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UN chief puts a spotlight on Nepal’s climate crisis

Arjun Poudel

Last week, United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who was on a four-day visit to Nepal, travelled to the Everest and Annapurna regions, which have been highly affected by the impacts of climate change.

Guterres not only witnessed first hand the impacts of climate change on Nepal’s mountainous region but also took stock of the ground reality from local residents, who have been bearing the brunt of the crisis, for which they are not responsible.

Upon returning from the Annapurna Base Camp, the visiting UN secretary general appealed to the global community to take urgent action to protect the mountains and glaciers.

“It’s time to stop the looting and generating climate change because we must preserve these wonderful mountains and these wonderful glaciers,” Guterres told media persons at Pokhara Airport. “And it’s essential to support Nepal and … other countries that do not contribute to climate change but suffer the consequences.”

Guterres, who addressed the joint sitting of Nepal’s federal parliament the next day, said the country was facing catastrophic consequences of climate change despite its negligible contribution to global emissions.

He highlighted how monsoons, storms and landslides are growing in force and ferocity—sweeping away crops, livestock and entire villages—decimating economies and ruining lives. Guterres urged the global community to come to Nepal to see the catastrophic effects of climate change.

The UN chief’s tour of Nepal’s regions vulnerable to the changing climate and his plea to the global community to “stop this madness” have potential significance also particularly for the 2023 UN climate change conference set to kick off in the United Arab Emirates on November 30.

Here is all you need to know about Nepal’s climate crisis and the significance of the UN secretary-general's remarks.

Dire consequences of the climate crisis

Nepal has been bearing the brunt of climate change for the past several years. Mountains are melting, and glacial lakes have burst and vanished at record rates, leading to a loss of one third of them in just three decades.

Monsoons, storms and landslides are growing in force and ferocity—sweeping away crops, livestock and entire villages—decimating economies and ruining lives.

Swift changes driven by a changing climate bring a new set of problems that directly affect lives and livelihoods. Over the years, mountain springs, which were the only source of water for the village, have started drying up and disappearing. Studies show close to 15 percent of the springs have dried up in some places and water flow has fallen as low as 70 percent elsewhere in the country.

The lack of water has not only affected the local supply but also hit farming and animal husbandry. There was no option left for the villagers than to migrate.

Multiple effects of climate change

Nepal is extremely vulnerable to climate change and has been warned by experts for a long time. Climate change has impacted multiple sectors—environment, agriculture, animal husbandry, drinking water, health, food security, hydropower, education, and women's empowerment.

Drying up of the streams and decreased flow of water caused by climate change threaten local communities who depend on spring water for their lives and livelihoods. Water-related stress—low production of staple crops and fruits, dried-up green pastures and low adaptive capacity—have forced locals to contemplate migration.

Mountainous areas like Manang and Mustang, where rainfall is always low, have been witnessing unusual rainfall for the last several years, which has directly affected the locals.

Districts such as Mustang, Manang, Sindhupalchok and Solukhumbu have witnessed catastrophic landslides and floods like never before in recent years.

Vector-borne diseases like dengue have started to emerge in the areas considered non-endemic in the past. Mental health problems have significantly risen in recent years, reportedly due to a rise in the stress level caused by the climate crisis.

Along with roads, bridges, and public properties, hydel projects (both in operation and under construction) sustained massive damage from floods and landslides. Hydropower is not only the main source of energy for the domestic market but is also a commodity with a huge export potential.

The changing climate’s impact on education has not yet been studied but due to the rise in labour migration, the workload on women has increased and affected their health issues overall.

Vulnerable populations hit disproportionately

People residing in the remote mountainous areas of Nepal and those involved in agriculture, animal husbandry, and women and children have been affected much by the adverse impacts of climate change.

The United Nations report titled “ Climate Change 2022: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability ” also stated that people living in deprivation and indigenous people have been disproportionately affected by climate change. They often rely on rain-fed agriculture in marginal areas with high exposure, increased vulnerability to water-related stress and low adaptive capacity.

Significance of Guterres’ speech

Visiting UN Secretary-General Guterres, in his address to a joint sitting of Nepal’s federal parliament, emphasised the same message that Nepali officials and climate experts have been raising in international forums over the years.

However, the UN chief's recognition of Nepal’s issue as ‘serious’ has a special meaning, multiple climate experts the Post talked to said.

“The UN secretary general drew the attention of world communities to the problems encountered by Nepal due to the climate crisis caused by emissions, to which the country is a negligible contributor,” said Bhusan Tuladhar, an environmentalist. “This helped us to make the issue global. I hope our policymakers and government will be serious about implementing various plans made to deal with adverse impacts of climate change.”

Guterres, in his speech, emphasised the significance of the Climate Adaptation Fund and its effective utilisation in mitigating the consequences of climate change and the need for international collaboration to address this shared global challenge.

He proposed an SDG Stimulus that would release at least $500 billion a year in affordable long-term finance for sustainable development and climate action.

“Developed countries must honour the promise of $100 billion a year and double adaptation finance, as a first step to devoting half of the climate finance to adaptation. The most vulnerable must be at the centre of efforts to build climate resilience.”

Through Nepal’s Parliament, he also urged leaders to act on climate without delay—with the biggest emitters leading from the front, saying all countries must put the Acceleration Agenda he has proposed into effect, to limit the rise in global temperatures to 1.5 degrees Celsius.

He appreciated Nepal’s role in climate action, claiming it was on target to net zero emissions by 2045 and carrying out extraordinary reforestation efforts. Nepal has made remarkable progress in increasing the forest cover with its successful community forestry programme.

Experts’ take

Climate experts in Nepal said there is an urgent need to pay attention to the scale and omnipresence of the problems caused by climate change.

Nepal has made both short- and long-term strategies and policies to deal with the adverse impacts of climate change, which the UN chief lauded. But when it comes to implementing them, the approach has been lackadaisical. The impacts of climate change have affected multiple sectors and the daily lives of many people.

“Whatever the policies on mitigation and adaptation we made, their implementation is poor,” said Madhukar Upadhya, a climate expert. “People affected by floods and landslides years ago have not yet received the compensation.”

According to experts, authorities should make sincere efforts to implement strategies to address the climate impacts. Due to the apathy of the authorities concerned for mitigating adverse impacts and helping people to adapt, people from the affected areas have been migrating at an alarming pace.

Even if the UN chief had promised a climate adaptation fund, it would be for all the affected countries, with the fund allocated for selected programmes applied by individual countries, said Upadhya.

“And we all know the limitations of UN-funded programmes. Nepal itself has to deal with the impacts, and for that, the government and concerned agencies have to make plans and sincere efforts for their implementation,” Upadhya said. “All relevant agencies should collaborate and coordinate to deal with the effects of climate change.”

Arjun Poudel Arjun Poudel is a health reporter for The Kathmandu Post. Before joining the Post, he worked for Sagarmatha Television, Naya Patrika, Republica and The Himalayan Times.

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Key Highlights: Country Climate and Development Report for Nepal

Nepal country climate and development report: towards a green, resilient, and inclusive development.

Download Country Climate and Development Report for Nepal 

Nepal has achieved significant development progress in recent decades. To sustain the development gains, Nepal must adapt its development pathway to a changing climate. Nepal 's Country Climate and Development Report (CCDR) identifies ways that Nepal can achieve its overall development objectives while fostering its strategic ambition to transition to a greener, more resilient, and inclusive development pathway.

Global warming and climate change are already affecting Nepal’s gross domestic product. Increased flooding, heat stress on labor productivity and health, and heat stress on crops and livestock are expected to be a continual drag on growth. Women, indigenous people, and other marginalized groups are often excluded from mainstream development and suffer from cumulative and cascading impacts of climate change and disasters. Without comprehensive and scaled-up climate action, climate change will continue to jeopardize gains in Nepal’s human development and poverty reduction.

To respond to this challenge, Nepal is already implementing steps to recalibrate its economy by adopting a Green, Resilient, and Inclusive Development (GRID) approach . In 2021, Nepal adopted the  Green, Resilient and Inclusive Development (GRID) approach  as a national vision to guide long-term green growth and build resilience to climate and other shocks that are barriers to Nepal’s development ambitions. Under Nepal’s federal structure, the local governments are placed at the center of climate resilience and development efforts with extensive implementation responsibilities and play a crucial role in translating the GRID strategy into action.

Nepal has pledged to achieve net zero emissions by 2045 and to significantly scale up hydropower investment in the coming decade.  Nepal has begun to put in place the necessary policy framework, such as the 2019 National Climate Change Policy, the 2022 Solid Waste Management Policy, the 2022 Forest Regulation and the 2022 Land Use Regulation. However, implementation of this reform agenda and prioritization of investments is incipient. Moreover, enhanced prioritization and efficiency of public expenditure are required to maximize climate and development benefits.

Last Updated: Sep 15, 2022

Nepal's CCDR report also outlines three key enabling themes to help support the priority system transitions  toward a greener future for Nepal:

• Strengthening the resilience of people and community assets through early warning systems, shock-responsive safety nets, and access to quality skills training;
• Embedding disaster risk management at all tiers of government and across all sectors;
• Prioritizing Nepal’s funding needs by convening and coordinating financing for climate action.

Nepal Climate and Development Report – Full Profile

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Book Review Environmental Issues And Problems Of Nepal

Nepal, as a member of the most disaster-prone south asian region where over 700 major natural disaster incidences have taken place in the last thirty years, needs to pay more attention to climate change., basu sharma.

Keshav Bhattarai and Dennis Conway, Contemporary Environmental Problems in Nepal: Geographic Perspective , Springer, Switzerland, 2021. Pp. 792.

This is a remarkable book about environmental issues and problems of Nepal. Climate change is a matter of great concern to many, andthis book is the first of its kind to bring environmental and climate change issues that cut across geopolitical, technical, legal, demographic, and economic spheres in a holistic way. Even though the primary audience for this book is geographers, its scope is so vast that anyone interested in any important aspect of contemporary Nepal will find the book immensely insightful and useful.And one of the very important attributes of the book is its data-rich content and use of data visualization.

The book is a magnum opus . It has nine chapters. Each chapter is recast in a wider regional and global environmental context with detailed and richly documented information. A very brief summary of each of the chapters of the book is in order.

The first chapter introduces environmental problems faced by Nepal in specific reference to ecopolitical and sociodemographic conditions with focus on water resources, physiography, human adaptation, and broader border and regional context. This chapter thus establishes the foundation for deeper analyses of myriads of other environmental issues and problems in subsequent chapters. The second chapter examines influences on deteriorating environment coming from demographic considerations such as population structure, mortality and fertility rates, caste and ethnicity, religion and language, migration and brain drain. It argues that environmental degradation could dramatically change the existing fabric of the Nepalese society currently characterized by harmonious co-existence of multiethnic, multireligious and multilingual groups into a society rife with conflicts over matters related to resource sharing and ecosystem services. Chapter three addresses issues pertaining to environmental sustainability and human well-being.The authors take on environmental degradation problems due to glacier lake outburst floods, earthquakes, landslides, and deforestation, among others, as major threats for sustainability. They warn of possibility of recurring disasters if proper actions for environmental protection are not taken immediately. Another major factor accounting for many of the environmental problems in Nepal is urbanization. Chapter four delineates facets of rapid urbanization taking place in Nepal.The authors demonstrate that a lack of professional approach to urban planning has produced many negative effects on environment and argue that it is important to bring both science and conscience to create environment friendly urban growth.One of the major problems facing the agricultural sector in Nepal is out-migration of farmers leaving the land barren in many instances. In addition, global climate change has severely affected agricultural practices. These developments have adversely influenced poverty alleviation policies and practices. These are the subject matters discussed in Chapter five. The theme of chapter six is the energy sector. While Nepal is one of the richest countries in the world in terms of hydropower potential, sadly only three percent of this potential has been utilized so far. The authors convincingly arguethat Nepal should focus on developing and deploying hydropower for prosperity.Since hydropower is clean energy, its development and deployment can bring many benefits to the country and the people. Issues and problems related to developmental infrastructures such as roads, communication network, population distribution, capacity building, incomes distribution, and quality of life are examined in chapter seven. The authors show a nexus between income inequality and disparity and environmental sustainability and argue that incomes equality is one of the solutions to environmental problems.They call for immediate attention of the Government of Nepal towards achieving this goal. Chapter eight examines the effect of deforestation on environmental degradation, and on greenhouse gas emission, and offers an empirical assessment of geospatial aspects of human-environment interaction and resulting consequences for the habitat at a macro level. Chapter nine is an elaborate summary of the preceding chapters together with overall conclusion.Policy implications of the analysis presented in the book are further discussed in this chapter.

Nepal, as a member of the most disaster-prone South Asian region where over 700 major natural disaster incidences have taken place in the last thirty years, needs to pay more attention to climate change. Failure to take actions on climate change issues might result in major disasters for the country. For example, the retreat of the Himalayan glaciers has already begun to negatively affect rainfall patterns, groundwater recharge system, and water supplies, among others. These changes have huge implications for the livelihood of subsistence farmers and many other low- income groups in the country.The authors have convincingly argued that even the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of the United Nations such as eradicating poverty and combating communicable diseases are unattainable without embracing environmental agenda.However, it is not to say that the government of Nepal has done nothing to ameliorate atmospheric carbon emissions. As the authors have documented, there are over 2,300 community groups involved in managing 2.25 hectares of community forests. In addition, the government has instituted a National Adaptation Plan of Action and a Local Adaptation Program of Action. These corrective measures taken by the government are commendable. But they are not sufficient to address the huge climate change problems that we are facing now and that we may face in future. Hence the policy prescription that more proactive climate action plans are urgently needed is a sound one.

Since climate change is interregional and global, neighboring country policies will have repercussions for domestic policies. In view of this transregional nature of the phenomenon, how to align domestically designed climate policies of each individual countries at a regional level is an important issue. The authors could have shed more light on this aspect of the transborder climate problem. Nonetheless, the goal of bringing in all major environment related matters into one analytical platform has been achieved. And the amount of thinking, research, and reflection appliedby the authors to bring this goal into fruition appears to be a considerable feat. In my view, this book will prove to be the foundational work in the field of environmental studies in Nepal.

Overall, Contemporary Environmental Problems in Nepal: Geographic Perspective is a very engaging and informative book. It is packed with information and insights. It includes sources from plurality of disciplines and fields. The main objective of the book as set out in the introductory chapter was to render it as “a reference for bio-economic modeling to assess the land productivity through the analysis of location-specific issues’ (p. 31). The authors have becomesuccessful in achieving this objective. The book thus offers a solid foundation for understanding and explaining why environmental problems are so important in Nepal. In doing so, it provides motivation and inspiration to scholars for doing further research. The book should belong to the personal library of everyone interested in environmental problems in general and development issues in the context of climate change in Nepal in particular.

Basu Sharma, Professor of Organizational Studies & Editor-in-chief, Journal of Comparative International Management University of New Brunswick Fredericton, NB, Canada E3B 5A3

Professor of Organizational Studies & Editor-in-chief, Journal of Comparative International Management University of New Brunswick Fredericton, NB, Canada E3B 5A3

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Original research article, environmental inequalities in kathmandu, nepal—household perceptions of changes between 2013 and 2021.

• 1 Department of Urban and Regional Planning and Geo-Information Management, Faculty of Geo-Information Science and Earth Observation, University of Twente, Enschede, Netherlands
• 2 Lumanti Support Group for Shelter, Lalitpur, Nepal
• 3 Department of Social Epidemiology, Institute of Public Health and Nursing Research, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany

Environmental health inequalities in cities of the Global South are hardly studied up to now, though they are expected to increase due to rapid urbanization and motorization taking place in many of these cities. In this study, environmental inequalities in the city of Kathmandu, Nepal for the years 2013 and 2021 are analyzed. The goal of the study is to determine the degree of environmental inequalities and their changes over time. The study examines horizontal and vertical inequalities in access to drinking water sources, air and noise pollution exposure, and health effects based on self-reported household data. Results show statistically significant environmental inequalities between neighborhoods in Kathmandu regarding access to basic water infrastructure, air and noise pollution exposure, and resulting health effects. Inequalities between socio-economic groups are not significant. Over time, the perceived exposure to air pollution has increased, mainly due to increased motorized traffic, whereas vertical inequalities persisted. While inequalities between socio-economic groups have not increased, the high socioeconomic group reveals more concerns and awareness about environmental burdens than the low socioeconomic group. In conclusion, given the intertwined horizontal and vertical inequalities, any planning response action needs to consider the population's vulnerability to target interventions to the most affected areas.

Introduction

Large cities in the Global South often feature a poor environmental quality. High levels of air ( Flanagan et al., 2021 ), noise ( Amoatey et al., 2020 ), and water pollution ( Yin et al., 2021 ) result from industrial production, small-scale commercial activities, poor infrastructure quality, and motorized transport ( Sen Roy, 2018 ). In addition, in large parts of the cities, people lack access to environmental benefits such as green areas and parks ( Gelan and Girma, 2021 ). The absence of environmental standards and regulations to monitor environmental quality and the limited enforcement of existing regulations due to weak governance systems ( Aryal et al., 2021 ) are restricting improvements of the situation. On the contrary, it is to be expected that due to the rapid growth of many Global South cities going along with rising motorization and increasing industrial production as well as private consumption the environmental quality will worsen over time ( Kumar et al., 2014 ).

At the same time, we see increasing inequalities within cities of the Global South. While certain parts of the society benefit from the slow economic growth of the cities, others are excluded from it ( Nijman and Wei, 2020 ). This is manifested in increasing spatial inequalities associated with an unequal geographic distribution of resources as well as access to amenities that particularly affect marginalized segments of the population ( Soja, 2010 ), as reflected in the Sustainable Development Goals ( https://sdgs.un.org/goals ). SDG 10 postulates to reduce inequalities concerning income, wealth, opportunity and other dimensions, particularly in lower-income countries. In line with the demanded localization of the SDGs ( Fenton and Gustafsson, 2017 ), such inequalities also need to be addressed at the city level.

Specific inequalities resulting from poor urban environmental quality and increasing socio-economic inequalities are described as environmental inequalities. Brulle and Pellow (2006 , p. 104) define environmental inequalities as a “situation in which a specific social group is disproportionately affected by environmental hazards,” either caused by factors relating to the socio-economic status of the population or by characteristics of the built environment ( Flacke et al., 2016 ). Disproportionately affected may further mean that certain groups exposed to environmental burdens may show different health outcomes ( Harpham, 2009 ). People living in neighborhoods strongly exposed to environmental hazards may hold significantly higher amounts of, e.g., cardiovascular or respiratory diseases ( Pickett and Pearl, 2001 ; Riva et al., 2007 ).

