences arise from agro-climate conditions, settlement history, specialization, and spatial pattern of economy. In both regions, farming is concentrated within the areas with most suitable natural conditions. Yet, even there, agricultural land use is shrinking, especially in Karelia. Both regions are prone to being af...

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Madeleine Westerhout, Trump White House Gatekeeper, Takes Stand in Trial

Ms. Westerhout could confirm a key event in a hush-payment deal: Michael Cohen’s meeting with Donald J. Trump in the Oval Office.

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By Matthew Haag and Jonathan Swan

• May 9, 2024

From Day 1 at the Trump White House, Madeleine Westerhout had control over who could reach Donald J. Trump. She served as an executive assistant and later, the director of Oval Office operations, before she was pressured into stepping down in 2019 after sharing intimate and embarrassing details about the Trump family with reporters.

On Thursday, Ms. Westerhout was called to the witness stand by prosectors in Mr. Trump’s landmark hush-money trial in Manhattan. Under questioning by the prosecution, Ms. Westerhout established that she had worked within proximity of Mr. Trump and quickly understood his work habits. As president, he was on the phone a lot, some calls as early as 6 a.m., and often met with people in a small dining room off the Oval Office, she said.

On the stand, Ms. Westerhout confirmed that she communicated with Michael D. Cohen, Mr. Trump’s former fixer, to schedule a February 2017 visit to the White House, a significant event that underpins the 34 felony charges Mr. Trump faces for falsifying business records.

Mr. Cohen, who gave the porn star Stormy Daniels $130,000 to keep quiet about a sexual encounter she says she had with Mr. Trump, has said in recent years that he met with Mr. Trump in the Oval Office in early 2017 to discuss being reimbursed.

After that meeting, the Trump Organization began sending checks to Mr. Cohen that were labeled “legal expenses,” citing a retainer agreement. But prosecutors say the checks were actually reimbursements to Mr. Cohen, and that there was no retainer agreement.

Ms. Westerhout said she exchanged emails with Mr. Cohen in early 2017 to make sure he could gain entry into the White House for the meeting.

Ms. Westerhout’s name was brought up briefly in the early days of the witness testimony in the trial. On the stand, Rhona Graff, a former longtime assistant to Mr. Trump at the Trump Organization, confirmed that she had exchanged emails with Ms. Westerhout. Mr. Cohen has not yet been called to testify.

At the White House, Ms. Westerhout sat at a desk right outside the Oval Office and coordinated many of Mr. Trump’s calls, meetings and communications. She was a conduit to people outside of the White House and at Mr. Trump’s side through much of the day.

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Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow

• Référence bibliographique

Gornostayeva Galina A. Suburbanization Problems in the USSR : the Case of Moscow . In: Espace, populations, sociétés , 1991-2. Les franges périurbaines Peri-urban fringes. pp. 349-357.

DOI : https://doi.org/10.3406/espos.1991.1474

www.persee.fr/doc/espos_0755-7809_1991_num_9_2_1474

• RIS (ProCite, Endnote, ...)

Résumé (fre)

La suburbanisation n'existe pas en URSS au sens des phénomènes décrits dans les villes occidentales. Cependant on observe certains transferts limités d'activités industrielles exigeantes en espace ou polluantes, voire même de centres de recherches, vers les zones suburbaines ou des villes-satellites. Mais ces déconcentrations répondent à une logique de planification administrative. En outre, les Moscovites hésitent à aller habiter dans ces centres d'emploi, de crainte de perdre les privilèges liés à l'autorisation d'habiter Moscou (la propiska) et du fait des communications insuffisantes avec la capitale. Le taux de croissance de la population moscovite reste supérieur à celui du reste de l'oblast. Par contre le développement de datchas de seconde résidence est très important dans l'oblast de Moscou, en particulier aux alentours des stations de chemin de fer. L'abolition du système de propiska pourrait transformer les datchas les plus proches de Moscou en résidences principales.

