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Introduction

Effective discipline supports normal child development, corporal punishment, use of corporal punishment, direct observations of corporal punishment, ineffectiveness of corporal punishment, cycle of corporal punishment and aggressive child behavior, special populations, parental factors associated with reliance on corporal punishment, corporal punishment as a risk factor for nonoptimal child development, physiologic changes associated with corporal punishment and verbal abuse, harsh verbal abuse associated with child and adolescent mental health problems, strategies for promoting effective discipline, clinical setting, anticipatory guidance, educational resources, community resources, conclusions, policy recommendations, lead authors, council on child abuse and neglect executive committee, 2015–2017, committee on psychosocial aspects of child and family health, 2016–2017, effective discipline to raise healthy children.

POTENTIAL CONFLICT OF INTEREST: The authors have indicated they have no potential conflicts of interest to disclose.

FINANCIAL DISCLOSURE: The authors have indicated they have no financial relationships relevant to this article to disclose.

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Robert D. Sege , Benjamin S. Siegel , COUNCIL ON CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT , COMMITTEE ON PSYCHOSOCIAL ASPECTS OF CHILD AND FAMILY HEALTH , Emalee G. Flaherty , Amy R. Gavril , Sheila M. Idzerda , Antoinette “Toni” Laskey , Lori Anne Legano , John M. Leventhal , James Louis Lukefahr , Michael W. Yogman , Rebecca Baum , Thresia B. Gambon , Arthur Lavin , Gerri Mattson , Raul Montiel-Esparza , Lawrence Sagin Wissow; Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children. Pediatrics December 2018; 142 (6): e20183112. 10.1542/peds.2018-3112

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Pediatricians are a source of advice for parents and guardians concerning the management of child behavior, including discipline strategies that are used to teach appropriate behavior and protect their children and others from the adverse effects of challenging behavior. Aversive disciplinary strategies, including all forms of corporal punishment and yelling at or shaming children, are minimally effective in the short-term and not effective in the long-term. With new evidence, researchers link corporal punishment to an increased risk of negative behavioral, cognitive, psychosocial, and emotional outcomes for children. In this Policy Statement, the American Academy of Pediatrics provides guidance for pediatricians and other child health care providers on educating parents about positive and effective parenting strategies of discipline for children at each stage of development as well as references to educational materials. This statement supports the need for adults to avoid physical punishment and verbal abuse of children.

Pediatricians are an important source of information for parents. 1 They are often asked by parents and guardians about nutrition, development, safety, and overall health maintenance. Pediatricians form a relationship with parents, within which they partner with parents to achieve optimal health, growth, and development in their children, including childhood behavior management. Duncan et al 2 reviewed periodic surveys of members of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and noted that between 2003 and 2012, pediatricians had increased their discussions of discipline with parents. By 2012, more than half (51%) of the pediatricians surveyed responded that they discussed discipline in 75% to 100% of health supervision visits with parents of children ages 0 through 10 years.

A recent survey (2016) indicated that US pediatricians do not endorse corporal punishment. Only 6% of 787 US pediatricians (92% in primary care) who responded to this survey held positive attitudes toward spanking, and only 2.5% expected positive outcomes from spanking. Respondents did not believe that spanking was the “only way to get the child to behave” (78% disagreed) or that “spanking is a normal part of parenting” (75% disagreed). 3  

This policy statement incorporates new research and updates the 1998 AAP clinical report titled “Guidance for Effective Discipline,” 4 which suggested, “Parents should be encouraged and assisted in developing methods other than spanking in response to undesired behaviors.”

In 1989, the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child, through its Committee on the Rights of the Child, called on all member states to ban corporal punishment of children and institute educational programs on positive discipline. 5 In the UN report, article 19 reads, “Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social, and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of [the] parent(s) [or] legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.”

The Global Initiative to End all Corporal Punishment of Children provided a comprehensive definition of spanking and corporal punishment: “The definition of corporal or physical punishment adopted by the Committee on the Rights of the Child in its General Comment No. 8 (2006) has the key reference point, ‘any punishment in which physical force issued and intended to cause some degree of pain or discomfort, however light.’ According to the committee, this mostly involves hitting (“smacking,” “slapping,” or “spanking”) children with the hand or with an implement (a whip, stick, belt, shoe, wooden spoon, or similar), but it can also involve, for example, kicking, shaking, or throwing children; scratching, pinching, biting, pulling hair, or boxing ears; forcing children to stay in uncomfortable positions; burning, scalding, or forced ingestion (for example, washing a child’s mouth out with soap or forcing them to swallow hot spices). Nonphysical forms of punishment that are cruel and degrading and thus incompatible with the convention include, for example, punishment which belittles, humiliates, denigrates, scapegoats, threatens, scares, or ridicules the child. In the view of the committee, corporal punishment is invariably degrading.” 6  

For the purpose of this policy statement, corporal punishment is the “noninjurious, open-handed hitting with the intention of modifying child behavior.” 7 Spanking can be considered a form of physical punishment. As Gershoff and Grogan-Kaylor 7 noted, most people understand “corporal punishment, physical punishment, and spanking as synonymous.” The term “verbal abuse” is used to mean nonphysical forms of punishment as defined above.