Such environmental inequalities are typically analyzed in a horizontal or in a vertical perspective ( Kalasa et al., 2021 ). The horizontal perspective focuses on spatial variations in levels of exposure and investigates environmental inequalities between different geographical units. Such an analysis helps explore the link between health and place ( Bambra et al., 2019 ). The vertical perspective typically investigates environmental inequalities between different socio-economic variables, for example socio-economic status, ethnicity or race. In this study, we aim to combine the two perspectives because both are needed to devise policy measures suitable to overcome inequalities ( Kalasa et al., 2021 ) While several studies have investigated environmental inequalities in cities of the Global North (e.g., Maantay, 2007 ; Rüttenauer, 2018 ), they are hardly studied in cities of the Global South yet ( Shao et al., 2021 ).

To address this gap, we analyze in this paper environmental inequalities at city level in a Global South context, using the city of Kathmandu, Nepal, as the case study. Nepal is one of the least developed countries in South-East Asia. Its capital city, Kathmandu is continuously growing due to a steady inflow from other parts of the country ( Chauhan et al., 2021 ). Major environmental problems of the city are high levels of air ( Gurung et al., 2017b ) and noise pollution ( Chauhan et al., 2021 ), poor drinking water quality ( Thapa et al., 2019 ), and poor solid waste management ( Nepal Health Research Council, 2009 ). In addition, the city is frequently struck by various environmental disasters from flooding, landslides, and earthquakes, the last major earthquake in 2015 ( Khatakho et al., 2021 ). Various studies have investigated aspects of environmental health issues in Kathmandu ( Pant, 2009 ; Kurmi et al., 2016 ; Thapa et al., 2019 ; Chauhan et al., 2021 ). However, no studies so far have investigated environmental inequalities between different areas or socio-economic groups.

The aim of the paper is to analyze intra-city environmental inequalities and their changes over time at neighborhood level in Kathmandu. This analysis based on empirical data is done for two points in time, i.e., the years 2013 and 2021. The longitudinal design of the study aims to detect whether the situation of environmental inequalities has worsened over the years due to ongoing urbanization and motorization. In the discussion section drivers of potential change are discussed and suitable intervention policies are reflected.

Materials and Methods

Research design.

This study analyses environmental inequalities in terms of differences in exposure to environmental burdens and related heaths effects in six neighborhoods of Kathmandu for two points in time, 2013 and 2021. To this end, we make use of the Driving force-Pressure-State-Exposure-Effect-Action (DPSEEA) indicator framework ( WHO, 1999 ). The DPSEEA framework “shows links between exposures and health effects as determined by many different factors operating through a chain of events” ( Hambling et al., 2011 , p. 12). These are conceptualized as high-level drivers and pressures, such as urban growth, economic or technological development, that influence the state of the environment and exposures. Following Morris et al. (2006) we relate the exposure–effects linkage of the DPSEEA framework to specific social, economic and demographic context indicators to analyze environmental inequalities ( Köckler and Flacke, 2013 ). A further advantage of the DPSEEA framework is that it allows identifying potential policy intervention points along the environmental health causal chain ( Briggs, 2003 ).

Case Study Area

Kathmandu Metropolitan city (KMC) is the capital of Nepal and its major economic center. For many years, Kathmandu has been experiencing a huge inflow of people from other parts of the country ( Gurung et al., 2017a ), resulting in Nepal's highest population growth rates. In 2011 Kathmandu had a population of 1,006,656 ( CBS, 2012 ), which almost doubled within 10 years (2001: 671,846 inhabitants. The population of Kathmandu Metropolitan city is reduced to 845,767 according to the most recent census survey in 2021 ( https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/Home/Details?tpid=1&dcid=0f011f13-7ef6-42dd-9f03-c7d309d4fca3 ). Basic infrastructure like water supply, electricity, gas, telecommunications, roads, sanitation, education, and transportation is well-developed in Kathmandu compared to the rest of Nepal, though heavily under pressure due to the strong population increase. The Nepal/Gorkha earthquake from April 2015 caused almost 10,000 fatalities and massive destructions to more than 750,000 houses across Nepal, including Kathmandu ( Bisri and Beniya, 2016 ).

The unplanned urbanization and haphazard development of industrial units have generated many environmental problems affecting human health and welfare. A major infrastructural deficiency in Kathmandu is the shortage of drinkable water from piped water. Kathmandu Upatyaka Khanepani Limited (KUKL) supplies water throughout the Kathmandu Valley but covers only 19% of the water demand during the dry season and 31% during the wet season with the supply being intermittent ( Thapa et al., 2008 , 2018 ). Moreover, a continuous increase in motorized vehicles, ongoing construction works, and small-scaled industries contribute to rising noise and air pollution levels ( Gurung et al., 2017b ). Air pollution and noise pollution are seen as other major problems that are to be addressed by governmental policies in Kathmandu ( Chauhan et al., 2021 ).

For the empirical study, six neighborhoods were selected ( Figure 1 ), that are representative for the urban built area of Kathmandu. We choose the neighborhood level for assessing environmental inequalities, because neighborhoods in Kathmandu show rather homogenous socio-economic characteristics. Details of the six neighborhoods are given in Table 1 . Neighborhood N1 is the planned residential area of the Kuleshwor Housing project completed in 1990. Neighborhood N2 portrays mixed residential and commercial development along the major road connecting to Tribhuwan highway. Neighborhoods N3 and N4, located west of the Bishnumati River, are characterized by compact settlements of mixed land use for residential and commercial purposes. N4 includes the old fruit and vegetable wholesale market in the south. Neighborhoods N5 and N6 are located east of the Bishnumati river, the Bagmati river borders N6 in the south. N5 is of the highest settlement density and comprises the traditional core settlement with several courtyards and several sacred shrines and pilgrimage sites nearby and the highway in the north. Medium-density settlements, the highway, and a waste transfer station in the south characterize neighborhood N6.

Figure 1 . Location of the neighborhoods in Kathmandu.

Table 1 . Characteristics of sample neighborhoods.

Indicators Development

A key challenge of environmental inequality studies at city level in Global South context is the limited data available in terms of exposure and health effects indicators. Given that only limited official data is available, this study is based on self-reported exposure levels and health effects as expressed by survey respondents. The study focuses on exposure levels and health effects related to drinking water availability and air and noise pollution as these are the main environmental hazards the city of Kathmandu faces. The following indicators were asked in the survey to explore levels of exposure to the various environmental burdens ( Supplementary Table 1 ).

Drinking water supply is one of the major environmental concerns in Kathmandu. According to the SDGs indicator 6.1.1 safely managed drinking water service is defined as one located on premises, available when needed and free from fecal and priority chemical contamination ( https://unstats.un.org/wiki/display/SDGeHandbook/Indicator$+$6.1.1 ). Due to a low supply of municipal pipe water in Kathmandu, households must approach multiple water sources ( Shrestha et al., 2016b ). Regarding water quality, various studies indicate that all water sources can potentially be contaminated in Kathmandu. Warner et al. (2008) observed bacterial contamination in 72% of 100 water sample in Kathmandu valley including pipe water. Subedi and Aryal (2010) found that in a sample of 57 bottles of sealed water from different brands distributed in Kathmandu valley 90% of them contained total coliforms and 60% contained fecal coliforms. A more recent study showed that the treated water had poor quality exceeding most of the standard values set by Nepal Drinking Water Quality Standards ( Maharjan et al., 2018 ). Despite these various findings, piped water is still considered a permanent source of water for drinking and cooking as it is the cheapest source compared to jar water and tanker water ( Shrestha et al., 2016b ). To capture inequalities with respect to the quality and quantity of the water supply, accessibility to pipe water and use of water for drinking and cooking from the different sources is included in the survey.

Various studies show that motorized transport and industrial production are the major source of air pollution in many Asian cities ( Huizenga and Leather, 2012 ) and that roadside air pollution is very high, especially due to high vehicles emissions and resuspension of street dust ( Shah et al., 1997 ). In Kathmandu, solid waste management is also considered as contributing to air pollution because of the bad odor due to the accumulation of garbage ( Mohanty, 2011 ). Therefore, all three sources for air pollution are considered in the survey.

Noise pollution is less emphasized compared to other environmental pollution. However, due to exposure to noise pollution, health problems are increasing in Kathmandu ( Chauhan et al., 2021 ). Major noise sources include community noise, industrial noise and roadway noise ( Nepal Health Research Council, 2009 ). Thus, all three are included in the survey.

Indicators collected to capture health effects resulting from exposure to the various environmental burdens are shown in Supplementary Table 2 . Self-reported health effects due to water pollution were collected using the indicator of the occurrence of waterborne diseases in the family over the last 6 months. Several waterborne diseases have been reported resulting from contaminated water such as diarrhea, typhoid, cholera, dysentery, jaundice, paratyphoid fever, amoebiasis in Nepal ( Rijal et al., 2019 ). As these diseases are transmitted through the oral route, they are often attributed to the cause of direct drinking of contaminated water.

Increasing evidence shows that air pollution is associated with adverse health outcomes, particularly respiratory diseases such as asthma, sore throat, and cough ( Cohen et al., 2017 ). Moreover, air pollution is also considered to trigger external allergic effects. Though the role of air pollution in the development of allergic diseases is not clear, several studies have demonstrated an association between increased air pollution and the increased risk of allergic sensitization and prevalence of rhinitis, which is often associated with cold-like symptoms such as sneezing, itchiness, running nose ( Lee et al., 2013 ). Furthermore, air pollution is considered to exert negative effects on human skin (e.g., itchy skin, eczema, sores, and rash) as was well as on eyes (e.g., itchy eyes, bloodshot eyes, teary eyes; Reinmuth-Selzle et al., 2017 ). Therefore, two indicators are developed to assess self-reported health effects due to air pollution: respiratory diseases such as asthma, chest pain, chronic cough and symptoms related to allergic reactions such as skin rashes, frequent running nose/sneezing, skin irritation, and burning/swelling eyelid.

Daily exposure to high noise levels over a long period can have harmful effects, and these health effects manifest as auditory disorders or non-auditory symptoms ( Nongkynrih et al., 2014 ). Therefore, the indicator assessing health effects due to noise pollution was based on whether the sampled household reported on any symptoms related to auditory disorders such as hearing impairment, earache, noise-induced hearing loss or hypertension or non-auditory symptoms usually manifested as headache, psychological disturbances presented as irritability, dizziness, and sleeping.

Five indicators were used to assess the socio-economic context of the respondents ( Supplementary Table 3 ). Next to the most commonly used income, education and occupation indicators, two indicators associated with wealth in Global south contexts, car and bike ownership, are added to the survey.

Data Collection

Random sampling was done to select households for the survey in 2013. The total sample size for this study was 408 households with 60–75 households from each selected neighborhood ( Table 1 ). The survey questionnaire focused on three groups of variables: socio-economic characteristics, perceived environmental conditions (exposure) and self-reported health conditions, all captured as yes/no dichotomous variables. The questionnaire used in the 2013 survey is given in Supplementary Table 4 .

From March to May 2021, we repeated the household survey in four of the six neighborhoods (N1, 4, 5, 6), because the covid19 pandemic forced us to scale down the second survey and higher environmental inequalities were evident in these neighborhoods in 2013 ( Maharjan, 2014 ). The goal of this second survey was (a) to capture the current exposure levels and health effects in 2021, and (b) to capture changes in environmental quality as perceived by respondents. Hereto, we added questions asking how the respondents perceive and judge environmental quality change since 2013 and what measures they take to cope with the situation. To reduce recall bias as it was presumably difficult to remember environmental qualities some 8 years ago, we asked in the survey how the respondents remember the situation in the times before the earthquake, which occurred in 2015. We interviewed only respondents who had lived in the neighborhood for more than 8 years. We adopted a purposive sampling strategy and selected households located either along the road/river or far away from it and either close to or far away from the waste transfer station and vegetable markets, as these are the main sources of environmental pollution found in 2013 ( Maharjan, 2014 ). Additionally, visual observation of the exterior condition of houses was also considered before the interview to include households with varying socio-economic characteristics. The questionnaire used in the 2021 survey is given in Supplementary Table 5 . For some of the questions asked in 2013 already, we changed the format to obtain more detailed information. In detail, the questions regarding exposure to the various environmental burdens were changed from a yes/no format to a 5-point Likert scale ranging from very much/very high to not at all/very low.

Data Analysis

The analysis of environmental inequalities combines descriptive statistics and correlation analysis. Horizontal inequalities are analyzed by comparing indicators over the six neighborhoods, while vertical inequalities are studied based on a cluster analysis classifying households into three different socio-economic groups. We applied Pearson's chi-square tests ( Field, 2009 ) to test statistically significant relationships of neighborhoods and socio-economic clusters with environmental exposure levels and reported health effects for 2013. From these associations of the categorical variables we only report the yes categories, assessing statistically significant relationship between two variables at 95% confidence level.

For analyzing the changes of perceived levels of exposure and reported health effects in 2021 compared to 2013 we classified the reported 5-point Likert scaled data of percentages of respondents into quintiles ranging from 0–20% to 80.1–100%. Based on these quintiles, changes in levels of exposure and health effects are indicated as a change of quintile. In the case of water supply these quintiles are classified as a benefit variable, i.e., the higher the better. In the case of air and noise pollution and the reported health effects quintiles are classified as a cost variable, i.e., the higher the quintile the worse.

Socio-economic clusters for 2013 were created using the five socio-economic indicators—household income, education level, occupation, car ownership, and bike ownership –in a two-step cluster analysis in SPSS 21. The number of clusters was specified in advance as 3 in order to achieve distinct socioeconomic clusters. We used log-likelihood distance measure with Schwarz's Bayesian Criterion (BIC) to repeatedly produce the clustering solutions. The Silhouette Index (SI), which ranges from−1 to 1, was observed to determine the clustering quality. We accept the cluster with SI close to 0.5, which is considered fair clustering quality. After inspecting the cluster characteristics, the authors then categorized the clusters to high, medium and low socioeconomic clusters. The indicator household income is the most important predictor for cluster formation, followed by the indicators education level, occupation and car ownership, and numbers of motorbikes per family.

For 2021, socioeconomic clusters were created using the same socio-economic indicators as in 2013 in a two-step cluster analysis, except that bike ownership was considered in 2021 as a dichotomous variable (yes/no) instead of the number of bikes as in 2013. In this cluster analysis, occupation is the most important predictor for forming clusters, followed by household income, highest education, bike ownership, and car ownership.

Socio-Economic Characteristics of Neighborhoods and Clusters

Socio-economic neighborhood characteristics.

Table 2 shows the socio-economic characteristics of the six neighborhoods in 2013 based on the sample household data, as no official census data at neighborhood level is available. Neighborhood N1 is mostly inhabited by highly educated people of the upper middle- and high-income groups having also the highest share of car ownership. In all other neighborhoods the share of households in the middle-income group (13,000–30,000 NRs.) is around two-third, while in N2, 3, and 4 another 30% are in the upper middle income group (30,000–60,000 NRs.) and N4, 5, and 6 also have a considerable higher share of household in the low income cluster (<13,000 NRs.).

Table 2 . Socio-economic characteristics of neighborhoods 2013.

Socio-Economic Clusters

Table 3 shows the characteristics of the three socio-economic clusters in 2013. Cluster C2 can be characterized as the higher socio-economic cluster (HSEC), including 35.3% of the sampled households. All households of high income fall in this cluster. The highest education level attained by family members is typically a bachelor's or master's degree and all households have business or services as a major occupation. All households owning a car are included in this cluster and the average number of motor bikes per household is significantly higher. Cluster C1 can be characterized as the medium socioeconomic class (MSEC). It includes all households with a middle income (13,000–30,000 NRs). Most households have at least a bachelor's degree and a major occupation in business or services. Cluster C3, the low socio-economic class (LSEC), is composed of 29.4% of total sampled households. It contains mainly households with household income between 13,000 and 30,000 NRs or below. Most households in this cluster have as highest education level below bachelor's degree, with only 15% having a master's degree. While still about half of the households have a major occupation in business or services, all households with major occupation as daily wage services are grouped into this cluster. The average number of bikes owned is the lowest.

Table 3 . Characteristics of clusters 2013.

Figure 2 shows the distribution of classified households in the neighborhoods in 2013. N1 comprises the highest number of HSEC households. N4 contains the highest number of LSEC households, whereas N3 has the highest number of MSEC households. N2 and N3 show an almost similar composition of all clusters. N5 and N6 are largely composed of MSEC and LSEC, almost with equal numbers of households.

Figure 2 . Distribution of socio-economic clusters per neighborhood 2013. (A) In percentage per neighborhood, (B) spatial distribution in neighborhoods.

The three clusters formed for 2021 have very similar characteristics as those formed in 2013 ( Supplementary Table 6 ). Out of 64 households surveyed, the distribution for HSEC, MSEC, and LSEC is 21, 24, and 19 households, respectively. The distribution of socio-economic classes in the different neighborhoods is also similar to 2013. N1 has the highest percentage of HSEC and the lowest percentage of LSEC households. In the case of N4, having the highest percentage of households in LSEC in 2013, the percentage of MSEC and LSEC are equal in 2021, whereas N6 has the highest percentage of households of LSEC. A noticeable increase in households of MSEC is observed in N5.

Environmental Inequalities in Kathmandu 2013

Horizontal inequalities in perceived exposure and self-reported health effects.

In 2013 environmental inequalities between the six neighborhoods were found for several sources of environmental burdens considered in the study. Statistically significant were the inequalities in sources of drinking water ( Table 4 ), exposure to air pollution from vehicle emissions and solid waste, and exposure to noise pollution from road traffic and crowds ( Table 5 ). The analysis of health outcomes reveals significant inequalities between the six neighborhoods for all four self-reported health effects ( Table 6 ).

Table 4 . Access to pipe water and sources of drinking water (2013).

Table 5 . Perceived exposure to various sources of air and noise pollution (2013).

Table 6 . Self-reported health effects per neighborhood in 2013.