Résumé (eng)

The suburbanisation does not exist as such in the USSR with the meaning one has of the phenomena in Western cities. Though one may notice some limited transfers of industrial activities demanding a lot of space or polluting ones, even research centres, towards the suburban areas or satellite-towns. But these déconcentrations correspond to an administrative planification logics. Moreover the Muscovites hesitate before going and living in these employment centres, because they are afraid of loosing the privileges linked with the authorisation to live in Moscow (the propiska) and because of insufficient communications with the capital. The growth rate of the Muscovite population remains higher than this of the remainder of the oblast. To the contrary developing of datchas for second residences is very high in the Moscow oblast, especially in the vicinity of a railway station. The abolishment of the «propiska» system might transform the datchas nearer to Moscow into main residences.

• Economic structure [link]
• Suburbanization of activities [link]
• Suburbanization of population [link]
• Conclusions [link]
• Literature [link]

Liste des illustrations

• Table 1. Employment structure, % [link]
• Table 2. Annual rate of population increase, % [link]
• Fig. 1. Spatial distribution of country-cottages and gardening associations in the Moscow region [link]

Texte intégral

Galina A. GORNOSTAYEVA

Moscow University

Suburbanization Problems

in the USSR :

the Case of Moscow

Suburbanization processes typical to cities in Western Europe, the USA and other countries are not observed in the USSR or they are distorted to such an extent that they may not be compared with existing standards. This states the question how Soviet cities-succeeded in escaping this stage of urban development. In order to answer this question, we should first summarize the main aspects of Western suburbanization.

Firstly, it is well known that the urbanization processes are linked to structural changes in the economy. Thus the transition from the stage of concentration to this of suburbanization is associated with industrialization, and the transition to the third stage - déconcentration - is related with the rapid growth of employment in the non-industrial sphere. Secondly, a suburbanization of economic activities can be distinguished. It applies in the first place to the building and iron- working industry, transports, engineering and chemical works. These are polluting and requiring extensive areas. This suburbanization of industry is caused by the following factors: rising demand for land from firms ; worsening of transport

tions in the inner cities ; demand for lower land costs and taxation levels in suburbs ; rapid growth of road transports; state policies regulating the growth of large cities ; migration of the labour force to the suburban zones. Scientific and educational activities are also transferred from the centre to the suburbs.

The third important aspect of suburbanization applies to the population. In the suburbs two opposite flows of population meet ; one is centripetal, coming from non- metropolitan regions, the other is centrifugal, coming from the central city. The reasons for the migration to the suburbs are as follows : declining living standards in large cities (overcrowding, slow housing renewal, environmental problems, etc.); growth of motorization of the population, development of communications (telephone, telex, fax, computer) ; intensifying decentralization of working places ; lower land prices in the suburbs ; state support for the intensification of real estate development in the suburbs. The above-mentioned factors and reasons for suburbanization are altered in the Soviet cities. Let us explore them, by taking for example the largest one - Moscow.

Economic structure

The employment structure in the USSR reveals sharp differences from those in developed urbanized countries. The USSR is characterized by a high share of employment in agriculture, industry, construction and a low share in the non-industrial sphere (tab. 1).

A correlation analysis of the percentage of urban population and employment in the different spheres of economic activity reveals that the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than in countries with the same percentage of persons employed in agriculture.

TABLE 1. EMPLOYMENT STRUCTURE,

Source: personal calculations.

The urbanization processes in the Moscow Capital Region (MCR) are more intensive than in other regions of the USSR. Structural changes are more obvious here : the share of employment in the non-industrial sphere increases more substantially and the percentage of persons employed in industry and agriculture is lower than in the whole country. However the MCR cannot therefore be compared with a metropolitan region in a Western country. Although Moscow is the most advanced agglomeration in the USSR, it lags is far behind the major world cities in terms of development and it is at the very start of the post- industrial stage of its structural and urban transformation.

The structural «anomaly» of the USSR as a whole and of the MCR in particular is explained by the enforced process of industrialization (starting from the thirties) at the expense of the peasantry (thus, there is not only a booming industrial employment in cities, but also worsening living and working conditions in villages and forced collectivization having triggered off the massive rural emigration). As a result, the share of urban population in the USSR is higher than expected, based on changes in the economic structure. While urbanization in the developed countries was due, among

other causes, to an increasing labour efficiency in agriculture, this remained quite low in the USSR. Therefore the employment share in agriculture is overstated in comparison with countries with a similar percentage of urban population, and even this considerable part of the labour force is unable to feed the whole population of the country.