While around 95% of the households have access to piped water supply ( Table 4 ), only 13% said that it is sufficient for daily use because the water is supplied through the pipes only once a week and the quality is strongly varying ( Maharjan, 2014 ). Accordingly, only about two-thirds of households use pipe water for drinking and cooking. About the same share of households must make use also of jar water, while around 30% also make use of water from private tankers because of the intermittent supply of pipe water.

A share of around 40% of the respondents reported exposure to air pollution from vehicle emission, dust particles and solid waste ( Table 5 ). Regarding exposure to noise pollution, only noise from road traffic (50%) and crowds (32%) is reported from respondents and shows a significant disproportionate distribution. Noise pollution from industries and construction is only mentioned by a small number of respondents.

Comparing the six neighborhoods, the neighborhood N1 is least burdened by environmental hazards. Almost all households in N1 have access to pipe water (95%) ( Table 4 ), and the by far lowest share of households among the six neighborhoods is reporting their exposure to both vehicle emission (23%) and solid waste (4%). The level of air pollution from dust particles is at a similarly low level as neighborhood N5 ( Table 5 ). Also, neighborhood N1 is among the neighborhoods having the lowest shares concerning noise pollution. On the other hand, the most environmentally burdened neighborhood is N4. Though close to 95% of the households report that they have access to pipe water, <50% use this water for drinking and cooking purposes. In contrast, three-quarters of households have to buy jar water, often contaminated. More than half of the respondents reported exposure to air pollution from vehicle emissions (53%) and solid waste (52%) and two third reported exposure to noise pollution from road traffic.

The other neighborhoods are somewhat between these two extremes, being exposed more or less to some of the environmental burdens studied here. Respondents in N2 and N3 report a similarly low usage of pipe water (around 50%) and thus need to buy jar water to a high degree or even from private tankers, which are often more costly. Respondents from N2 report the highest share of exposure to air pollution from solid waste among the three sources, while respondents from N3 report the highest share of noise pollution from crowds. Respondents from the neighborhoods N5 and N6, on the other hand, report a relatively high share of access to pipe water (90%), and accordingly a high usage of pipe water for drinking and cooking (75%) while several households (87%) in N6 buy jar water as well, which indicates that supply of piped water is often intermittent. In terms of air pollution, N6 has the highest share of exposure from solid waste, which is most likely due to the close proximity location to the waste transfer station, which is in this neighborhood, while N5 reports a high share of exposure to noise pollution from road traffic.

These rather disproportionately distributed levels of exposure to environmental burdens between the neighborhoods result in statistically significant inequalities in reported health effects between neighborhoods ( Table 6 ). In neighborhood N1 the lowest shares of health effects are reported for waterborne diseases, allergic health effects from air pollution and noise pollution effects, while in neighborhoodN4 highest shares of health effects are reported for waterborne and respiratory diseases as well as a high share of other air pollution health effects ( Table 6 ). The highest numbers of reported health effects from air pollution in N6 (90%) can be plausibly linked to improper solid waste and management, as most of the households along the river reported bad odor, especially in the summertime when the water level is low. In N4, households complained about bad odor from the nearby vegetable market, particularly at garbage collection times. Health effects due to noise, such as headaches, irritation, etc., are reported highest by households in N3 and N4, whereas the least occurrence is reported in N1. For neighborhoodN3 this aligns with a high level of noise exposure from crowds that are reported, while respondents in N4 reported the highest share of exposure to noise from road traffic.

Vertical Inequalities in Perceived Exposures and Self-Reported Health Effects

Vertical environmental inequalities in Kathmandu in 2013 are being analyzed by comparing three socio-economic classes in all six neighborhoods. In contrast to horizontal inequalities, the analysis of vertical inequalities does not yield so many distinct inequalities. Statistically significant are only the levels of unequal exposure to air pollution from dust particles and solid waste ( Supplementary Tables 7 , 8 ).

In terms of access to drinking water sources, all three socioeconomic classes have in principal access to pipe water to a high degree (>90%). Likewise, they all report a similar usage of the three different water sources with 60–70% making use of pipe water as well as jar water and between 20 and 30% making also use of water from private tankers ( Supplementary Table 7 ). Consequently, no inequalities in sources of drinking water are statistically significant.

Exposure to the various sources of air pollution results in a somewhat mixed picture. Statistically significant is a slightly higher exposure to air pollution from dust particles for the HSEC cluster and higher exposure of LSEC households to air pollution from solid waste. The latter might relate to the high number of respondents reporting exposure to air pollution from solid waste in neighborhoods N4 and N6, as in both neighborhoods the share of households from LSEC is highest in the sample. In terms of noise pollution, all three socio-economic clusters report similar levels of exposure to the various noise sources, showing no statistically significant differences in levels of exposure. In summary, no socioeconomic class seems to be overall stronger exposed to environmental burdens than the other classes ( Supplementary Table 8 ).

Regarding self-reported health effects, households in LSEC have reported the highest percentage of morbidity due to waterborne and respiratory diseases. However, statistically significant inequalities can only be detected for to waterborne diseases ( Supplementary Table 9 ). Thus, it can be assumed that other factors contribute to varying health effects, such as behavioral factors (health behavior, smoking, etc.; Ploubidis and Grundy, 2011 ).

Changes in Environmental Inequalities in 2021 Compared to 2013

The analysis of changes in vertical and horizontal environmental inequalities in 2021 focuses on the four neighborhoods N1, 4, 5, and 6, as these showed the highest levels of inequalities in 2013. The survey covered a smaller sample; thus, the analysis is done qualitatively.

Horizontal Inequalities in Perceived Exposures and Self-Reported Health Effects

Figures 3 – 5 summarize the changes in perceived exposure between 2013 and 2021 for all three environmental burdens. While the principal access to pipe water has remained stable for three neighborhoods, only in N6 has it mainly decreased ( Figure 3 ). Nevertheless, the use of pipe water for drinking has decreased in three of the four neighborhoods, most strongly in N1 and N6, where they overly used pipe water in 2013. At the same time, the number of households reporting the use of jar water remained relatively stable in all four neighborhoods in 2021 ( Supplementary Table 10 ), which shows that overall, more jar water is consumed, particularly as the use of water from private tankers has also decreased in most neighborhoods. This reveals that the availability of safely managed drinking water following the SDG definition has worsened, as jar water is more expensive, often contaminated, and typically not available on the premise. Nevertheless, more than half of respondents in all four neighborhoods report that the drinking water quality has more or less stayed the same; only between 20 and 30% of respondents report that it has worsened ( Figure 3B ).

Figure 3 . Changes in access to pipe water sources of drinking water in neighborhoods. (A) Per water source, (B) overall water quality.

Regarding air pollution, most households in all four neighborhoods state that the exposure to vehicle emissions and dust particles has increased over the last 8 years ( Figure 4A ). In contrast, the exposure to solid waste remained relatively low in most neighborhoods and decreased in N4, but it is still a major burden of air pollution for respondents from N6, where the waste transfer station is located ( Supplementary Table 11 ). Overall, a majority of about 50–70 % in all four neighborhoods report that the air quality, in general, has worsened over the last 8 years ( Figure 4B ).

Figure 4 . Changes in exposure to air pollution in neighborhood. (A) Per source of air pollution, (B) overall air quality.

Regarding noise pollution, noise from road traffic is increasingly perceived as a burden in neighborhood N1, while it remained on the same high level in N4 and decreased in N5 and N6 ( Figure 5A ). Perceived exposure to noise from other sources remains similarly low in most neighborhoods, except in N4, where most respondents perceive exposure to noise from crowds as a burden ( Supplementary Table 12 ). Interestingly, in N1 and N5 respondents report that noise pollution in general has worsened ( Figure 5B ), which matches the perceived increase in noise pollution from road traffic in N1 but contradicts the perceived decrease of noise pollution in N5. This might indicate that households in N1 that mainly belong to the HSEC cluster are more aware and sensitive to noise pollution. Also, in N4 and N6 still a rather large share of around 40% report that the overall noise level has worsened, though only in N4 an increase in noise levels from crowds is reported.

Figure 5 . Changes in exposure to noise pollution in neighborhood. (A) Per source of noise pollution, (B) overall noise level.

Overall, Figures 3 – 5 shows that perceived exposure to environmental burdens in N1, which had the best-perceived environmental quality in 2013, has decreased in many aspects. At the same time, the situation in N4, which was the worst neighborhood in 2013, has also worsened for the use of pipe water for drinking, air pollution from vehicles and dust, and noise pollution from crowds. In N5 and N6 air pollution worsened, noise pollution improved, and water access worsened but only for N6. In summary, we can conclude that the exposure to environmental burdens has increased in general and horizontal environmental inequalities between neighborhoods in 2013 persisted in 2021.

Regarding the self-reported health effects, air pollution-related effects (respiratory diseases, allergic reactions) are still most often reported overall, which matches with the perceived increase in exposure to air pollution ( Figure 6 , Supplementary Table 13 ). The share of reported waterborne diseases has decreased or remained low in most neighborhoods. Also reported health effects from noise pollution remained on a low level similar to 2013, except in N5 where they increased significantly. As respondents from N5 also reported an increase in air pollution from vehicle emissions, this is probably due to the increasing amounts of road traffic in the neighborhood, though exposure to noise pollution from road traffic was not significantly mentioned above.

Figure 6 . Changes in reported health effects per neighborhood.

A similar picture is found concerning the changes in vertical inequalities between socio-economic clusters in 2021 compared to 2013. Overall, the use of safe drinking water sources has worsened, and air and noise pollution levels have increased for all three socio-economic groups. At the same time, inequalities between the three groups have not increased.

The access to pipe water remained high for the HSE cluster, whereas it has decreased for the other two socio-economic clusters, strongest for the LSEC ( Figure 7A ). However, the use of pipe water for drinking has significantly decreased for all three SECs. The LSEC cluster includes the lowest share of respondents using pipe water and the highest percentage of respondents buying jar water ( Supplementary Table 14 ). Nevertheless, the overall consumption pattern of the three SECs in terms of water use is similar with around 20–40% using pipe water, 60–70% buying jar water and a minority of <20% buying water from private tankers and indicating no inequalities ( Supplementary Table 14 ). In line with that, around 65% in all three groups report that the water quality has more or less stayed the same ( Figure 7B ).

Figure 7 . Changes in access to pipe water sources of drinking water in socio-economic clusters. (A) Per water source, (B) overall water quality.

Overall, a high share of respondents reported that they were exposed to air pollution from vehicle emissions and dust particles in 2021 ( Supplementary Table 15 ). In line with that, the perceived exposure to vehicle emissions and dust has increased significantly for all the three SECs ( Figure 8A ). A majority of around 60% in each cluster reports that the overall air quality has worsened ( Figure 8B ). Nevertheless, two distinctions in perception of exposure to air pollution can be derived from Figure 8 : First, the HSEC cluster has the largest share of respondents reporting a worsening of the air quality in general ( Figure 8B ) and with respect to vehicle emissions and dust particles ( Supplementary Table 15 ), which might indicate that this group is least used to it and most aware of the changes. Second, the LSEC is the cluster most burdened still with air pollution from solid waste. A reason might be that solid waste stations are allocated in particular locations within the city, which high-income people consequently least prefer.

Figure 8 . Changes in exposure to air pollution in socioeconomic clusters. (A) Per source of air pollution, (B) overall air quality.

A similar observation can be made concerning exposure to noise pollution from various sources. For LSEC and MSEC, the reported level of exposure remained pretty much the same for all sources of noise pollution, but perceived exposures for respondents from HSEC have increased in 2021 for all four sources ( Figure 9A ). In line with that higher share of respondents from the HSEC cluster stated the overall increase in noise levels ( Figure 9B , Supplementary Table 16 ).

Figure 9 . Changes in exposure to noise pollution in socio-economic clusters. (A) Per source of noise pollution, (B) overall noise level.

Concerning health effects, the percentages of reported waterborne diseases in 2021 remain on a similarly low level as in 2013 for all three clusters ( Figure 10 ). Nevertheless, members of the LSEC still report the highest shares of waterborne diseases ( Supplementary Table 17 ). On the other hand, respondents from HSEC report an increase of air pollution-related problems like respiratory diseases and other allergic reactions, which is in line with the high percentage of reported exposure. All three groups conveyed health effects from noise pollution to a similar degree, with the MSEC being slightly higher.

Figure 10 . Changes in reported health effects per socio-economic cluster.

Drivers of Changes and Actions to Mitigate Environmental Inequalities

The DPSEEA Framework ( WHO, 1999 ) we applied in this study to analyze environment inequalities is meant to support the understanding of driving forces of exposure to environmental burdens and health impacts and to support decision making on action to reduce environmental burdens ( Hambling et al., 2011 ). In the following, we analyze drivers that contributed to the changes as perceived by the respondents, actions that households have taken to mitigate the level of the environmental burden, and actions they have perceived as taken by relevant authorities.

Most of the households report that the overall water quality has remained the same between 2013 and 2021. The worsening of the water quality is by the respondents mainly attributed to the earthquake in 2015, as the damage of water pipes due to the earthquake worsened the already insufficient piped water supply ( Shrestha et al., 2016b ) forcing households to shift to jar water. However ( Pradhan et al., 2020 ), claim that the main reason for such infrastructure deficiencies, not only for water supply but other infrastructures as well, is the rapid urbanization. To mitigate the limited water availability after the earthquake, the city provided water at a discounted rate via tankers in neighborhoods N5 and N6. In the longer run, people are expecting a better water supply from the “Melamchi water supply project,” a government-led drinking water project initiated in 1998 and completed in 2021 to divert fresh water from Melamchi River to Kathmandu valley. The changes in reported waterborne diseases indicate an increasing awareness of the poor water quality as most households are either boiling or filtering or both before drinking water.

Regarding the perception of air quality change, around three-fourths of the households in N1 and N6 and more than half of the households in N4 and N5 reported worsening air quality in the last 7 years. According to the respondents, the primary reasons are the increase in number of cars on the streets in Kathmandu, creating emissions and transporting dust particles, and poor solid waste management. One respondent in N4 living near the main road complained, “We close our windows to prevent from air pollution; however, it cannot be shut for all the time, so we have to suffer from the pollution,” another one stated “sometimes when the waste is not picked up for several days, the condition is very bad, and additionally, we feel the smell from the river.” In neighborhood N5, several new constructions being erected after the earthquake are reported on contributing to air pollution from dust particles. In N6 respondents reported that the road extension project on the riverside has caused many adverse effects such as trees being cut and vehicle movements increasing on unpaved roads. Moreover, the increase in workshops, garment factories, and scrap factories are also mentioned to create additional air pollution. The only governmental action to mitigate air pollution from dust reported by households has been paving roads with asphalt in the last years. However, these works were carried out mostly on major roads and the secondary roads are mostly left unpaved leading to increasing dust pollution.

With respect to socio-economic clusters, more than half of the households of the HSEC cluster report an overall worsening of air quality, whereas around 26% of households in LSEC do so. The statements regarding the reasons for change manifest the above assumption that there are differences in awareness of bad environmental quality between SECs. One respondent from LSEC stated, “It does not matter how the environment condition is, we just need to have money for our daily life.” Another one responded, “We don't feel affected by environmental conditions as we are habituated with it.” Another respondent, a garbage collector, said that she is adjusted to smell from the garbage center and nearby river.

According to most of the respondents, the increase in number of vehicles is the major cause for the increase in noise level in all neighborhoods. The majority of households living near the main road reported that they suffer from loud noises due to traffic. The government introduced “no horn policy,” but this is not effective according to some households ( Chauhan et al., 2021 ). Also, road expansions have led to a transformation of areas attracting small-scale workshops, industries, and garments factories to move into the neighborhood. Consequently, loading/ unloading activities of heavy vehicles for industries have increased together with an increase in vehicle flow, resulting in higher noise disturbances.

Discussion and Conclusion

Patterns of horizontal and vertical inequalities in kathmandu.

The analysis of environmental inequalities in Kathmandu, Nepal in 2013 resulted in several horizontal inequalities between the different neighborhoods, confirming the spatiality of inequalities ( Wei, 2017 ) diagnosed for Asia. In particular, inequalities were found in the use of drinking water sources, exposure to air pollution from vehicle emissions and solid waste, and exposure to noise pollution from road traffic and crowds. Respondents from neighborhood N4 were mostly reporting exposure toward the various environmental burdens. Many of them were burdened by multiple sources ( Morello-Frosch et al., 2011 ), while respondents from N1 reported the least environmental exposure. From the other neighborhoods, neighborhood N5 is particularly burdened by noise pollution from road traffic and N6 by air pollution from solid waste. Also, the self-reported health effects in 2013 revealed statistically significant inequalities between the various neighborhoods, supporting earlier studies that associations between levels of exposure to environmental burden and health effects exist in Kathmandu ( Gurung et al., 2017b ). Neighborhood N1 is showing the least reported health effects among all neighborhoods, while N4 is among the top group with the most self-reported health effects for all health effects.

On the other hand, vertical inequalities between the three socio-economic groups could not be identified clearly, validating earlier findings that the socio-economic status does not have a strong influence ( Gurung et al., 2017b ). Statistically significant inequalities were only found in exposure to air pollution, with the HSEC reporting the highest levels of exposure to dust particles, while the LSEC is reporting the highest level of exposure to air pollution resulting from solid waste. However, the socio-economic dimension of inequalities is inherent in the analysis of vertical inequalities between neighborhoods because the composition of sample households in terms of socio-economic profile differs between the six neighborhoods. Neighborhood N1, which shows the lowest levels of exposure, has more than 60% of the sample from the HSEC cluster, while neighborhoods N4, 5, and 6 have a relatively high share of LSEC households in the sample and are all burdened disproportionally more by certain environmental stressors. Thus, we can conclude that horizontal inequalities between neighborhoods also affect socio-economic groups disproportionately with environmental burdens because the two cannot be strictly separated from each other. In conclusion, both need to be addressed jointly through integrated measures to reduce environmental inequalities ( Kalasa et al., 2021 ).

The analysis of perceived exposure to environmental burdens in 2021 and the changes in comparison to 2013 results in two main findings. First, the perceived exposure to environmental burdens has predominantly increased since 2013 in all neighborhoods. The access to safe and high-quality drinking water has worsened in most neighborhoods, mainly explained by the earthquake in 2015 that destroyed several water pipes. Most strongly, exposure to air pollution from vehicle emissions and dust particles has increased as a result of an increase in urbanization and motorization and a lack of stringent measures from relevant authorities. The same reason applies to the increase in exposure to noise, which is predominantly perceived by respondents in the better-off neighborhood N1.