The share of agricultural employment in the mcr increased from 7,4 % to 7,6 °7o between 1980 and 1985 (as a result of Moscow attractiveness and the better living standards in its surrounding villages), whereas it continued to decline in other parts of the Central region. The population growth in villages adjacent to Moscow is especially intensive, though labour efficiency in localities near Moscow is higher than in the other oblasts. In spite of this, Moscow oblast provides only 61 % of milk, 34 °/o of potatoes, 45 % of vegetables and 23 % of meat needed by the population in Moscow city and oblast (Argumen- ty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3). The structural anomaly is not only related to processes in agricultural sphere but also in industrial sector. As a result of the low economic mobility of socialist firms and of the absence of market relations, the industrial development was extensive,

without significant increases of the labour

productivity.

Thus the employment transfer from the

agricultural to the industrial sector, their

extensive development and their low labour

productivity are intrinsically related with the political definition of productiorfrela- tions and course of structural economic transformation.

Suburbanization of activities

Moscow and Moscow oblast show divergent economic structures and changes (tab. 1). In Moscow the employment share in the non-industrial sphere in Moscow is growing more rapidly, whereas the share of industrial employment is decreasing. In Moscow oblast the part of transport and communication infrastructure, retail trade, administration, housing (presently less developed than in Moscow) is increasing. Some stages in the transformation of activities in the mcr's settlements may be pointed out here. The stage of industrialization and reconstruction after World War II is characterized by the swift industrial development and the active restructuration of the Moscow and Moscow oblast economy. New industries have been built (motor-car and aircraft assembly, machine-tool industry, organic synthesis, etc.), around Moscow research and production potential. Nevertheless, this restructuration is extensive, since traditional industries don't curtail production. It favours the heavy concentration of modern functions in Moscow. There is no transfer of firms outside Moscow. Suburbanization of industrial activities did not occur because of the state owning the means of production and of thé socialist form of production relations. When research and technological progress are slowing down, these firms become inefficient and spatially immobile. The period 1956-1970 is marked by an intensive development of the region scientific sphere and by the rise of « satellite » urban policy. The new centres were specialized in modern branches of machinery and research-engineering activities and were undoubtedly very attractive for the population. Therefore towns like Dubna were growing rapidly. While the aim was to redirect part of Moscow population

growth, they display a quite specific relation with the capital. For instance, Muscovites working in Pushchino cannot reach their job every day because they lack transport facilities. Nevertheless, they don't wish to move and register their passports in the city in which they actually work, since they would have to give up their Moscow registration and then lose all Moscow privileges (see further). These new centres are isolated from information sources in Moscow. Poor telephone communications, lack of computers and telex systems hamper contacts and teamwork with colleagues in the city. It seems that material resources for experimental work in research centres are not sufficient to compensate for lack of information and communications. At the same time, poor transport links with Moscow and the other towns of Moscow oblast isolate the scientists from the higher standard of culture in the centre and from a well developed social infrastructure. An original home-work relation can be observed in Dubna: the Muscovites get the second registration of passports and live there in hostel apartments during 4 or 5 working days, during the weekends they go back to Moscow, where their families are living. The change of functions in Moscow oblast towns is still going on. Inside the towns of the first circle adjacent to Moscow, the share of employment in the non-industrial sectors and transport is growing. Inside the towns of the second circle (suburban zone) these changes lead to an increasing potential of non-industrial, industrial and construction functions. Finally, in the outlying parts of the region the further grovth of construction and industrial functions is observed and the organization potential is intensifying in some towns. The mcr towns display a crawling concen-

tration of the regional most important functions and their extension outside the boundaries of Moscow to the towns of the suburban zone. But the déconcentration of functions in the mcr is not only of natural- economic character. It also results from the state urban policy. Déconcentration is not related to the search for more advantageous sites for firms and institutions as regards to economic or social relations (the availability of cheaper labour force or more comfortable living conditions, etc.), nor is it sustained by the expansion of transport and communication facilities. Thus, this déconcentration is independent from curtailment of any function in central Moscow, whose potential is still growing, and it is also completely inadequate regarding the continuing concentration of population (see below). All this, together with the slow economic and territorial mobility of firms, is an obstacle to the economic restructuration of the region, and to the reorientation of Moscow and its suburbs to non-industrial activities and to progressive scientific and informational work. The mass labour-consuming functions still remain in Moscow and its suburbs, but they are inevitably cut off from modern types of activities.