Second, environmental inequalities between the different neighborhoods and socio-economic groups have not changed significantly compared to 2013. Given the overall increase in levels of exposure as described above, we can rather say that existing inequalities between different neighborhoods have somewhat diminished. This conclusion is supported by the finding that the reported health effects in the better of neighborhood N1 have increased, while they have decreased in the other neighborhoods. In that sense, we see a reduction of inequalities at a low level, not in the way that the disproportionately burdened areas improved in environmental qualities, but that the better-off areas get worse.

The analysis of vertical inequalities between socio-economic groups points at another aspect in environmental justice studies referred to as procedural justice, i.e., the fairness of environmental policy making and the ability and rights of all groups to raise concerns and be heard ( Walker, 2009 ). The analysis in Section Vertical Inequalities in Perceived Exposures and Self-Reported Health Effects showed that respondents from the HSEC are reporting increasing levels of exposure more often, particularly in relation to air pollution from vehicles and dust and noise pollution from road traffic, than respondents from the MSEC or LSEC groups. Similar patterns were also found in air pollution exposure studies in other cities from the Global South ( Becerra et al., 2020 ). The assumption that this is an indication of unequal abilities and chances to raise concerns about the individual living conditions is corroborated with statements from respondents, in which high acceptance and habituation are detected from these groups owing to their occupation and their priority to livelihood, especially with respect to air pollution ( Navarro, 2017 ).

Policies and Plans to Reduce Environmental Inequalities in Kathmandu

This study shows that environmental inequalities in Kathmandu have not been reduced between 2013 and 2021, as demanded in SDG 10, but rather persisted. Moreover, also concerning SDG 2 (good health and wellbeing), SDG 6 (clean water and sanitation), and SDG 11.6 (environmental impacts of cities, particularly air pollution), no improvements can be identified based on the perception of the interviewed citizens. This can be partly explained by natural disasters, i.e., the earthquake affecting the water pipe system, but is mainly due to impacts resulting from the ongoing urbanization, industrialization and motorization, as it can be seen in many countries and cities of the Global South ( Sen Roy, 2018 ). Moreover, a recent study identified shortcomings of environmental policymaking in Nepal and recommended novel transdisciplinary policymaking approaches to solve the country's complex environmental issues and development imperatives ( Aryal et al., 2021 ).

The analysis of causes of exposure to environmental burdens and health effects, as reported by the respondents, reveals that mainly spatial factors of the urban fabric and its dynamics contribute as driving forces to the experienced burdens. The leading causes mentioned are the

• intermittent water supply through pipes owing to the earthquake;

• intensification of traffic and vehicles on both primary roads as well as secondary roads resulting in higher noise as well as air pollution;

• changes in land use structures, i.e., more commercial and industrial activities in residential areas resulting in higher noise levels;

• locational factors within neighborhoods such as proximity to garbage collection points, the vegetable market, or the river that are often unmanaged;

• increase of garbage in the streets and poorly implemented solid waste management.

As the above-reported factors are all related to the physical environment of cities and its management, urban planning and management-related approaches and interventions are most suitable to mitigate inequalities ( Flacke et al., 2016 ). However, though local governments are responsible for preparing urban plans including land use plans, they lack legal instruments to control land use development effectively ( Pradhan et al., 2020 ). Given the identified interrelations between horizontal and vertical inequalities new spatial planning approaches need to consider the vulnerability of the population ( Köckler, 2014 ).

The small-scaled analysis of environmental inequalities at the neighborhood level also shows that differences between neighborhoods exist. Moreover, answers from respondents on reasons for change even illustrate intra neighborhood differences in levels of exposure. While the exposure to noise and air pollution from cars is perceived as high on the main roads, it is way less so far away from it. Likewise, respondents who live close to the river particularly articulated exposure to air pollution from solid waste more frequently. Thus, to mitigate such burden and the linked inequalities, small–scaled planning approaches are needed to target interventions at these specific locations.

Limitations of the Study

The key limitation of the study is that it relies solely on self-reported data of perceived exposure to environmental burdens and resulting health effects. It is argued that individuals' subjective perceptions may not be necessarily consistent with the objective data ( Berhe et al., 2014 ). Thus, it would have been very insightful to compare the perceived levels of exposure with measured or modeled data of air and noise pollution and drinking water supply. However, such data is not available at the neighborhood level, which is a typical problem for many cities of the Global South. Nevertheless, the subjective perspective on environmental inequalities adds to the existing scholarship on the topic as it allows the consideration of the social dimension of urban sustainability ( Chiarini et al., 2020 ). This is particularly relevant because other studies on environmental health issues in Kathmandu ( Kurmi et al., 2016 ; Thapa et al., 2019 ; Chauhan et al., 2021 ) all make use solely of objectively measured data. With respect to urban environmental quality, van Kamp et al. (2003) even argue that the objective environment is less important than the perception of this environment.

A potential remedy could be using satellite image data via remote sensing methods. Hoek (2017) e.g., recently reviewed methods for assessing exposure to air pollutants from satellite measurements. However, the spatial resolution of such methods is not yet fine-grained enough to allow the intra-city study of inequalities ( Streets et al., 2013 ), satellites are not able to measure near-surface levels of air pollution ( Duncan et al., 2014 ), measure air pollution and satellite-based measurements do not allow any inference to the sources of pollution and thus are not useful to identify potential driving forces ( Benedetti et al., 2018 ).

A second limitation of the study is its spatial scale. Boyce et al. (2016) showed that measures of inequalities are sensitive to both spatial scale and population weighting and thus recommend fine-grained scales to avoid ecological fallacies. In this study, the chosen spatial scale of neighborhoods is already rather fine-grained. However, we found even intra-neighborhood differences in exposure, e.g., to noise and air pollution from large streets. Thus, future studies of environmental inequalities might need to adopt stricter spatial-analytical frameworks based on methods of spatial clustering of single household locations or larger samples to detect pockets of disproportionate environmental burdens within neighborhoods.

Finally, this study's data collection and analysis were affected by two major disasters, the earthquake in 2015 and the Covid 19 pandemic starting in 2020, which could only be partly considered. The earthquake that hit the city of Kathmandu in 2015, led to damages to the water infrastructure system and evidently affected accessibility to drinking water, as discussed above. The Covid 19 pandemic affected the data collection in spring 2021, which had to be scaled down because of restricted access to areas and households for interviews. In how far the pandemic influenced the awareness and perceived exposure of environmental burdens could not be included in the study.

In the study, we found statistically significant environmental inequalities in Kathmandu in terms of access to basic water infrastructure, exposure to environmental burdens, and resulting health effects. Environmental inequalities exist in a horizontal perspective between neighborhoods rather than a vertical perspective between socio-economic groups. However, the latter is also present in spatial inequalities between neighborhoods. Changes in environmental inequalities over the 8-year study period show an overall worsening of environmental quality. At the same time, the environmental inequalities between the neighborhoods remain more or less constant. Whether environmental inequalities in Kathmandu converge or diverge ( Nijman and Wei, 2020 ) in the long run must be studied over more extended periods. The study further showed that members of the high-socioeconomic clusters are more aware and concerned about environmental pollution levels in the neighborhood, indicating issues of procedural environmental injustices ( Walker, 2009 ).

Drivers of inequalities in environmental burdens and health effects in Kathmandu are mainly attributed to the increasing number of motorized vehicles on the streets, changes in land use structure, and problems of solid waste management and are thus outcomes of the increasing urbanization and motorization of the city. Therefore, suitable measures to mitigate the inequalities need to address the spatial impacts of the ongoing urbanization. Specific measures have been undertaken already, mainly to complete the water supply project for the city, the paving of main roads, implementation of a no-horn policy, and community-based activities for the cleaning of the river. While these show in parts already positive effects on exposure levels, measures specifically to reduce air pollution, such as urban greening ( Gelan and Girma, 2021 ) or promoting non-motorized modes of transport ( Giles-Corti et al., 2016 ), are urgently needed to reduce environmental burdens. Given the intertwined horizontal and vertical inequalities, planning measures need to consider the population's vulnerability ( Shrestha et al., 2016a ).

Future research needs and directions are, first and foremost, more studies of environmental inequalities at the intra-city level of Global South cities and the influence of urbanization and industrialization on these to better understand patterns and drivers of environmental inequalities and to devise suitable policies. In addition to that, the added value of modern earth observation methods and data to study environmental inequalities and health issues ( Weigand et al., 2019 ) may be further investigated to overcome current data gaps and shortcomings. In the same line, concepts and methods to engage the population in data collection and monitoring efforts of exposure levels as well as the implementation of interventions following a citizen science approach ( Haklay et al., 2021 ) may be needed. The introduction of such activities, including all socio-economic groups, might also help create awareness of environmental burdens and thereby reduce procedural inequalities.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/ Supplementary Material , further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Author Contributions

The original study and survey conducted in 2013 was conceptualized and implemented by BM, supported by JF and JM. The 2021 survey was conceptualized by all authors and implemented by BM and RS. Data analysis was done by BM and RS. Data curation was done by BM. JF wrote the original draft of the manuscript. All authors aided in manuscript revision, read, and approved the submitted version.

The first field survey done in 2013 in Kathmandu was supported by a NFP MSc scholarship provided by Nuffic.

Conflict of Interest

BM was employed by Lumanti Support Group for Shelter.

The remaining authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank all the respondents during the two field surveys in 2013 and 2021 for taking time to answer our questions.

Supplementary Material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/frsc.2022.835534/full#supplementary-material

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Keywords: inequalities, environmental health, Global South, air pollution, noise pollution, access to water, Kathmandu, Nepal

Citation: Flacke J, Maharjan B, Shrestha R and Martinez J (2022) Environmental Inequalities in Kathmandu, Nepal—Household Perceptions of Changes Between 2013 and 2021. Front. Sustain. Cities 4:835534. doi: 10.3389/frsc.2022.835534

Received: 14 December 2021; Accepted: 21 February 2022; Published: 28 March 2022.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2022 Flacke, Maharjan, Shrestha and Martinez. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Johannes Flacke, j.flacke@utwente.nl

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The Threat of Ambient Air Pollution in Kathmandu, Nepal

Bhuvan saud.

Department of Medical Laboratory Technology, Janamaitri Foundation Institute of Health Sciences (JFIHS), GPO Box 8322, Hattiban, Lalitpur, Nepal

Govinda Paudel

Air pollution has been a major problem of 21st century for both developed and developing world. It has a negative impact on various environmental aspects which directly or indirectly affect the quality of human health. Nepal, especially Kathmandu, in the current situation, is observing rapid urbanization and various infrastructure development projects. As a result, these sorts of human activities have been responsible for increasing air pollution in an enormous rate inside Kathmandu Valley. Chronic exposure of deteriorated air increases the chance of Noncommunicable Disease (NCD) like lung disease, heart disease, and cancers. Short term exposures also invite respiratory diseases and allergy. This review is an attempt to summarize the updated knowledge on the threat of air pollution on public health and discuss the sources of air pollutants in Kathmandu. We reviewed the literatures that were published in PMC, MEDLINE, life science journals, and organization official websites and finally came up with the findings and their interpretation that reveal the current scenario in the context of Kathmandu's air quality status and its impact on human health. The knowledge about the invisible killer's role in causing acute and chronic diseases may help in finding out the answer of the question regarding its effect and prevention.

1. Introduction

Kathmandu Valley, well known as city of temples, has now transformed itself into city of pollution. The city of temples is now clad in dust and smoke. The pristine blue hills and the crisp blue sky that covered the valley just about two decades ago now appear gray and hazy due to the stagnant smog that hovers over them. Kathmandu has a population density of 13,225 per km 2 [ 1 ] as of data recorded by Central Bureau of Statistics in 2011, with population growth rate of 4.78% [ 2 ]. Such a high population in the valley is due to its being the capital city and people from all over the country throng to the city in pursuit of better life and opportunities. The valley is surrounded by high mountains ranging from 2000 to 2800 metres from sea level [ 3 ]. Due to this, the valley has a unique bowl-shaped topographic structure which restricts the movement of wind thereby retaining the pollutants in the air [ 4 – 6 ]. This makes the valley particularly vulnerable to air pollution.

World Health Organization (WHO) defines air pollution as contamination of the indoor or outdoor environment by any chemical, physical, or biological agent that modifies the natural characteristics of the atmosphere. Common sources of air pollution are household combustion devices, motor vehicles, industrial facilities, and forest fires [ 7 ]. Air pollution is a complex mixture of thousands of components, majority of which include airborne Particulate Matter (PM) and gaseous pollutants like ozone (O3), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), volatile organic compounds (like benzene), carbon monoxide (CO), sulfur dioxide (SO2), etc. [ 8 , 9 ]. A variety of respiratory and other diseases, which can also be fatal, are caused by outdoor and indoor air pollution [ 7 ]. Particulate Matter (PM 10) is that suspended particle that is about 10 µ m in diameter and mainly arises from the poor quality roads, construction sites, and farms and is responsible for causing irritation in eyes, nose, and acute respiratory infections [ 10 ]. High rate of PM10 associated mortality and respiratory illness are found in children and adults [ 11 ]. On the other hand PM2.5 (particles less than 2.5 µ m in diameter) penetrate deep into the lung, irritate and corrode the alveolar wall, consequently impair lung function [ 12 ], and even penetrate the blood [ 7 ]. It has been shown that PM2.5 is a public health concern whose exposure leads to decreased life expectancy [ 13 – 16 ]. The high concentration of CO forms carboxyhemoglobin (COHb) and exacerbates heart attack and also affects nervous system, NO2 causes bronchitis and bronchopneumonia, and SO2 causes eye irritation, shortness of breath, chronic bronchitis, asthma, various heart diseases, lung disease, cancer [ 11 ], and conjunctivitis [ 17 ]. O3 is associated with stimulation of transcription factors and increased expression of cytokine and adhesion molecules which lead to the development of cardiovascular and respiratory diseases [ 18 – 20 ]. Air pollution's association with autoimmune diseases has been published [ 21 , 22 ]. Air pollution has been emerging as a major threat to the whole ecosystem.

Geographically, Nepal is a small landlocked country sandwiched between two giant countries India and China. Though these two countries have been emerging as supreme economic powers, they still struggle in managing their environmental air quality. Studies have shown that major cities of India like Delhi, Raipur, Gwalior, and Lucknow are listed among the world's top 10 polluted cities and altogether 37 Indian cities feature in a list of 100 most polluted cities globally, with highest PM10 [ 25 ]. Delhi the capital of India is classed as the world's most polluted capital city with air pollution parameters 30 times higher than WHO's recommended upper limit [ 26 ]. China a rapidly developing country equally suffers from air pollution. Rapid industrialization and high energy consumption have been the major reasons of air pollution in China. Cities such as Jingjinji, Beijing, Tianjin, and Chongjin and northwest part are the places that are highly polluted [ 27 ]. PM2.5 is considered the main pollutant of atmospheric pollution in China [ 28 ]. It was found that average PM2.5 concentration among 210 cities in China is approximately more than 8 times higher than WHO recommended level [ 29 ]. In Nepal, along with the rapid and uncontrolled urbanization and haphazard developmental projects, people are being victimized with serious airborne diseases. Though few studies and publications have been done regarding air pollution in Kathmandu, the city has now been regarded as severely polluted place [ 30 ]. This article hence emphasizes highlighting the effects, sources, status, and threats of air pollution in Kathmandu Valley.

A variety of factors are responsible for deteriorating the quality of air. Nepal is a rapidly urbanizing country. A data of 2014 shows 4.6 million of Nepalese live in urban areas [ 31 ]. This trend is increasing rapidly and it is estimated that urban population will reach 60 million by 2040 [ 32 ]. Subsequent increase in number of vehicles is one of the main culprits of air pollution [ 33 , 34 ]. Kathmandu Valley has seen a rapid increase in vehicle numbers in the last 15 years. Data have shown that in 2000/1, number of registered vehicles was 24,003 and by 2015/16 it has increased to 7, 79,822. This shows an increment by more than 32 times in the last one and a half decade. The graph shown in Figure 1 illustrates the vehicles registered on different categories among which private vehicles like motorcycles and cars top the list, respectively. The trend of purchasing new vehicle is also seen to be increasing as the year 2015/16 sees the largest number of registered vehicles [ 23 ]. Private vehicles are increasing in comparison to public transport vehicle. Due to lack of an efficient public transport system, many residents have chosen to buy private vehicle. Emissions from vehicles are particularly toxic as diesel powered vehicles, which are considered deadly pollutant and carcinogen, are more numerous than the petrol powered ones. This fact agrees with the report of WHO where it has stated that low and middle income countries suffer superfluously from transport generated pollution due to old and inefficient diesel powered vehicles [ 35 ]. Besides vehicles, haphazard digging of road for currently ongoing Melamchi water project, brick kilns, unplanned expansion of roads, ill-managed dumping of building materials on the busy road sides, and the old engine vehicles that race incessantly on the pothole laden roads are adding insult to injury.

Registration of vehicles in Bagmati Zone 2001 to 2016 [ 23 ].

In 2016, Environmental Performance Index (EPI) of Nepal's air quality ranked 177th out of 180 countries [ 36 ] and, in Asia, Kathmandu is ranked one of the most polluted cities [ 4 ]. According to a report of World Health Organization (WHO), the maximum status of fine Particulate Matter (PM2.5) in urban areas of Nepal was noted to be 140 µ g/m 3 [ 37 ] which is 10 times higher than the desirable value. Ministry of Science and Technology, in 2012, had published a guideline on “National Ambient Air Quality.” The values set on these parameters were still higher than those set by WHO [ 38 ]. The targeted PM10 and PM2.5 values were 120 µ g/m 3 and 40 µ g/m 3 , respectively, which were approximately two times higher than the WHO targeted value. The Department of Environment is planning to establish air quality monitoring stations throughout the country. As of today, it is limited in nine places, 3 stations inside Kathmandu Valley and 6 stations outside the valley [ 39 ]. According to Department of Environment, in 2017, 24-hour average of Total Suspended Particles (TSP) in a site in Kathmandu was 4,749 µ g/m 3 , average PM10 was 2,928 µ g/m 3 , and PM 2.5 was 226 µ g/m 3 [ 40 ].To find out seasonal variation of air pollution, a study conducted in Kathmandu Valley measured NO2, CO, and PM 2.5 concentration on daily basis in all the four seasons of a year. The maximum level of each of these parameters was seen during winter and spring seasons as shown in Figure 2 [ 24 ].