The idea of alleviating Moscow's development appeared from the very beginning of its rapid growth, since the excessive concentration of population and employment led (as in the other major world cities) to environmental discomfort, worsening of transport, strip-holding of land and other congestion signs. In market economies, the firms react to alterations of economic or social conditions by their mobility: some

of them close, other relocate in more convenient places. In the USSR, the problem of firm transfer (unhealthy or unprofitable firms) becomes unsolvable because of the special type of production relations. Economic and territorial passivity of firms is apparent in the difficulties of erecting industrial buildings and dismantling machinery and equipment, in the low turnover of the means of production. The same problem exist regarding the labour force. Firms transferred to the suburban towns of Moscow oblast are encountering great difficulties in recruiting staff in sufficient numbers and of required skill. The local labour force is rather weak, while the Moscow workers wouldn't leave the capital to follow their firm, because they are afraid of being deprived of passport registration in Moscow. From the social point of view, giving up a Moscow registration is more significant to people than losing their job. The processes going on in the mcr are therefore not quite comparable with those in the Western world. The market economy is more «lively» and replacement of functions has the character of territorial waves. Some functions disappear while new ones emerge. In the mcr, the waves are replaced by stratification. New functions do not replace the old ones, but joining them. At the same time, this process of relative déconcentration of functions overpass the process of stable concentration of population. In the mcr, the modern branches are gravitated closely to Moscow, where skilled workers are retained by their registration advantages. Suburban towns have to be satisfied with commuters or specialists from the outlying regions of the USSR.

Suburbanization of population

The urbanization structure of the region is characterized by the predominance of its main centre - Moscow. The share of the capital in the total Moscow oblast population was as follows: in 1929 - 44,3 Vo, in 1939 - 51,6 %, in 1959 - 54,9 %, in 1979 -54,5 Vo, in 1985 - 57,3 % (Moscow Capital Region, p. 137.). Within the agglomeration, the share of Moscow is still higher, in 1959 it was 75,5 % and in 1985

- 67,3 % (ibid., p. 141), whereas in the highly developed capital regions of the world the agglomeration counts one half or less of the total population and of the economic potential, the second half being concentrated in the suburbs (Gritsay, p. 71). Moreover, the growth rate of Moscow population is higher than that of Moscow oblast (tab . 2).

TABLE 2. ANNUAL RATE OF POPULATION INCREASE,

Migrations are of great importance to the mcr. The internal migration of rural population to the cities is rather substantial, and the immigration flow from the rest of the USSR is not compensated by the decrease of rural population in the mcr. The nearer a town to Moscow, the larger the migration share in its total population increase.

The dynamics of population in the mcr has a specific character. In agglomerations of the developed countries the principle of the «broken glass» summarizes the suburbanization process. When, for some reasons, the centre loses its attractiveness the urban population moves to suburbs in search of higher living standard. In Moscow agglomeration the principle of the «overfilled glass» is operating. People wanting to live in Moscow cannot enter the city and are forced to settle near it. In Moscow immigration undoubtedly prevails over emigration, confirming the extreme territorial differentiation in conditions, level and way of life. As a rule, commuting is oriented from suburbs to Moscow (600 thousand persons come to Moscow and only 200 thousand leave it), but it accounts only for 12-15 % cf the total employment in Moscow's economy. Moreover, these commuters are not Muscovites but potential new inhabitants of the capital (striving for passport registration and domicile in Moscow).

Moscow became the most attractive place for living and an intensive flow of ruined rural residents as well as residents from other regions of the country were rushing -to Moscow. These processes were generated not only by the inception of the country structural economic transformation,

but also by the policy of special privileges for Moscow. These privileges came into being after the establishment of a centralized distribution system. Such a system involves the assignment of a priority level of foodstuffs and manufactured goods to each territory. Moscow was awarded the highest priority level. From the very beginning, better living standards and higher income for certain population categories were established there. In the thirties the artificial differentiation in living standards was confirmed by imposing restrictions to passport registration in the capital, and also by the division of administrative bodies into Moscow and Moscow oblast authorities. In the period 1925-30 dozens of new large firms were located in Moscow, but housing was insufficient at that time. Therefore, a great number of migrants from every corner of the country came to get a job in Moscow and settled in cottages in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements in the nearby countryside. Soon, these settlements turned into urban ones. For example, towns like Mytishchi and Luberstsy developed rapidly, and even Muscovites moved there when the railways were electrified. This was clearly the outset of a suburbanization process, but it stopped as soon as the restrictions on passport registration in Moscow were imposed and the social barrier between Moscow and Moscow oblast was established. In the period 1930-40, new industrial developments were banned from Moscow and firms drawn towards the city were located on the outskirts thus causing a rapid growth of the old and new towns. Although the development of cottages as second residence near Moscow started even before the revolution, since the en-

vironmental degradation of Moscow was practically completed at that time, they became the main resorts of those years. They had flourished in the districts with privileged natural conditions and convenient transport services (not further than 2 km from a railway station). In the period 1930-40, this sprawl of leisure housing carried on - cottage settlements expanded into an entire belt of scattered one- storeyed buildings. But at the same time, urban multi-storeyed housing also increased and after World War II these multi- storeyed buildings were found in the cottage settlements of the leisure zone. In the period 1950-60 a network of gardening associations was established. In those

years the most convenient land near Moscow had already been built on. The gardening plots allotted to the Muscovites were located in the remote parts of the mcr, outside the suburban zone, and very frequently they were on improper territories. Because of their remoteness, the difficulties in cultivation and building, the lack of infrastructure, these plots cannot become effective leisure resorts. More frequently Muscovites use them for fruit and vegetable growing.

The desire of the Muscovites for having a second residence in the suburbs can be interpreted as an unfulfilled suburbanization tendency. This desire has the same, mainly environmental, causes as suburbaniza-

tion in Western countries. The cottages within the reach of Moscow's traffic and having access to appropriate infrastructure and amenities, might become the principal residence of Muscovites if passport registration is abolished. The restrictions of passport registration in Moscow fixed in the thirties were devised as an administrative solution against the effects of Moscow's unique attractiveness and not as a means of eliminating the attractiveness itself. For this reason, Moscow became even more attractive, like a forbidden fruit. The consequences were both the concentration of the upper strata of society in the city and the extensive development of industry, resulting in a growing shortage of unskilled labour.

The shortage of regular workers in Moscow is sometimes explained by the increasing number of working places. An adequate planning of the «limiters» (1) system is then put forward as the solution for controlling the growth of Moscow is found in (Glushkova, 1988, p. 43). To be frank, about twenty industrial units and more than one hundred scientific institutions were already created in the seventies alone, in spite of the industrial building ban in Moscow, only a few firms moved outside the city in return. New industrial units easily find staff, since they offer new machinery, relatively good working conditions and higher wages. New scientific and administrative institutions are in a similar position. But the situation is totally different in the old industrial units, with rundown equipment and a high level of manual tasks. Those units suffer from a staff shortage. Moreover, as in any other city, there is a social mobility in Moscow, in most cases improving - from manual up to mental, from unskilled up to highly skilled work. Furthermore, the prestige of a higher education (university) is overestimated in Moscow, whereas the prestige of the manual professions has declined as a result of the stagnation of reinvestments in industry, the high share of manual labour (40 %), and also favouritism and

crowding in the administrative staffs. The attractiveness of an upper class position is therefore overestimated, and social mobility activated. Since Moscow cannot admit free «immigrants» the lower strata of the social structure are vacant and there appears a shortage of unskilled labour force. The lower strata of the social structure were filled in with « limiters ». Available employment in Moscow was not the cause of an organized immigration flow, but represented the only possible way to register the passport there. Roughly half of these people drawn into Moscow's economy left their jobs. «Limiters» get the right to register their passports in Moscow and take up their residence in new houses when their contract expires. They usually quit their job as soon as possible in search of better working conditions (Glushkova, 1988, p. 42). The nature of unskilled work in Moscow and the associated working conditions are so unattractive that it is nearly impossible to find Muscovites willing to perform them.