Outdoor air pollution in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal, 2015 [ 24 ].

4. Impact on Human Health

Till date, majority of studies on impacts of air pollution on human health have been done in North America and Europe. Only few studies on this regard have been done in region like Nepal. It has been found that, with high level of air pollution exposure, Nepal, especially Kathmandu, is suffering from a potentially serious human health burden from air pollution [ 30 ]. Air pollution has long been regarded as a silent killer responsible for causing a variety of chronic and infectious diseases. Globally, unhealthy environment causes a total of 12.6 million deaths [ 41 ] and air pollution is solely responsible for 7 million deaths annually [ 42 ]. Every year air pollution is linked with around 6.5 million premature deaths globally, of which household air pollution causes 3.5 million and ambient air pollution causes 3 million deaths and the future scenario by the 2040 is assumed to increase up to 7.5 million premature deaths per year [ 43 ]. PM2·5 caused an estimated 7·6% of total global mortality in 2015 and was the fifth-ranking global mortality risk factor. Although global rates of mortality due to PM2·5 exposure decreased from 1990 to 2015 as a result of improved air quality in high-income countries [ 44 ], in Nepal's case the impact on human health is equally severe. By 2030 annual premature deaths in Nepal, due to outdoor air pollution, are expected to be 24,000 [ 45 ].

In Nepal, the commonest diseases like respiratory illness, allergy, and eye infection and chronic diseases like lung cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), Ischaemic Heart Disease (IHD), and stroke are present in an alarming rate. Noncommunicable Diseases (NCDs) have been the major cause of human death accounting for 60% of deaths. Of NCDs cardiovascular diseases have caused a maximum death of 22% followed by chronic respiratory diseases 13%, cancer 8%, and other NCDs 14%. Premature (between ages of 30 and 70 years) mortality due to NCDs is 22% [ 31 ]. Data of Global Health Observatory (GHO) for mortality from ambient air pollution in Nepal in 2012 shows a threatening rate of 9,944 deaths of which Ischaemic Heart Disease (IHD) caused the highest death rate of 33.4% followed by stroke 32%, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) 17.8%, lung cancer 9.3%, and Acute Lower Respiratory Tract Infection (ALRTI) 7.4%. The number of female deaths was higher than that of male deaths in each disease [ 37 ]. Data of Department of Health (DoH) services in Nepal shows that, in 2013-2014, COPD was the most common cause of mortality among inpatients and respiratory tract diseases were the most common reason for outpatients' consultations with both upper and lower respiratory tract infections being within the top four [ 46 ].

In a hospital based study, NCD prevalence was 31% out of which COPD was 43%, cardiovascular disease was 40%, and cancer was 5% [ 47 ]. A study done in hospitalized patients of various hospitals of Kathmandu Valley shows a high prevalence of respiratory diseases. Among the diseases, COPD was the most prevalent one with a significant proportion of other diseases too as shown in Figure 3 . Gender-wise distribution showed that of total inpatients 51.3% were male and 48.7% were female. District-wise distribution showed that highest number of patients came from Kathmandu 44.4% followed by Lalitpur 10.3% and Bhaktpur 10.2%. Overall morbidity was 44.4% and the highest morbidity rate was seen in COPD cases as shown in Figure 3 [ 24 ]. A hospital based study outside Kathmandu Valley in Chitwan showed that 48.4% of COPD patients had a history of the disease since more than 5 years [ 48 ]. A study in 2017 has shown that 2.7–3.4 million preterm births might be associated with PM2.5 exposure in 2010 globally [ 49 ]. Nepal also has a significant number of preterm births of 14% [ 50 ]. No clear cut reasons have been found for this high preterm birth, but air pollution can arguably have an important impact on this. Air pollution is rising as an occupational hazard in Nepal, both in Kathmandu and in other cities like Pokhara, especially in traffic police who are being continuously exposed to dusty roads [ 51 , 52 ]. Due to this pulmonary functions have been significantly worsened in the traffic police working in Kathmandu [ 53 ]. Airborne occupational hazards are equally present in brick kiln workers and grocery workers in Kathmandu, whose health has been seriously hampered and needs quick action for protection [ 54 , 55 ]. According to World Bank, air pollution stands as fourth major factor for causing death worldwide leaving metabolic risks, dietary risks, and tobacco smoking behind. Globally, 1 in 10 deaths is understood to be caused by air pollution [ 56 ]. Hazards due to air pollution have been a great economic burden too. A data on impact of air pollution on human health shows a global loss of $225 billion annually of which South Asia has been the most severely affected region suffering a loss of more than $66 billion alone annually, which is approximately 1% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) [ 57 ].

Disease-wise distribution of hospitalized patient in Kathmandu Valley [ 24 ].

5. Legislatives and Future Action Plans

Despite the current scenario, it is unjust to mention that Nepal government has not given a thought on this issue; the outcomes though are quite futile. It is found that Nepal government has included environment quality in its plan and strategy and formulated national policies and legislations on this regard beginning from the middle of the 1990s. The important national plans and legislations of Nepal government on environmental issue can be listed as follows [ 40 ]:

• Environmental policy and legislative framework: Environmental Act 1996 and Regulation 1997, National Climate Change Policy 2011, National Low Carbon Economic Development Strategy (still in draft), and National Pollution Control Strategy and Action Plan (still in draft)
• Transport Sector Policies and Legislations: National Transport Policy 2001, Transport Management Act 2049 (Nepalese calendar year), Vehicles and Transport Management Rules 2054 (Nepalese calendar year), and National Sustainable Transport Strategy (NSTS) (2015-2040) (still in draft)
• Industry Sector Policies and legislations: Industrial Policy 2011, Foreign Direct Investment Policy 2015, and Industrial Enterprises Act 2073 (Nepalese calendar year)
• Energy Sector Policies and Legislations: Hydropower Development Policy 2001, Rural Energy Policy 2006, and Renewable Energy Subsidy Policy 2016.

Besides formulating the abovementioned policies and legislatives, Nepal Government has also formed various committees to deal with the air pollution problem, as mentioned below:

• Task Force on Air Pollution Control in Kathmandu Valley, 2073 (Nepalese calendar year)
• High Level Committee on Probing and Solving the Issues on 20 year Old Vehicles, 2058 (Nepalese calendar year)
• Committee on Implementation of the Order of Supreme Court on Phase out of 20 Year Old Vehicles, 2058/59 (Nepalese calendar year)
• Committee on Review of Vehicle Emission Standard and Monitoring Mechanism 2060. (Nepalese calendar year)
• Technical Committee on the Relocation of Brick Industries from Kathmandu Valley 2060 (Nepalese calendar year).

Nepal government claims to be seeking to make use of a rich Air Quality Management portfolio created by big cities of developed and developing countries, for implementing and executing successful programs while avoiding many of the recognized pitfalls. Some of the future prospects include the following:

• Strategies on Ambient Urban Air Quality Management: with the vision that all the citizen living or visiting urban cities of Nepal breathe clean air
• Action Program on Ambient Air Quality Management of Kathmandu Valley: the aim is to bring the level of air pollution in the valley to the target set in the National Ambient Air Quality Standard of Nepal within the next 5 years. The various factors to support this plan are Air Quality Management supporting system, Environmentally Sustainable Transport System, Environment Friendly Construction Activities, Reducing Emissions of Industries in Valley, Environmentally Sound Management of Wastes (dealing with toxic air pollutants), Promoting Cleaner Fuel and Technology to Minimize Domestic Pollution (Indoor Air Pollution), Strengthening the Policy and Legislative Framework, Institutional Arrangement for Effective Implementation, and Financing the Action Plan.

6. Areas to Be Addressed

Nepal government has been formulating policies to control environmental pollution since the 1990s, but the implementation of the legislatives has not been effective enough. Several seminars, talks, committees, and task forces have been formulated to curb the issue but no concrete solution has been met. Air pollution has been a burning issue but adequate air quality monitoring stations have been limited only to a few places like Kathmandu, Kavre, Pokhara, Chitwan, and Rupendehi ( http://pollution.gov.np ). No sufficient study regarding air quality of urban and suburban regions has been done and categorically published on the basis of pollution level. It has been generalized that poor air quality is having adverse effect on people's health; however, studies are limited and no sufficient studies have been done longitudinally to find out short and long term effects, seasonal patterns, geographical variations, and other issues of air quality affecting human health. Knowledge and awareness of poor air quality's threat on human health have not reached the common public level which has blind folded them from taking basic precaution measures. Besides, other hindrances are economic conditions, malpractice in politics, and limited approach to health facilities.

7. Conclusion

Air pollution has been a huge burden to the residents of Kathmandu, threatening the lives of thousands of people of every year. The scenario is obvious to worsen in the coming years if immediate preventive measures are not taken in time. It is of utmost urgency to educate the common people on harmful aspects of air pollution and the necessary precautions to prevent its deadly consequences. The solution to Kathmandu's air pollution can be achieved only when the government takes the leading role in addressing the situation. The Constitution of Nepal 2015 has mentioned that clean and healthy environment should be guaranteed to the people as their primary right [ 58 ]. National health policy of Nepal has included air pollution as a priority research/public health agenda, but implementation part has not been efficient. Benefit of doubt can be given to government as the political scenario is still in the transition phase after the Nepalese overthrew centuries-old monarchy and established the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. Currently, people are awaiting a better political stability whereby a better economic growth can be achieved so that solutions to this public health issue be achieved.

Abbreviations

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

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Environment Assessment of Nepal; Emerging Issues and Challenges

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• Rural Environment, Poverty, and Livelihood PDF
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• Environment and Conflict: A Review of Nepal's Experience PDF
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• Annex: Millennium Development Goals and the Environment in Nepal PDF

The environment plays a crucial role in enabling and sustaining poverty reduction – and the effect is magnified within mountainous ecosystems such as those found in Nepal. Including environmental considerations in planning is a must, but to do this we need the relevant environmental data. In Nepal, environmental data and information can be difficult to find. Many data sets are unpublished – held in reports, ministry files, and others – much is inconsistent, and there are big gaps, especially in terms of time series and reliable, verified data. The Environment Assessment of Nepal, published jointly by ADB and ICIMOD, attempts to bring together a large part of what is available to provide an analysis of environmental status and trends in the country; the policy, legal and institutional framework for environmental management; financing mechanisms; and major environmental issues and opportunities. The Assessment highlights data inconsistencies, gaps, and needs, and the extensive list of sources provides an excellent starting point for anyone attempting to locate relevant environmental data.

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Waste Management in Nepal: Characterization and Challenges to Promote a Circular Economy

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• Volume 4 , pages 439–457, ( 2024 )

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• Nicolás Labra Cataldo 1 ,
• Muyiwa Oyinlola 2 ,
• Samip Sigdel 3 ,
• Dori Nguyen 4 &
• Alejandro Gallego-Schmid   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0583-2143 1  

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In Nepal, the informal sector is responsible for treating 15% of household waste. It is the only alternative to landfilling and open disposal; however, the current waste management system does not acknowledge informal recyclers aggravating various challenges and vulnerabilities that the sector already faces. This study identifies and validates for the first time the challenges of the informal waste sector while providing a granular understanding of the actors that shape waste management in the region. The study uses primary data collected over a period of 6 months in Kathmandu and Lalitpur, the first and third most populated areas in Nepal. The methods considered were semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, and a co-creation workshop with formal and informal actors. A novel characterization of waste management actors was conducted to identify two profiles namely cyclists and scavengers and question the formality of the collection centres. Findings suggest that the price volatility of recycled materials and the lack of treatment and absence of regulatory capacity are among the main challenges in promoting a circular economy from the informal sector. The recommendations to overcome these challenges are a series of policy reforms, such as an extended responsibility producer scheme and the review of the tax on recycled material transport. The main policy implication from the finding reveals that circular economy is already being promoted by the informal sector — a responsibility that should fall under the remit of the regional and national governments. The study concludes that integration is not only necessary to improve the conditions of informal workers but essential to developing a circular economy in Nepal.

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Introduction

Circular economy can be interpreted as an economic system in which the end-of-life of products and materials is reduced through circular strategies such as reusing and recycling [ 1 ]. This principle is being transversally adopted by most sectors and countries to transform waste management and create close loops of materials and energy [ 2 , 3 ]. Despite its merits, the implementation of a circular economy is subject to the multiple physical, environmental, and social interactions within the production and waste management systems [ 4 ]. In developing countries, this dependency is exacerbated by poor infrastructure coupled with a lack of training and effective regulations on environmental matters. These conditions are pushing the informal actors to thrive [ 3 , 5 , 6 , 7 ].

The informal waste sector (IWS) or informal recyclers are individuals that collect, sort, and sell waste as a way to generate income and whose activities are not supported by formal authorities [ 8 ]. Informal recyclers are the base of the workforce pyramid and perform the most labour-intensive and least compensated parts of recyclables extraction from mixed wastes and open landfills [ 7 ]. The nature of their work, their scarce negotiation power and the price volatility of collected materials place informal recyclers as one of the most vulnerable groups not just in the waste management chain but also in the social hierarchy [ 9 ].

Despite the lack of recognition, the IWS plays a very vital role in promoting the circular economy [ 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. Muswema et al. (2018) reported that informal recyclers in South Africa are responsible for up to 90% of recycling streams of materials with high commercial value. In China, 60% of the electric and electronic waste (e-waste) is processed by the IWS, which led to a burgeoning second-hand market all over the country [ 15 ]. In Brazil, more than 600,000 informal recyclers are working in cooperatives that collect 2/3 of all recyclable dry waste sent for recycling in the Southeast region of the country [ 16 ]. Informal recyclers use technologies with low environmental impact to prevent materials from ending up in landfills [ 5 , 6 ,]. This service leads to economic savings for public sectors, who are usually in charge of financing waste management systems [ 17 , 18 ].

Recognizing and including in formal waste management is not only fostered in their management capacities but is also promoted from an environmental justice perspective. Achieving a just transition for a circular economy means combining circular economy policies with social protection measures to avoid negatively impacting working conditions, health, livelihoods, and job opportunities of the poor sectors of society, such as informal waste workers [ 19 ].

The integration of the IWS is plagued with several challenges. Firstly, ‘informality’ captures a wide variety of worker profiles. Policies aimed at integrating IWS must recognize and consider this heterogeneity to reach the effective inclusion of the IWS [ 20 ]. Secondly, it is essential to include the voice of informal workers when designing and reforming waste management systems [ 21 , 22 , 23 ]. If not, integration efforts run the risk of being inefficient and further affecting an already vulnerable sector. Thirdly, the IWS is driven by demand and supply [ 24 ]. Operators in this sector typically recover high-value waste and ignore other types such as organics and plastic bags [ 25 ]. These market dynamics limit the potential of the IWS to further increase the recycling rates in the Global South [ 26 ]. Fourth, regulations discourage the participation of the IWS in waste management services in favour of the formal sector [ 16 , 27 ]. The relationship between the formal and informal sectors is characterized by an imbalance of power and lack of transparency. Informal recyclers are usually exploited and do not receive fair wages for the work they perform [ 23 ]. In practice, the collection and treatment of materials clashes between both sectors, resulting in efficiency losses [ 28 ]. Furthermore, the IWS is more vulnerable to health and safety issues [ 13 , 29 ] such as criminal activities [ 30 ], child labour [ 31 ], and high occupational health risks [ 32 ]. Although these challenges are transversal to all countries in which informal recyclers are part of waste management, the specific characteristics differ from case to case.

The average household waste generation in Nepal is 0.223 kg/person/day, from which more than 60% corresponds to organic waste followed by plastics and paper products [ 33 , 34 ]. The current waste management in Nepal is linear, as more than 90% is disposed of in landfills and open dumps, including riverside dumps and open burns [ 33 , 34 , 35 ]. The pollution of water resources and the public health hazards in the localities surrounding waste treatment areas have been identified as critical issues in Nepal [ 33 , 36 , 37 ]. In this context, the need of promoting a circular economy approach to restructure waste management is imperative.

Household solid waste management in Nepal is riddled with several environmental problems on top of a complex network of formal and informal actors [ 36 ]. Waste management falls under the remit of the municipalities, who operate based on the guidelines in the Solid Waste Management Act [ 38 ]. Saliently, these guidelines do not mention or recognize informal recyclers as valid actors within the waste management system [ 38 ]. In the Wider Kathmandu Valley, informal recyclers process up to 15% of waste and, in many cases, represent the only alternative to landfilling and open disposal [ 32 ].

A systematic understanding of how the IWS can contribute to promoting circular economy in Nepal is still lacking. This gap presents an opportunity for this study to identify current challenges of the IWS and the interactions between the formal and informal actors that make up the waste management systems in Nepal. To further strengthen the systematic understanding, this research addresses the case of Kathmandu and Lalitpur, two main cities in Nepal. The focus is limited to these geographies because of the larger presence of informality within the waste management sector, fairly representing the IWS’s characteristics at a national scale.

Consequently, this study aims to (i) identify and validate the challenges of the IWS in Nepal; (ii) provide a granular understanding of the actors, conditions, interactions, and hierarchical forces that shape waste management in the region; and (iii) contribute with a set of recommendations to promote the participation of IWS into the circular economy in Nepal.

Literature Review

A systematic review of scientific and grey literature is developed to create a general understanding of the sociocultural, economic, and environmental conditions around waste management in Nepal. The systematic review of scientific literature was developed using Google Scholar engine. As illustrated in Table 1 , for each search, a set of mixed words were inputted. The first 50 results were screened by order of relevance to Nepal and the year of publication (2011 and onwards). Only publications in English and international scientific journals were considered. The same keywords were used to review grey literature and policy reports on Google search engine. The keywords used for each search along with the 11 sources identified are shown in Table 1 .

The analysis of the 15 sources obtained from the literature review aids in describing the IWS in Nepal in three distinctive ways. Firstly, the IWS is numerous and represents the most expanded alternative to landfills and open dumps, mostly in urban and semi-urban settlements [ 35 , 36 , 41 , 42 , 44 ]. Secondly, the IWS in Nepal suffers from discrimination and their vulnerability is strongly related to the inherent health risks of waste collection and sorting [ 32 , 39 , 40 , 42 ]. Thirdly, the implementation of a circular economy in Nepal requires the formal sector, including the local and national authorities, to validate the IWS and recognize its capacity [ 35 , 38 , 42 , 43 , 46 , 47 ]. A thorough characterization of waste management in Nepal that includes the voice and perspective of the formal and informal actors is still missing.