The institution of passport registration raised many problems. Thus the « limiters » are recruited in social groups not needing most of the advantages of a large city, their psychology and value system differ sharply from native Muscovites. The direct environment of the hostels where «limiters » live, has a pronounced criminal character. Fictitious marriage in order to register the passport in Moscow has become a widespread practice.

Moscow's environmental problems can hardly be solved as long as passport registration exists. The population is literally locked up within the city boundaries. Notwithstanding the environmental stresses, the Moscow privileges prevent the Muscovites from leaving the city. The urban districts not saturated with harmful industrial units are the most prestigious. The social and economic causes of Moscow's extensive growth reveal that its problems are a reflection of the ones facing the USSR. The concentration of economic, social and management functions in Mos-

cow in Soviet times materializes the strong centralism of the particraty and weighs down on the city's development. Low labour efficiency in agriculture and sheer desolation of villages on the one hand, rapid but extensive industrialisation together with forced increasing social attraction of Moscow, confirmed by the restrictions on passport registration, on the other hand, were the key factors of the mcr's polarization during decades. Together with objective factors found in other large cities of the world, subjective factors related to the Soviet political and economic system influence Moscow's growth.

The objective factors are as follows: the diversity of employment in the capital, the emergence of new types of occupations, the concentration of high-skilled and creative labour, the higher living standards, the large educational and cultural opportunities.

The subjective factors are the higher supply level of foodstuff and manufactured goods different than in other regions (the existence of meat-rationing system in many regions of the country and its absence in Moscow establishes a significant threshold not only in terms of supply but also in the outlook of the population); the lack of communications and individual motorized transport (in the rsfsr one counts 47 cars per 1000 urban inhabitants against 560 in the USA) (Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2); the craving for joining the upper social classes and for accessing neighbourhoods with a high quality of life; unjustified promotion of upward social mobility releasing «the ground floors» of Moscow's economy; continued growth of employment due to the extensive economic development and the low economic and territorial mobility of firms. Today, the hierarchy of priorities for selecting a residence within the mcr and the whole country is as follows. Food supply comes first. The supply of manufactured

goods, the opportunities to obtain better and larger living quarters and to accede to a prestigious employment with a wage increase, social promotion, well developed consumer services come next. And only at the end of the scale appears the opportunity to fulfil cultural needs and education. Thus, there is a process of «pseudo- urbanization» characteristic of the Soviet economic and social system, superimposed on the process of «natural» urbanization. By natural urbanization we mean the process related to economic development and to the natural difference between rural and urban ways of life. The specificity, the structural changes and the hierarchy of city functions shape the migration flows conditioned by natural urbanization. «Pseudo-urbanization» points to «the scum» of the process, that may complete the economic and socially conditioned urbanization. The «pseudo-urbanization» is generated by a disproportionate development of the country's economic structure (hypertrophie share of industry; economic and political reforms have triggered off a massive flow of the peasantry towards the cities, related not with the rising but with the lowering of labour efficiency in agriculture, with impoverishment of the countryside and hence with the urge towards the centres of relative well-being), and by the territorial inequalities in standards of living, artificially created and maintained by the institution of passports and registration.

The suburbanization of population cannot be observed in the MCR. The centripetal tendencies mentioned above resulted in rapid growth of Moscow and its suburbs, as well as in some stagnation of its periphery. Thus Moscow agglomeration is now in the first stage of development, the stage of «crawling» concentration where centrifugal forces are very weak. This situation will last as long as the barrier in terms of standards of living exists between Moscow and Moscow oblast.

Conclusions

This study has reaffirmed the general lack of suburbanization in the Soviet cities. Some signs of suburbanization like the

transfer of some activities from Moscow to the suburbs, the concentration of population in towns and villages near the central

city and commuting, differ significantly pie and firms will emancipate, only if the from the Western cities. The process of ur- existing political and economic system in banization will take its normal course, peo- the USSR is dismantled.

Argumenty i facty, 1988, N47, p. 2 Argumenty i facty, 1988, N50, p. 3

GLUSHKOVA V.G. Questions of Interrelated Settlement in Moscow and the Moscow Region, Problems of Geography, vol. 131, Moscow, 1988, pp. 40-56.

GRITSAY O.V. Western Europe : Regional Contrasts at the New Stage of Scientific-Technological Progress, Moscow, 1988, 148 p.

Moscow in Figures. 1980, Moscow, 1981, 220 p. Moscow in Figures. 1985, Moscow, 1986, 240 p.

National Economy of Moscow Oblast. 1981-1985, Moscow, 1986, 271 p.

National Economy of the ussr. 1985, Moscow, 1986, 421 p. Yearbook of Labour Statistics. 1987, Geneva, 1987, 960 p.

Moscow Capital Region: Territorial Structure and Natural Environment, Moscow, 1988, 321 p.

(1) Limiters are unskilled workers, hired in an organised way by Moscow firms; after working there for several years of working they get the right to register

their passports and to take up their residence in Moscow.

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Out of the Centre

Savvino-storozhevsky monastery and museum.

Zvenigorod's most famous sight is the Savvino-Storozhevsky Monastery, which was founded in 1398 by the monk Savva from the Troitse-Sergieva Lavra, at the invitation and with the support of Prince Yury Dmitrievich of Zvenigorod. Savva was later canonised as St Sabbas (Savva) of Storozhev. The monastery late flourished under the reign of Tsar Alexis, who chose the monastery as his family church and often went on pilgrimage there and made lots of donations to it. Most of the monastery’s buildings date from this time. The monastery is heavily fortified with thick walls and six towers, the most impressive of which is the Krasny Tower which also serves as the eastern entrance. The monastery was closed in 1918 and only reopened in 1995. In 1998 Patriarch Alexius II took part in a service to return the relics of St Sabbas to the monastery. Today the monastery has the status of a stauropegic monastery, which is second in status to a lavra. In addition to being a working monastery, it also holds the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum.

Belfry and Neighbouring Churches

Located near the main entrance is the monastery's belfry which is perhaps the calling card of the monastery due to its uniqueness. It was built in the 1650s and the St Sergius of Radonezh’s Church was opened on the middle tier in the mid-17th century, although it was originally dedicated to the Trinity. The belfry's 35-tonne Great Bladgovestny Bell fell in 1941 and was only restored and returned in 2003. Attached to the belfry is a large refectory and the Transfiguration Church, both of which were built on the orders of Tsar Alexis in the 1650s.  

To the left of the belfry is another, smaller, refectory which is attached to the Trinity Gate-Church, which was also constructed in the 1650s on the orders of Tsar Alexis who made it his own family church. The church is elaborately decorated with colourful trims and underneath the archway is a beautiful 19th century fresco.

Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is the oldest building in the monastery and among the oldest buildings in the Moscow Region. It was built between 1404 and 1405 during the lifetime of St Sabbas and using the funds of Prince Yury of Zvenigorod. The white-stone cathedral is a standard four-pillar design with a single golden dome. After the death of St Sabbas he was interred in the cathedral and a new altar dedicated to him was added.

Under the reign of Tsar Alexis the cathedral was decorated with frescoes by Stepan Ryazanets, some of which remain today. Tsar Alexis also presented the cathedral with a five-tier iconostasis, the top row of icons have been preserved.

Tsaritsa's Chambers

The Nativity of Virgin Mary Cathedral is located between the Tsaritsa's Chambers of the left and the Palace of Tsar Alexis on the right. The Tsaritsa's Chambers were built in the mid-17th century for the wife of Tsar Alexey - Tsaritsa Maria Ilinichna Miloskavskaya. The design of the building is influenced by the ancient Russian architectural style. Is prettier than the Tsar's chambers opposite, being red in colour with elaborately decorated window frames and entrance.

At present the Tsaritsa's Chambers houses the Zvenigorod Historical, Architectural and Art Museum. Among its displays is an accurate recreation of the interior of a noble lady's chambers including furniture, decorations and a decorated tiled oven, and an exhibition on the history of Zvenigorod and the monastery.

Palace of Tsar Alexis

The Palace of Tsar Alexis was built in the 1650s and is now one of the best surviving examples of non-religious architecture of that era. It was built especially for Tsar Alexis who often visited the monastery on religious pilgrimages. Its most striking feature is its pretty row of nine chimney spouts which resemble towers.

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