Methodology

A broad research question, such as the one being explored in this study, necessitates a qualitative approach to address it [ 48 ]. The interactions between the waste management actors noted in this paper are first-hand experiences of those actors themselves. Data collection methods employed in this study are semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, and a co-creation workshop with the waste management actors of Kathmandu and Lalitpur. Primary data collection is conducted in two phases. The first is semi-structured interviews and questionnaires which are aimed to identify the challenges in promoting a circular economy in Nepal, characterize the actors that compose the waste management systems, including those absent in the literature, and establish their position along the waste management chain. The second phase is the co-creation workshop which intends to validate the outcomes of the interviews and incorporate new findings from the discussion between different actors. Data collection was carried out over a period of 6 months. A description of each method is presented in the sections below.

Semi-structured Interviews and Questionnaires

A total of 58 stakeholders participated in primary data collection. Twenty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with three groups of stakeholders: representatives of the formal sector, clients of both the formal and informal sectors, and informal waste workers. The interviews enabled to get deeper insights into the waste management challenges and helped triangulate how these actors understand their own and others’ roles. Interviews were in English and Nepali and were recorded, transcribed, and translated for further analysis.

A purposive sampling method was adopted to identify representatives of the formal sector. A total of 8 representatives were interviewed: private waste service providers (2), non-governmental organizations (4), young and innovative entrepreneurs (1), and representatives from the local government (1).

The clients of the formal waste sector encompass individual households as well as companies, while the clients of the IWS are predominantly individual households. Snowball sampling was used to identify clients from both groups. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with six stakeholders, while 30 stakeholders opted to complete an online questionnaire. All interviews and questionnaires were conducted in Nepali. The interview and the questionnaire guides are presented in the supplementary information.

The informal waste workers were shortlisted from waste collection and management centres to ensure a representative sample that includes the entire hierarchy of the waste ecosystem. A total of 20 informal waste workers were interviewed in Nepali.

Co-creation Workshop

Co-creation workshops provided an opportunity for stakeholders to voice their opinion. For this study, a co-creation workshop with ten different stakeholders from the formal and informal waste management sectors was held in Kathmandu. The workshop was divided into two parts. In the first part, participants were presented with the actors’ characterization obtained from the interviews and questionnaires and then allowed to validate and provide feedback on this characterization. In the second part, participants were invited to collectively reflect on the challenges of the IWS and propose solutions to promote a circular economy in Kathmandu and Lalitpur. Participants were provided with the preliminary challenges identified during the interviews and questionnaires. The workshop was captured via both audio and video for analysis. The agenda of the workshop is presented in the supplementary information.

Data Analysis

The data analysis was carried out in two phases. The first phase entailed a thematic categorisation of the transcription and summary of the interview and questionnaire responses. The themes are (i) the role of the formal and informal actors; (ii) the challenges to promote a circular economy in Nepal; and (iii) the solutions to address these challenges. The researchers discussed the preliminary results to obtain a characterization of waste actors and a set of key challenges and their respective strategies to promote a circular economy in Nepal. These initial results provided input for the co-creation workshop. The second phase included an assessment of workshop discussions from the video recording and the notes taken during the workshops. The outcomes were reviewed and used to fortify the pre-defined categories in the first phase.

Nepal is divided into 77 districts (Fig.  1 ) which together generated an estimated 3023 t/day of municipal solid waste (MSW), equal to a national average of 0.223 kg/capita/day in 2017 [ 33 ]. Of this amount, 65% corresponds to organic with the potential to be composted and 25% are easy-to-recycle materials such as plastics, metals, and papers (Ibid.). Households in the Terai or plain regions (southern Nepal) generate 80% more waste in comparison to the Mountain region (northern Nepal). Among the 293 local administration bodies or municipalities in Nepal, Kathmandu, and Lalitpur are the first and third most populated areas with an estimated population of 1,277,000 and 288,584, respectively in 2017 [ 36 , 49 ].

Location of Kathmandu and Lalitpur in Nepal

Only 14% of municipalities in Nepal send a fraction of the waste collected for recycling [ 50 ]. However, there is no official data on the recycling rates in the country. In Kathmandu, the most robust estimations indicate a recovery potential of 44% for materials such as textiles, plastics, and leathers [ 35 ]. From this potential, the current estimated recycling rate is only 8%, undertaken by both the formal and informal sectors [ 33 , 35 ].

Interaction Between Waste Management Actors

Interactions between waste actors largely occur during waste generation and treatment (Fig.  2 ). The waste that is generated by households, institutions, and commercial sectors has two possible routes. The first route goes through the waste management system that is set up by the municipality. The waste that is collected through this route is mixed, comprising organic, inorganic, recyclable, non-recyclable, and sometimes hazardous waste. At this point in the waste management chain, often it is either private service providers or the municipality itself that are the first port of call. In rare circumstances, certain organic waste treatment companies are involved at this stage. In those instances, waste producers separate organic material to be taken away by these organic waste treatment companies. Afterwards, the waste is transported to either a transfer station (if collected by the municipality or the private sector) or recovery centres. The municipality or private sector unofficially contract out the waste recovery to the IWS. However, sometimes this part of the process is skipped, and waste is transported directly to the landfills by the municipality and the private sector. The mixed waste is segregated at the landfills by scavengers who then sell it to nearby waste collection centres.

Interaction of the waste management actors. The solid lines indicate waste streams

In the second route, waste generators separate the more “valuable” items such as metal, glass, and paper. Then this segregated waste is picked up by cycle hawkers, which go door-to-door to collect these specific waste items. The cycle hawkers take or (rarely) buy waste from the waste producers, and then bring it to waste collection centres to sell. The cycle hawkers have no say in the pricing of the types of waste that the waste collection centres buy. In some cases, waste collection centres are registered with the government and pay taxes, and in other cases, work unregistered and are not subjected to any tax; thus, they are both formal and informal. The collection centres process some of the waste, such as sorting and extracting copper from wires, and then specific aggregators buy certain waste types from the centres. Aggregators are typically registered with the government. Some waste processing happens at the aggregator’s site such as sorting, compressing, and shredding. These aggregators then take the waste to specific recycling industries inside or outside of Nepal. Waste such as paper, PET plastics, and metal scraps are recycled within Nepal, but e-waste, glass, and other types of plastic are sent illegally to India to be recycled.

It is evident that the informal sector intrinsically completes Nepal’s waste management system (see Fig.  2 ). Collection centres play a unique role enabling all actors to converge — a defining point where informality transforms into formality. These results are consistent with findings from similar studies conducted in other developing countries and demonstrate that the informal sector in Nepal has critical relevance for circular economy markets [ 14 , 51 ].

Profiles for the Waste Management Actors in Nepal

Waste management in Nepal is regulated by the Solid Waste Management Act [ 38 ]. This act establishes a comprehensive list of requirements to obtain a formal license to work as a private agent in the waste management sector. In practice, most of the stakeholders recognize that the payment of taxes is the key distinction that separates formality from informality. Based on this distinction, a profile description for each actor identified in Fig.  2 is presented below.

Formal Waste Management Actors

Door-to-door collection and roadside pickup from open piles or containers are the most usual types of collection methods in Nepal. Commonly, rickshaws and carts are used for primary collection, tractors for secondary collection (between transfer stations), and dump trucks for the final transportation to landfill or disposal sites. Vehicles, equipment, and operations practices are the main influence on the efficiency of waste transfer from the primary collection point to the final disposal sites. The main formal waste management actors are described in the sections below.

Household Waste Generator

Household waste generators are actors that dispose waste in a house, institutional, or commercial collection. As waste generators use taxes to fund the municipal operation, they are considered formal actors. An 80% of the house generators claim that they segregate waste into organic and inorganic, from which most state that they compost the organic waste in their yards. This contrasts with what is stated in literature, which suggests that only 30% of households practice segregation and traditional methods for composting, mostly in rural areas [ 36 ].

Unlike municipal waste collection users, households that employ the services of the private waste sector tend to be more aware of the collection costs. These users declare a service payment of US$1.3–2.6 per month depending on the company. Interviewees also mentioned that private waste companies provide higher collection frequencies compared to the municipal counterparts. On rare occasions, households sell materials such as empty shampoo bottles, newspapers, damaged electronic items, scrap metals, cans, and glass bottles to informal waste workers, receiving up to US$0.12 per kg. However, waste generators from commercial shops have a more established relationship with the informal waste workers and usually sell materials to the same waste picker.

Most household generators see the IWS as necessary as they contribute to cleanliness and are seen as an important part of the recycling process. They also view cycle hawkers as a helpful group to get rid of voluminous waste. Some household generators perceive IWS as a source of potential health hazards as they can be exposed to transmissible diseases and respiratory infections (including COVID) when going door to door for collection without safety protocols. Household generators who do not interact with IWS typically seek services from the private sector.

Municipalities

In Nepal, municipalities are the local government bodies that oversee waste collection services. In general, municipal administrators perceive IWS as unreliable, so they prefer working with the formal sector. In less busy and inaccessible areas, local governments normally have verbal agreements with formal companies to collect waste. However, local government representatives recognize that informal waste workers are influential in increasing awareness around the value of waste.

The waste collection efficiency of the municipalities is estimated to be in between the range of 70% and 90% in major towns and is below 50% in several small towns, resulting in a national average of 62% [ 36 ]. In Kathmandu and Lalitpur, the collection efficiency is 86% and 62%, respectively [ 36 ]. In terms of costs, municipalities tend to spend around 10% of the total budget on solid waste management, of which about 60–70% is spent on street sweeping and collection. About US$30 per tonne of waste was spent from the process of collection to disposal in the fiscal year 2012. The monthly tariff is in the range of US$0.10 to US$2.08 for households [ 36 ].

Certain municipalities apply a tax (known as “scrap tax”) to the transfer of recyclable waste within their territories, mainly when using highways for transportation. Similarly, a valued added tax of 13% is imposed on bulk transportation of waste scraps around the country. The scrap tax discourages the participation of formal and informal recycling actors since it reduces the net income of collecting and selling material.

Private Services

Private services represent two types of companies. The first type corresponds to companies in charge of collecting waste to landfills. They do a similar job as municipalities, but the collection is more frequent. In some areas, these companies also use municipal transfer stations and recovery centres to store waste, which is transported to landfills by municipal trucks. The second type corresponds to waste treatment companies that collect and treat recoverable materials. Organic waste treatment companies specialize in materials such as vegetable leftovers and garden trimmings, which make up more than 60% of waste in Kathmandu and Lalitpur [ 36 ].

Collection Centres

Collection and recovery centres are installations managed by one or more people (usually a family business) where informal cycle hawkers sell the collected material. Most of the collection centres are officially registered and pay taxes, but some of them are set up as informal centres and forgo registration and taxes. Despite these varied structures, the working conditions do not differ in formal and informal collection centres.

Collection centres are in direct competition with each other. The average daily transactions of a collection centre are between US$41.2 and US$82.4, with an average profit per day of US$4.1. The collection centres have access to technology such as compressors or balers and have the capacity to store the material until the price is convenient enough to be sold.

Aggregators

Aggregators are formal companies that process large amounts of materials to sell them in local and international markets. The main international market is India, which presents a critical issue because exporting certain types of waste such as plastic is illegal. However, India is the only option as there is no recycling capacity for materials like glass or plastics other than polyethylene terephthalate (PET) in Nepal.

Each aggregator is usually focused on one kind of material (e.g., plastic, metal, or cardboard), which is obtained from the collection centres. These aggregators offer between US$0.16–0.18 per kg of metal and US$0.11–0.12 per kg of plastic and have a profit of US$411.8–494.1 per month coming solely from cardboard recycling. The aggregators working near city centres have better access to collection centres and lower costs compared to those working far from urban agglomerations. For cardboard and metal, aggregators might skip the collection centres and work directly with cyclists.

Aggregators are associated in the “ Nepal Kawadi sangh ” umbrella group. This organisation has a record of aggregators and collection centres on a national scale and represents the sector’s concern about waste management policies and other relevant topics. Compared to the rest of the actors, those who work in the aggregators’ business are normally well-educated and trained.

Recycling and Treatment Companies (National and International)

Recycling and treatment companies are formal organizations that transform certain types of waste into new materials. The domestic capacity of Nepal allows the treatment of PET bottles, metal scrap, beer bottles, and paper. Other materials are sent to international markets such as India [ 36 ].

In Kathmandu and Lalitpur, the waste is disposed of in the Sisdol Landfill. Originally, this landfill was expected to reach its capacity and end in 2008. However, since there is no alternative, the Sisdol landfill is still in operation [ 32 , 43 ].

Informal Waste Management Actors

The IWS in Nepal consists of all the workers that are not formally recognized by the local government as a part of the waste management mechanism. The IWS contributes almost 15% of total waste management and US$2.4 million per year to the national economy [ 43 ]. As informal workers are not licenced by the local government to collect and manage waste, contrary to requirements in the Solid Waste Management Act, 2011, of Nepal, their legality is often questioned [ 38 ]. Wages earned through informal work are not affected by income tax and other regulatory mechanisms as they are not legally registered businesses. Hypothetically, these taxes would be imposed on the income earned during the transportation and transfer of recycled goods to large recycling industries. Nevertheless, unlicensed activities are normally not sanctioned.

The materials treated by the IWS result in savings in collection, transportation, and disposal costs for municipalities, and a lower level of littering and pollution in public spaces. This is only possible due to the low operational costs and margins of the IWS. Therefore, the unrecognised costs of informal labour such as lack of social security and safety equipment are cross-subsidising the recycling markets in Nepal.

Informal waste workers who belong to the lowest rung of the waste management hierarchy are commonly known as kabadiwalas. These workers are engaged mostly in the collection of reusable and recyclables like papers, plastics, metal, and glass and selling them to local scrap shops. Kabadiwalas and scrap shops are present in significant numbers in Nepal, particularly in urban areas like Kathmandu, where reusable and recyclable materials are abundantly available. It is estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 informal waste workers operate in Kathmandu Valley [ 41 , 52 ]. Informal waste workers are mainly responsible for collecting reusable and recyclable materials from households, institutions, and commercial establishments [ 35 ]. The characteristic differences in the type of work kabadiwalas carry out can be further categorized into cyclists and scavengers.

The threats and vulnerabilities that kabadiwalas face are multidimensional; however, social and health issues are the most challenging [ 32 ]. Occupational health risks, including physical injuries and cuts, are common. Other health conditions, like respiratory diseases, are also reported in literature [ 29 ]. The main informal waste management actors are described in the sections below.

Cyclists or cycle hawkers are informal waste workers who go door-to-door to collect waste from the house or commercial collection points. Cyclists typically use bicycles with saddles mounted for hanging sacks for the collection and transport of waste. They usually cover between 10 and 12 km per day and do not have a fixed territory they work in. Cyclists are typically aged between 25 and 40 years old, work individually and do not associate with other waste collectors. A cyclist can earn between US$66–82 per month and US$1.65–4.12 per day.

Unlike other informal actors, the nature of the cyclists’ operations allows them to interact directly with waste generators. This interaction enables local communities to recognise cyclists as key stakeholders in the waste management chain. Additionally, the exchange between waste generators and cyclists establishes an unconventional network within the waste collection services. Waste generators know when and how to separate the material for the cyclists, in turn, cyclists are familiar with neighbourhoods with the highest quality materials. This socio-logistic capital is a key advantage that IWS has which is lacking in formal collection services.

Scavengers or waste pickers are individuals who roam around the city, dumpsites, and landfills collecting valuable waste material. Once collected, they sell the material directly to intermediates known as collection centres. On average, scavengers’ income is less than cyclists. Workers in this group are the most illiterate and vulnerable in the whole waste collection and treatment chain.

The main difference between scavengers and cyclists is the ownership of a mode of transportation for collection. As scavengers move mainly on foot or are concentrated around landfills, their interaction with waste generators is scarce or none. This absence of this type of interaction translates into a lack of recognition, which along with the risk of working around landfills, increases their vulnerability.

Unofficial Contractors

Unofficial contractors were identified by the municipal administration as informal actors who segregate and collect the materials from the transfer stations to the collection centres. Some of these actors belong to collection centres themselves and establish sporadic agreements with kabadiwalas to use their workforce when needed. Unofficial contractors use trucks and other motorized means of collection and have verbal arrangements with municipalities. Although informal, unofficial contractors are listed above cyclists and scavengers in the waste management hierarchy due to their bargaining power with collection centres and municipalities, hence why they are not categorized as kabadiwalas.

Challenges of the Informal Waste Management Sector in Nepal

Current literature uses a fairly generic approach to identify the cross-cutting challenges faced by the IWS to promote circular economy [ 21 , 51 , 53 , 54 ]. This study categorises these challenges as multidimensional and acknowledges that there is a lack of power to address them. These are key features to consider when promoting integration initiatives for the informal sector. For Kathmandu and Lalitpur, the main challenges of IWS along with solution approaches proposed and validated by waste management stakeholders are summarized in Table 2 .

The challenges indicated in Table 2 are consistent with the multidimensionality (social, technical, economic, and regulatory) described in the literature [ 20 , 21 , 51 , 53 , 54 ]. Among the solution approaches, only the volatility of prices (challenge 1) and the unsustainable consumer behaviour (challenge 3) offer space to be addressed by the IWS solely. In Nepal, the solutions are largely regulatory, highlighting the fundamental role of centralized governments to address the challenges and enforce the regulations.

This section presents a set of recommendations to promote the participation of IWS in circular economy in Nepal based on the interaction between waste actors and the challenges identified in previous sections.

The Need to Integrate the Informal Sector

The relevance of the informal sector for the current recycling markets in Nepal is validated by analysing interactions between waste management actors. Although this is acknowledged in existing literature [ 7 , 29 , 41 ], this particular case of household waste management’s disproportionate dependence on IWS in Nepal makes a strong case for integration. The role and impact of the IWS in increasing environmental awareness, establishing waste segregation, and implementing circularity in the waste management system are recognized by all the stakeholders. However, these positive impacts have not triggered any form of transition in favour of informal waste workers, who are currently unable to claim or collect social security and health benefits provided by the government.

In line with Saidón et al. (2022), the heterogeneity of the informal sector in Nepal is supported by the identification of two profiles under the kabidawala umbrella: cyclists and scavengers. Their differences in terms of logistics, capacity, and interactions must be considered in the integration process. The characteristics of cyclists’ labour can be harnessed to promote more sustainable consumption and source separation in generators. Scavengers are closer to sorting and classification activities of household waste which are activities that are essential for the success of a circular economy. The circular economy ambitions in Nepal must include the full capacity and diversity of the informal sector, without which proper integration may be ineffective. Any effort to exclude them can affect the availability of material needed to maintain the circular markets in Nepal.

A novel finding from the description of the waste management actors in Nepal is the classification of the collection centres in terms of their formality. So far, this degree of formality is not recognized either by literature or by the other waste management actors in this country context. The formalization process in Nepal is a unique opportunity for not only cyclists and waste pickers, but all the stakeholders that form the waste management sectors because it can have an enormous potential to improve the standards of informal waste actors.

Reforms to Promote a Circular Economy in Nepal

The increase in the institutional capacity to apply waste management regulations and policies (challenge 5) and reform of these regulatory mechanisms are pivotal, as these are barriers for the development of circular economy in Nepal. These regulations include the Nepal Solid Waste Management Act [ 38 ] and the Nepal procurement act [ 55 ]. The scrap tax (challenge 7), the ban on the export of materials (challenge 2) and the high impact of costs in the tenders for waste management services (challenge 6) must be reviewed with special attention for the IWS’s profitability. Independent of the strategy to stimulate treatment and recovery markets, authorities must also consider that changing the current rules can introduce new actors with access to capital, which could exclude IWS even more [ 9 ]. This trade-off can be addressed through an integration process that prioritizes the formalization of cyclists and waste pickers over other actors.

Association Schemes to Empower the Informal Sector

As they are at the bottom of the waste management hierarchy, cyclists, and scavengers do not have negotiation power when interacting with other actors and selling the collected material. The informal workers are profoundly affected by the volatility of the material price (challenge 1) and are affected by the consumers’ behaviour and negative attitude towards the IWS (challenge 3). Unlike others, these challenges can be addressed by the informal sector itself. Collection centres formed as cooperatives and small/medium businesses led by waste pickers have the potential of improving their profitability [ 56 ]. These configurations allow IWS to store materials, increase volumes, and, therefore, augment their negotiation power when selling the materials to aggregators. As they have the knowledge but not the capital to invest in this solution, social entrepreneurship models can be explored as organisation schemes [ 57 ]. Working groups and collective associations facilitate the training of recyclers as environmental agents, the development of protection networks and the standardization of services [ 58 ]. These effects add value to IWS’s labour and can improve the perception of generators and other formal actors.

Extended Producer Responsibility Scheme

Extended producer responsibility (EPR) is a principle under which producers are given a significant responsibility — financial and/or physical — for the treatment or disposal of post-consumer products. This principle is identified by scholars [ 24 , 59 ] and institutions [ 60 , 61 ] as a transformative approach to promote a circular economy and the participation of all the actors that compose the production and waste management systems. The effect of the EPR was proved in the European Union, which adopted it as a central principle for their circular economy ambition and allowed them to reach never-before-seen recycling rates [ 12 ]. Developing countries with a high presence of informal recyclers such as China and Brazil are also implementing the EPR to increase recycling rates and improve the efficiency of their industry [ 62 , 63 , 64 ]. In the context of Nepal, an EPR scheme has the potential to integrate circularity upstream and address the excessive use of discardable and short-lifespan products whose collection and treatment are not profitable (challenge 4). The definition of goals and mechanism to implement an EPR scheme must be seen as an opportunity to bring ideas and explore cooperation efforts from both formal and informal sectors. In Chile, for example, the EPR law recognizes the relevance of grassroots recyclers and explicitly acknowledges that collective waste management systems must be created to reach the country’s goals [ 65 ].

This study identified the interactions between the formal and informal actors that compose the waste management systems in Nepal and the current challenges of the IWS. The direct participation of stakeholders from the formal and informal sectors allowed an analysis of first-hand information. This methodological approach is essential to obtain a deep understanding of the complexity that characterizes informality in waste management systems. In particular, the identification and characterization of the different waste management actors were possible due to the methodological nature of interviews, which offers space for the actors who are usually excluded to reflect on their own circumstances.

Theoretical Contribution

This study contributes to the characterization of informality in waste management. The identification of cyclists and scavenges under the informality profile supports the conceptualization of the heterogeneity of informal waste management as a counter to the generalization of waste picking activities [ 20 ]. The results of this study also support the idea that recognition and integration of the informal sector into the waste management systems are essential to promote a circular economy [ 13 ]. In Nepal, this is not only based on the dependency of current markets on the informal waste sector, but on the possibility that integration offers to address many of the current challenges of the informal workers. In addition, informal workers belong to the most vulnerable socioeconomic groups and are exposed to health risks due to the nature of their job. From a just transition perspective, the integration into formal waste management systems has the potential to improve their livelihood.

Practical Implications

The challenges and respective solutions identified by waste management stakeholders from Kathmandu and Lalitpur (Table 2 ) offer a solid starting point to promote a circular economy in Nepal. In Nepal, the role of the government in creating an enabling environment for a circular economy is crucial. A reform of current waste management and tendering regulations are seemingly critical to decrease the barriers that are harnessing formal and, mostly, informal actors. In line with that, a Nepalese EPR scheme can respond to unsustainable production and consumption patterns. If this scheme includes the voice and experience of the formal and informal sectors, its implementation can also address the lack of recognition that is a characteristic of integration efforts.

Current Study Limitations

Research limitations are related to the geographic scope and the survey size used for the interviews and questionnaires. Our results should be considered as a basis for the design of integration initiatives in Nepal. Notwithstanding the aforementioned, Kathmandu and Lalitpur reflex the conditions of the informal sector found in literature, so we encourage the interpretation of the results using a comparative and generic approach. In particular, the interactions and challenges found in this study have the potential to represent other regions and can be useful to understand similar contexts in the Global South.

Future Research

This research provided a characterization of the stakeholders that compose waste management in Kathmandu and Lalitpur as a representation of the Nepalese context. Further research should quantify the current and potential capacity of those stakeholders who collect and treat waste in Nepal. This information is necessary to deliver more in-depth recommendations for policymakers. In particular, the development of an effective EPR scheme for Nepal lies in identifying waste collection and treatment capacities.

Data Availability

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors want to thank Muir Freer for his contribution to the design of Fig. 1 . The authors wish to thank Edmundo Muñoz, who contributed to the structure and content of this paper. The authors want to thank Abhilasha Fullonton for her contribution to the writing style and structure.

This study has been funded by The Royal Academy of Engineering (RAE): Frontiers of Engineering Funding (Reference number: FoE2021\9\16).

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Nicolás Labra Cataldo & Alejandro Gallego-Schmid

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Muyiwa Oyinlola

Green Decision Labs and Research, Kathmandu, Nepal

Samip Sigdel

Utopia, CITYLAB, Kathmandu, Nepal

Dori Nguyen

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N.L.C: conceptualization, methodology, formal analysis, investigation, data curation, writing-original draft preparation, visualization. M.O: conceptualization, methodology, project administration, funding acquisition. S.S: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, resources, data curation, funding acquisition. D.N: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, resources, data curation, funding acquisition. A.G.S: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, resources, data curation, funding acquisition, project administration, writing — review and editing, supervision.

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Alejandro Gallego-Schmid is an Editorial Board member of the Circular Economy and Sustainability Journal. The remaining authors declare no competing interests.

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Labra Cataldo, N., Oyinlola, M., Sigdel, S. et al. Waste Management in Nepal: Characterization and Challenges to Promote a Circular Economy. Circ.Econ.Sust. 4 , 439–457 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43615-023-00283-0

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Issue Date : March 2024

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Environmental Issues and pollution in Nepal – A Tale of Two Halves

The capital city of Kathmandu is bustling and densely populated with intriguing culture, peaceful people and exotic religions at every turn. Despite the ubiquitous abject poverty and pollution in Nepal, the people are happy and friendly. The city is a reminder of the resilience of humanity and how lucky most people in Western societies are in comparison.

It’s a fascinating city but the inescapable air pollution and litter are major problems. The EPI recently found Nepal to have the worst air pollution in the world . It was interesting to note that despite the manic traffic and lack of infrastructure many city roads were dirt tracks, with no traffic lights evident. The traffic on the most part seemed to move along without any fuss. 

Taking action to tackle the pollution in Nepal

As a Tallaght Litter Mug , I was interested to see how the city managed its waste and unsurprisingly there was a lot of litter but the sheer scale of the issue was unexpected. There are continual waste management issues in the city but to experience how young and old sifted through it looking for scraps of food and recyclable materials was a shock. People processed the waste in filthy conditions on the side of the street, without any gloves and often in flips flops.

I couldn’t resist the opportunity to carry out a clean-up myself, with the main aim of raising awareness back in Ireland. If you would like to get involved in regular litter clean-ups in Sean Walsh Park, Tallaght, please register your interest at the Litter Mug website or facebook page .  If you would like to take part in clean-ups nationally, check out the National Spring Clean and Clean Coasts websites.

Everest Base Camp pollution

The expected filthy Everest trek never materialised, which was a huge relief, especially having just come from Kathmandu. In its place was a stunningly beautiful trek, with jaw-dropping scenery that never got old. Recent reports have suggested that over-congestion and climate change have made ice-falls in the region much riskier for mountaineers attempting to summit the world’s highest peak. This is substantiated by the knowledgeable Sherpas who guided our expedition.

The always smiling Vempa Sherpa said that he noticed that the glaciers were melting quicker than before. He noticed raising humidity levels, the lakes increasing in size, and less flora and fauna. All of these are factors in   rising levels of flooding as well as increased avalanche and mud-slide risk. 

These are a real worry for tourism and those dependent on business from passing hikers. In a later conversation, our leader Darwla Sherpa said: “the warm season is warmer and the winter has especially become warmer, this affects water supplies to the rivers”. These rivers are a lifeline to the region’s agriculture, with lakes of meltwater increasing flooding risks .

Kunga Sherpa agreed, saying “It’s definitely hotter than before, with glaciers melting easier. Spring now has much bigger meltwater river-flows, with summer providing much less water”. Even the location of Everest basecamp itself has moved, in part due to receding glaciers caused by climate change and the pollution in Nepal.

Local schools in Nepal

Several days after the amazing trek to Everest basecamp and the challenging ascent of the stunning Kala Patthar, 5,550M (which gave unbridled sunrise views of mountains Everest, Nuptse, Changtse  and Lhotse ), Vempa Sherpa kindly brought me to his former primary school in Lukla. We met the school principal, to whom I gave some school stationary to and we exchanged email addresses. We are hoping to set up cultural exchanges and share stories of environmental efforts between Green School & Climate Ambassador School Scoil Mhuire, Buncrana and Nepal.

Although the school in Lukla was a comparatively well-resourced school, it was a basic school by Western standards and relied heavily on altruistic contributions. These are in part being used to expand and rebuild the school after the devastating earthquake in 2015.

Afterwards, as we sipped black tea in a local café and discussed local politics and the Sherpa’s hopes and dreams. I was struck by the indomitable spirit that is part and parcel of their make-up. Their pride in providing a quality service as mountain guides is apparent. This feeds into their ambition to make their community better than it was before the earthquake struck.

Trek basecamp for yourself

This was a trip of a lifetime and I would urge anyone interested in seeing the area to do so as soon as they can, as the ice is receding and most local glaciers are expected to disappear by the end of the century. Your badly needed money will also help this poor country rebuild and sustain itself. You might consider offsetting any carbon emissions from your trek by choosing a scheme such as the UN’s carbon offsetting programme .

I chose Earth’s Edge to go to Base Camp with because they’re a  sustainable and ethical company.  They ticked every box for me, making sure I had a very enjoyable trip while making sure we had a minimal impact on the environment while also ensuring the Sherpas and Yaks were well looked after. It was a challenging but ultimately inspiring and life-affirming trip, and I am so fortunate and grateful to have had the opportunity to experience it first-hand while meeting like-minded people.

If you would like to learn more about climate change and how you can make a difference, please go to the Climate Ambassador website. You can also sign up to our newsletter, with applications to become a Climate Ambassador for 2019 will be released very soon. You can be part of the fight against pollution in Nepal and all over the world.

Gary Tyrrell is a Climate Action Officer for An Taisce’s Environmental Education Unit.

How to experience Base Camp for yourself

For all the reasons highlighted by Gary, it’s important to remember our responsibility to protect this area. Here at Earth’s Edge, we are committed to responsible travel  and urge you to check our commitment to protecting the world we love to explore. If you are interested in coming to Base Camp to see our efforts for yourself  CLICK HERE

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essay on environmental pollution in 250 words-Nepal-2022

                            ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION

Environment simply refers to ours surrounding. All the natural and man-made things that we see are the elements of the environment. Pollution means decline of the original qualities of the elements of the environment like air, water, land, etc. Our environment determines our health and civilization.  

Environmental pollution is one of the greatest threats of the world today. All living being birds, animals, insects, plants and even human beings are victims of pollution. No part of the world now is unaffected by the problem of pollution these days.

Pollution is of different types. They are air pollution, water pollution and land pollution. Pollution causes various kinds of harms. Polluted air causes lung diseases, pain ad asthma. Similarly, when we drink polluted water become ill with diarrhea, dysentery, jaundice, etc. Loud noise harms our ear. However, the greatest harm is the depletion of the ozone layer. It causes increase in temperature in the earth, acid rain and drought.

The main reason of pollution is industrialization and population increase. These two bring about environmental change. Many factories have been established to produce goods. These factories and vehicles like bus, truck, car, motorcycle emit huge quantities of smoke into the atmosphere. Similarly, over population causes deforestation. So the ecological balance of nature is disturbed.

Environmental problem has been a major problem in the cities of Nepal. The industries are located in the cities like Kathmandu, Pokhara, Biratnagar and Chitwan. Population density is also high there. We do not have good system for the disposal of garbage. We link our drainage to the nearby rivers. So the people in these places suffer from different communicable diseases.

It is the duty of the government and citizens to take the initiative to make the world a better place. Awareness in people is essential. If human beings as well as other organisms are to survive, the environment must be kept neat and clean.    

AIR POLLUTION

For the well-being of living beings, fresh air is the most important element . Air pollution is the undesirable change in the physical or biotic elements of the environment which may cause adverse effects to the biotic community . Pollutants can be divided into two categories on the basis of their production. They are:

         i.             PRIMARY POLLUTANTS:

                                           They can be defined as the pollutants which are directly emitted to the environment from the source. For example: nitrogen derivatives, oxides, halogens, etc.

       ii.             SECONDARY POLLUTANTS:

                                             They can be defined as the pollutants which are not directly emitted but are formed when primary pollutants chemical react in the atmosphere. For example: ozone, formaldehyde, acetyl nitrate, etc.

Dust particles which are emitted from industries and factories, pollutants from burning coal and improper management of waste products, smoke emitted from vehicles, etc. are the major causes of air pollution.

SOURCES OF AIR POLLUTION

A)     natural resources:.

                                       These sources of air pollution are directly related to the activities of the nature. Examples: volcano eruption, forest fire, dust storms, etc.

b)    ARTIFICIAL RESOURCES:

                                       The sources of air pollution which are not naturally made but caused due to human activities are called artificial sources. Examples: CO, CO 2 , NO, NO 2 , SO 2 , Cl 2 , NH 3 , etc. gases produced by burning fuel, industrialization, over population, deforestation, automobile, nuclear explosions, etc.

EFFECTS OF AIR POLLUTION

Air pollution may cause various short and long term effects in the elements of the environment and human health. The effects caused due to air pollution are:

a.     REDUCTION IN VISIBILTY:

                                          When various gases and dust particles mix in the atmosphere, it makes the sky blurry which is often termed as haze. This is the reason why people living in city areas cannot enjoy the clear sky. Due to fog and smog, people cannot see nearby objects clearly which makes it much risky to drive vehicles and fly airplanes due to reduced visibility.

b.     REDUCTION IN SOLAR RADIATION:

                                                      The areas where air pollution is high, solar radiation is absorbed by dust particles and moved to various place. Due to this, the amount of solar radiation required to reach the surface cannot get there and there will be the reduction of solar radiation. On the other hand, the temperature of other areas increases drastically which is harmful to living beings.

c.      GREEN HOUSE EFFECT:

                                      Various greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide, nitrous oxide, methane, ozone, Sulphur dioxide, etc. formed due to air pollution act like a blanket in the atmosphere, which traps the radiation and it does not let the heat escape to outer space. This causes rapid increase in the temperature of the earth. This is known as greenhouse effect.

d.     INHIBITION IN BIOLOGICAL GROWTH OF PLANTS:

                                           Sunlight is very important for plants to prepare food through photosynthesis. But increasing air pollution causes reduction in solar radiation due to which plants do not get enough light for their proper growth and development. This causes inhibition in biological growth of plants.

  e.     ADVERSE EFFECT ON HUMAN HEALTH:

                                                                                     Air pollution has contributed directly to the deteriorating health condition oh humans. Gases like carbon monoxide causes headache, nausea, difficulty in breathing, etc. Nitrogen oxide causes stinging of the eyes, coughing, headache, dry throat, congestion, etc. It may also cause insomnia, laziness, etc.

f.       DEPLETION OF OZONE LAYER:

                                                                       The chemicals causing ozone layer depletion are mainly chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), methyl chloroform, carbon tetrachloride, methyl bromide, etc. which are emitted due to air pollution. These compounds decompose in the atmosphere and form nascent hydrogen, chlorine, bromine, etc. which deplete the ozone layer.

g.     ACID RAIN:

                                      The process of deposition of acid gases like Sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide, etc. from the atmosphere on land in the form of rain is called Acid rain. In the atmosphere these oxides are unable to remain in the gaseous state and hence they react with moisture to form acids which fall into the earth as acid rain. Buildings, mountains, statues, bridges, etc. are corroded by acid rains.

h.     DESTRUCTION OF HISTORICAL MONUMENTS:

                                                                                                 Over a long period of time, air pollution can damage various monuments and buildings of historical importance permanently lowering their esteem. We can take the example of Taj mahal in India which is being damged due to excessive pollution.

i.        CHANGE IN CLIMATE:

                                                       Air pollution causes dust as well as gases to collect in the atmosphere which increases the temperature in some places and decreases the temperature in other places. Due to this, ice melts and it may cause floods in some regions and drought in others.

MEASURES TO CONTROL AIR POLLUTION

In order to prevent any further air pollution, the following measures can be implemented:

1.     The emission of air pollutants from industries should be controlled by using electrostatic precipitators of filter.

2.     The industrial areas should be constructed far from human settlements.

3.     Over population should be controlled.

4.     Some cheap fuels with higher Sulphur content should be banned and the use of disuphurized coal should be encouraged.

5.     Roadside plantation of trees should be done along the side of the roads which help to minimize the content of carbon dioxide and carbon monoxide.

6.     Alternate sources of energy such as solar energy, wind energy, etc. should be used instead of petroleum products.

7.     Various awareness programmes about the effects of air pollution should be conducted.

WATER POLLUTION

 Water in its purest form is colorless and odourless. But due to various human as well as natural activities, many pollutants enter the sources of water and make them polluted. This causes the water to be unsafe for daily usage. Water pollution can be defined as any undesirable changes in physical and biotic element of water. It degrades the quality of water which may cause serious health hazards.

Sources of water pollution.

   Although water pollution is caused by both humans and natural activities, mostly humans are only responsible for this problem. Natural causes may be mixing of dust in sources of water, production of bacteria and harmful germs in water. Thus, the causes of water pollution can be summarized below:

a)           Sewage water:

    The liquid waste discharged from industrial as well as domestic Sources is called sewage. This sewage without any treatment is directly discharged into sources of water like rivers, lakes, etc. This activity has resulted in spread of water borne diseases as well as the depletion of aquatic life.

b)  Contaminated from industries:  

     Along with the production of various useful products from industries, they also produce various chemical, papers and radioactive substances which are directly discharged into the sources of water without any treatment. Thus, the water will neither be capable of holding aquatic life nor will it be fit for human consumption.

c)           Agricultural wastes: 

     Farmers use various poisonous chemicals like DDT, BHC, Aldrin, etc. to kill pests and insects and increase the crop yield. But, sometimes farmers use these fertilizers in excessive amount due to lack of knowledge about their use. During the rainy season or due to human causes, such harmful chemicals mix with sources of water and kill all the aquatic lives in the water. It may also cause harm to humans as well.

d)  Obstruction in flow of water: 

If there is any sort of obstruction in the flow of water, it may cause all the pollutants to get collected in the source of water. This may cause the water to get more polluted which can be a reason for the end of the aquatic life .

e) Oily pollution: 

Oil is an important fuel. But it is one of the major causes of water pollution. Through various means such as leakage in oil tanks, spilling and washing vehicles, etc. oil reaches the water surface and it decreases the oxygenation in water which kills the aquatic life.

f) Radioactive substances:

  Radioactive substances released from mines through various means mix with sources of water. Due to this, it may be Lethal to plants and animals including humans.

Measures to control water pollution

Water pollution can be minimized by the following activities:

1.  Wastes ejected from homes and factories must be recycled by implementing recycling facilities.

2.  Dead bodies of living beings must be properly disposed either by burning or burying.

3.  The surrounding environment of sources of water must be kept clean by planting trees and preserving them.

4.  The use of compost manure should be encouraged during cultivation rather than using pesticides, insecticides and other harmful fertilizers.

5.  Proper drainage system must be built for efficient collection and treatment of wastes.

6. Various legal measures must be implemented for the protection of rivers and   use of safe water .

SOIL POLLUTION

Soil is a vital part for living beings because it provides a habitat to animals, plants, insects, human and basically every living being in the world. Soil provides necessary moisture as well as minerals to support plants life. Plants prevent erosion and many natural disasters. Many insects and microbes live in soil. Therefore, soil is an important element for insects, plants, animals and humans.

The degradation of soil due to the presence of various unwanted chemicals altering the natural state of the soil is called soil pollution . It is harmful to plants as well as any other forms of life. Uneducated farmers use insecticides, pesticides and various fertilizers in excess amount which not only degrades the quality of soil such as soil texture, water holding capacity, porosity, etc. but also minimizes crop yield. This also kills various useful animals living inside the soil. Soil pollution is mostly found in urban and industrialized areas. If land is polluted, to neither plants can develop properly nor is it suitable for animals.

Sources of soil pollution

Land gets polluted because of various reasons. There are various sources of land pollution such as domestic wastes, use of harmful chemicals, industrial wastes, use of fertilizers, acid rain, etc. The wastes emitted from sources are the main pollution of soil. The major reasons for the pollution of land are as follows:

a)     Domestic wastes

Many products, both edible and non- edible, are used in our daily life. Domestic wastes include waste products such as dust, excreta, broken utensils, plastic, contaminated food etc. When these wastes come in contact with land, it may produce many harmful microbes which also supports in the formation of various diseases. If lots of wastes get deposited in a certain place, it may act as a breeding place for various bacteria. Land pollution may also decrease the fertility of soil.

b)      Excessive use of pesticides

Farmer's main job is to cultivate various crops. However, sometimes various insects and pests attack their crops. In order to protect the crops from any damage, many chemical compounds are used. These chemicals protect the crops from harmful insects. But they also pollute the soil. Due to this reason, insecticides, fungicides, weedicides, etc. are considered as  pollutants. The most dangerous substances that cause harm to the soil are DDT, dialdrin, Aldrin, parathion, etc.

                c) Industrial waste

                          Many useful objects are manufactured by industries. However, some other objects which cause pollution are also emitted. The substances which are thrown from factories include chemicals, metals, nonmetals, waste products, living wastes, etc. which cause harm to the natural quality of the soil which pollutes it and degrades the crop yield. It may also adversely harm the living animals in the polluted soil.

        d)         Use of chemical fertilizers

Many fertilizers are used to increase the productivity and fertility of the soil. If it is used in proper amount, it may increase the crop yield. However, excessive use of these fertilizers is the major cause of soil pollution. Fertilizers contain various elements such as Arsenic (As), Barium (Ba), Calcium (Ca), Cobalt (Co), Copper (Cu), Zinc (Zn), Mercury (Hg), Lead (Pb) etc. These elements are responsible for killing various useful living organisms in the soil and also causing imbalance in the nutrients of the soil.

e)                   Municipal Wastes

Municipalities are the major sources of waste products. These waste products most often do not get disposed in the right area due to which the soil gets contaminated. These waters are both organic and inorganic and are responsible for the depletion of fertility of the soil.

f)                    Acid rain

Basically, the presence of any sorts of acid in rain is regarded as acid rain. The major compounds causing acid rain are sulphuric acid (H2S04), nitric acid (HN03), hydrochloric acid (HCI), Carbonic acid (H2C03).

MEASURES TO CONTROL SOIL POLLUTION

1.     The use of harmful chemical fertilizers must be replaced by compost mature in order to maximize the crop yield.

2.     The use of pesticides and insecticides must be minimized and other methods of controlling pests which do not contaminate the soil must be used.

3.     Proper disposal of domestic wastes should be established.

4.     The irrigation of fields using polluted water must be discouraged.

5.     The radioactive substances emitted from factories and laboratories must be appropriately disposed.

6.     Proper drainage system must be built for the disposal human excreta.

7.     Afforestation must be done in order to prevent the soil erosion from natural disasters such as floods, landslides, etc.

8.     The use of materials that do not decay over a certain period of time must be minimized.

9.     Farmers must be trained and educated through various programmes on proper use of fertilizers.

10.        Awareness programmes must be conducted to aware the people about the harmful effects of soil pollution.

11.        Soil conservation methods should be implemented to preserve the soil.

                                             Chemical Pollution

Environmental deterioration due to unscientific and improper use of chemical substances is called chemical pollution.  Our environment is getting increasingly unhygienic and polluted day by day because of this chemical pollution. In general, chemical pollution is excessive in the areas with high population density.

Some causes of chemical pollution are as follows:

1.     Chemical fertilizers:

 Chemical fertilizers and insecticides used by the farmers constitute the major part of chemical pollution. The chemicals contained in fertilizers get dissolved in water and reach rivers, streams and ponds. This process supports the excessive growth of algae and other immaterial grasses. This obviously results   in over-exploitation of oxygen in the water when they decay after their death. It brings a gradual reduction in the number of organisms in the water as they have to undergo oxygen deficiency.

2.     Insecticides:  

The use of insecticides has a negative impact on useful plants and organisms as well. DDT, BHC, methoxychloride, etc. are commonly used insecticides which kill many useful insects and hamper the growth of some plants. This chemical is stored in plants and animals and harms them causing chronic and infectious diseases. Many animals who feed on dead animals (death is caused by insecticides) are badly affected by insecticides.

Dieldrine, aldrin, cobalt, lead, mercury, etc. directly pollute our environment. The use of lead containing petrol is seriously injurious to our health. Scientists are making efforts to produce lead free petrol. The industries established on the bank of rivers, seas and oceans excrete a great amount of mercury that affects fish and other aquatic animals the sea. Many people were killed because of eating the fish containing profuse level of mercury in 1950 in Japan.

3.     Refuses and waste materials :

 Dirt and waste materials are the main causes of environmental pollution. The rapid degradation of our environment is probably owing to improper disposal of dirt and garbage being increasingly collected day to day. The noxious substances in the dirt spread out in the air and water causing rise in atmospheric pollution.

4.     Plastic:  

Plastic is used to make utensils, bags, pipes and many other things. The things made by plastic are not decomposed; it ultimately creates an alarming problem in the environment. This gives off poisonous gas on being burnt. Hence, it is really essential to develop the recycling process of waste plastic in order to save the environment from being polluted.

3.  Smoke from the means of transport and industries :

Greenhouse effect  is on the rise due to the increasing quantity of      carbon dioxide in the air. it has resulted in global temperature increment and dreadful droughts. high temperature accelerates the melting of snow in the polar regions causing the sea surface to rise higher. the lands along the edge of the sea will then come under water. dust and smoke cause chronic lung diseases in animals. moreover, dense smoke has a negative effect on the environment. it causes lung diseases., 4. colours used in foodstuffs :.

 Many people prefer to use different colours in foodstuffs and drinks like tea, coffee, chocolate, etc. to make them attractive to look. This kind of use of colours in food is ruinous to our health. It increases the possibility of death by causing diseases like cancer.

  5. Synthetic clingers:

  control measures of chemical pollution.

l. Rules and regulations are to be made to establish industries, factories and other thermal plants far from residential areas. 

2. Farmers are suggested for the use of organic fertilizers rather than chemical fertilizers.

3. Trainings should be given to farmers for the wise and proper use of chemical fertilizers, insecticides and pesticides.

 4. The waste water, dyes and other liquids released from industrial areas must be purified before mixing them into water bodies.

 5. Noxious smokes from industries should not be allowed spread in the air.

 6.People must be conscious of the results of using harmful substances in food.

7.Unnecessary use of fertilizers and insecticides should not be done. 

8. Vehicles and industries should be kept in proper conditions.

Pollution control is basically integral to maintain natural balance. Today it is a bounded duty of all of us to protect our environment from being deteriorated. Scientists have been engaged in finding out easier methods of environmental preservation. 

   Management of bio-degradable and non-biodegradable wastes

Solid waste is considered as any sort of bio-degradable and non-biodegradable garbage such as food wastes, construction debris, plastic, clothes etc . Primarily, the amount of solid waste is increasing day by day in urban areas in an alarming rate. The increase in the amount of domestic as well as industrial wastes due to over population causes environmental imbalance.

The unwanted or unusable wastes from industrial, commercial, agricultural operations and even from community activities are called solid wastes. Some kinds of wastes around us are garbage refuse, plastic, broken metals, glass pieces, clothes, rocks, green wastes, paper, etc. On the basis of the characteristics, solid wastes can be classified into biodegradable and non-biodegradable solid wastes. 

  Biodegradable wastes

The wastes which consist of organic matter and can be decomposed into their simpler components such as carbon dioxide, water, methane and other organic molecules by micro-organisms in a short time period are called biodegradable wastes. Kitchen wastes, dead animals, clothes, paper, human wastes, manures, etc. are the biodegradable wastes.

           Non-biodegradable wastes

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Political Instability And Uncertainty Loom Large In Nepal

By  gaurab shumsher thapa.

• February 16, 2021

This article was originally published in South Asian Voices.

Nepal’s domestic politics have been undergoing a turbulent and significant shift. On December 20, 2020, at the recommendation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, President Bidya Devi Bhandari  dissolved  the House of Representatives, calling for snap elections in April and May 2021. Oli’s move was a result of a serious internal rift within the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) that threatened to depose him from power. Opposition parties and other civil society stakeholders have condemned the move as unconstitutional and several writs have been  filed  against the move at the Supreme Court (SC) with hearings underway. Massive  protests  have taken place condemning the prime minister’s move. If the SC reinstates the parliament, Oli is in course to lose the moral authority to govern and could be subject to a vote of no-confidence. If the SC validates his move, it is unclear if he would be able to return to power with a majority.

The formation of a strong government after decades of political instability was expected to lead to a socioeconomic transformation of Nepal. Regardless of the SC’s decision, the country is likely to see an escalation of political tensions in the days ahead. The internal rift that led to the December parliamentary dissolution and the political dimensions of the current predicament along with the domestic and geopolitical implications of internal political instability will lead to a serious and long-term weakening of Nepal’s democratic fabric.

Power Sharing and Legitimacy in the NCP

Differences between NCP chairs Oli and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal have largely premised on a power-sharing arrangement, leading to a vertical division in the party. In the December 2017 parliamentary elections, a coalition between the Oli-led Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist or UML) and the Dahal-led Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center or MC)  won  nearly two-thirds of the seats. In May 2018, both parties merged to  form  the NCP. However, internal politics weakened this merger. While both the factions claim to represent the authentic party, the Election Commission has sought clarifications from both factions before deciding on the matter. According to the  Political Party Act , the faction that can substantiate its claim by providing signatures of at least 40 percent of its central committee members is eligible to get recognized as the official party. The faction that is officially recognized will get the privilege of retaining the party and election symbol, while the unrecognized faction will have to register as a new party which can hamper its future electoral prospects. A faction led by Dahal and former Prime Minister Madahav Kumar Nepal, was planning to initiate a vote of no-confidence motion against Oli but, sensing an imminent threat to his position, Oli decided to motion for the dissolution of the parliament.

Internal Party Dynamics

Several internal political dynamics have led to the current state of turmoil within the NCP. Dahal has accused Oli of disregarding the power-sharing arrangement agreed upon during the formation of NCP according to which Oli was  supposed  to hand over either the premiership or the executive chairmanship of the party to Dahal. In September 2020, both the leaders reached an  agreement  under which Oli would serve the remainder of his term as prime minister and Dahal would act as the executive chair of the party. Yet, Oli  failed  to demonstrate any intention to relinquish either post, increasing friction within the party. Additionally, Oli made unilateral appointments to several cabinet and government positions, further consolidating his individual authority over the newly formed NCP. He also  sidelined  the senior leader of the NCP and former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, leading Nepal to side with Dahal over Oli. Consequently, Oli chose to dissolve the parliament and seek a fresh mandate rather than face a vote of no-confidence. Importantly, party unity between the Marxist-Leninist CPN (UML) and the Maoist CPN (MC) did not lead to expected ideological unification.

Domestic Politics and Geopolitics

Geopolitical factors and external actors have historically impacted Nepal’s domestic political landscape. Recently, in a bid to cement his authority over the NCP, Oli has attempted to improve ties with India—lately strained due to Nepal’s  inclusion  of disputed territories in its new political map—resulting in recent  high-level visits  from both countries. India has also  provided  Nepal with one million doses of COVID-19 vaccines as part of its vaccine diplomacy efforts in the region. However, while India has previously  interfered  in Nepal’s  domestic politics , it has described the current power struggle as an “ internal matter ” to prevent backlash from Nepali policymakers and to avoid a potential spillover of political unrest.

However, India’s traditionally dominant influence in Nepal has been challenged by China’s ascendancy in recent years. Due to  fears  of Tibetans potentially using Nepal’s soil to conduct anti-China activities, China considers Nepal important to its national security strategy. Beijing has traditionally maintained a non-interventionist approach to foreign policy; however, this approach is gradually changing as is evident from the Chinese ambassador to Nepal’s  proactive efforts  to  address  current crises within the NCP. Nepal’s media  speculates  that China is in favor of keeping the NCP intact as the ideological affinity between the NCP and the Communist Party of China could help China exert its political and economic influence over Nepal.

Although China is aware of India’s traditionally influential role in Nepal, it is also  skeptical  of growing U.S. interest in the Himalayan state; especially considering Oli’s push for parliamentary approval of the USD $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant assistance from the United States to finance the construction of electrical transmission lines in Nepal. In contrast, Dahal has opposed the MCC and has described it as part of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Given Nepal is a signatory to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing might prefer development projects under the BRI framework and could lobby the Nepali government to delay or reject U.S.-led projects.

Implications for Future Governance

After the political  changes  of 2006 which ended Nepal’s decade-long armed conflict, it was expected that political stability would usher in economic development to the country. Moreover, a strong majority government under Oli raised hopes of achieving modernization. Sadly, ruling party leaders have instead engaged in a bitter power struggle, and government  corruption scandals  have undermined trust in the administration.

Amidst the current turmoil within the NCP, the main opposition party, Nepali Congress (NC), is hoping that an NCP division will raise its prospects of coming to power in the future. Although the NC has  denounced  Oli’s move for snap elections as unconstitutional, it has also stated that it will not shy away from elections if the SC decides to dissolve the lower house. Sensing increasing instability, several royalist parties and groups have accused the government of  corruption  and protested on the streets for the reinstatement of the Hindu state and constitutional monarchy to reinvent and stabilize Nepal’s image and identity.

The last parliamentary elections had provided a  mandate  of five years for the NCP to govern the country. However, Oli  decided  to seek a fresh mandate, claiming that the Dahal-Nepal faction obstructed the smooth functioning of the government. Unfortunately, domestic political instability has resurfaced as the result of an internal personality rift within the party. This worsening democratic situation will not benefit either India or China—both want to circumvent potential spillover effects. Even if the SC validates Oli’s move, elections in April are not confirmed. If elections were not held within six months from the date of dissolution, a constitutional crisis could occur. If the Supreme Court overturns Oli’s decision, he could lose his position as both the prime minister and the NCP chair. Regardless of the outcome, Nepali politics is bound to face deepening uncertainty in the days ahead.

This article was originally published in  South Asian Voices.

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