This policy statement incorporates results accrued from research and new knowledge of brain development and recommend that pediatricians advise parents against the use of any form of corporal punishment. Verbal abuse (for a definition, see above: the Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children) by parents intended to cause shame and humiliation of the child also has deleterious effects on children’s self-esteem. This policy statement complements a previous AAP policy statement that recommended the abolishment of corporal punishment in schools. 8  

Optimal child development requires the active engagement of adults who, among other functions, teach children about acceptable behavior. The word “discipline” is derived from the Latin word “disciplinare,” meaning to teach or train, as in disciple (a follower or student of a teacher, leader, or philosopher). Effective disciplinary strategies, appropriate to a child’s age and development, teach the child to regulate his or her own behavior; keep him or her from harm; enhance his or her cognitive, socioemotional, and executive functioning skills; and reinforce the behavioral patterns taught by the child’s parents and caregivers.

There are a number of approaches to discipline that pediatricians may discuss with parents during well-child visits and those visits that are designed to address discipline issues. These approaches are reviewed in Bright Futures Guidelines for Health Supervision of Infants, Children, and Adolescents , 9 on the AAP Web site HealthyChildren.org , 10 and in the AAP program Connected Kids: Safe, Strong, Secure. 11   Bright Futures includes sections on discipline for each age group. Each of these recommended approaches to discipline is based on the broad concepts of child development and related common behavioral concerns.

There is evidence that support for corporal punishment among parents is declining in the United States. According to a 2004 survey, 12 approximately two-thirds of parents of young children reported using some sort of physical punishment. These parents reported that by fifth grade, 80% of children had been physically punished, and 85% of teenagers reported exposure to physical punishment, with 51% having been hit with a belt or similar object. 12 , – 15 These findings suggest that, in 2004, many parents considered spanking to be a socially acceptable form of discipline. In contrast, a more recent national survey of adults shows declining support for spanking (or hitting), particularly among young parents. A 2013 poll 16 conducted by Harris Interactive found that support for the statement “good, hard spanking is sometimes necessary to discipline a child” had dropped from 84% in 1986 to 70% in 2012. Parents younger than 36 years more often believed that spanking was never appropriate, and only half reported ever spanking their own children. An analysis of a 2016 national survey conducted by yougov.com revealed that respondents with young children in the home, regardless of race and ethnicity, did not support corporal punishment, “suggesting the possibility that a generational shift in social norms [about corporal punishment] may be taking place.” 17  

Although some studies of discipline practices used observations during home visits, 1 a small study published in 2014 18 used voice recordings to explore parent-child interactions during daily activities. The recordings of 15 of the 33 families in the study (45%) included the use of corporal punishment. Most parents used a verbal disciplinary strategy before corporal punishment. Corporal punishment then occurred at a mean of 30 seconds later, suggesting that parents may have been “responding either impulsively or emotionally rather than instrumentally and intentionally.” The effects of corporal punishment were transient: within 10 minutes, most children (73%) had resumed the same behavior for which they had been punished.

A 2016 meta-analysis showed that current literature does not support the finding of benefit from physical punishment in the long-term. 7 Several small, older studies (including meta-analyses), 19 , – 22 largely of parents who were referred for help with child behavior problems, demonstrated apparent short-term effectiveness of spanking. Only a single 1981 study of 24 children showed statistically significant short-term improvement in compliance compared with alternative strategies (time-out and a control group). 23  

Evidence obtained from a longitudinal cohort study suggested that corporal punishment of toddlers was associated with subsequent aggressive behavior. The Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study was based on a population-based birth cohort of approximately 5000 children from 20 large US cities between 1998 and 2000 24 ; data were collected at birth and 1, 3, 5, and 9 years of age. Young children who were spanked more than twice per month at age 3 years were more aggressive at age 5 even when the researchers controlled for the child’s aggressive behavior at age 3, maternal parenting and risk factors, and demographic factors. 25 A follow-up study 26 assessed these children at 9 years of age and noted correlations between spanking at age 5 years and higher levels of externalizing behavior and lower receptive vocabulary scores at age 9. A subsequent study analyzed data from all 4 waves and concluded that an increased frequency of spanking was associated with a subsequent increased frequency of externalizing behaviors, which were then associated with more spanking in response. 27 This interaction between spanking and misbehavior occurs over time; each negative interaction reinforces previous negative interactions as a complex negative spiral.

In a study that explored parental discipline approaches, 28 researchers noted that both European American and African American parents used an escalation strategy in disciplining their 6- to 8-year-old children. Both groups of parents used reasoning more frequently than yelling. The next most frequent strategy was denying privileges, and spanking was the least frequent method reported by all parents. Similarly, in focus groups conducted around the country in 2002 during the development of the AAP Connected Kids materials, participating parents reported the use of corporal punishment as a last resort. 11 , 29  

Children in foster care who have experienced abuse or neglect may exhibit challenging behaviors. Programs exist that assist foster parents in addressing discipline. A recent AAP clinical report describes the behavioral effects of maltreatment and offers suggestions for helping these children heal. 30 Pediatricians may advise foster parents to consider the behavioral consequences of past abuse in understanding how these children may respond differently to their foster parents’ attempts to correct their behavior. 31  

Parents of children with special health care needs may need additional assistance regarding discipline strategies. These strategies begin with an understanding of a child’s physical, emotional, and cognitive capacities. In some cases, consultation with a developmental-behavioral pediatrician may be helpful. 32  

Parental Depression

A longitudinal study examined the interactions between parental corporal punishment, parental depression, negative perceptions of a child’s behavior, and the child’s externalizing behavior. 33 The sample included 245 children and parents in stable relationships from mostly middle-class, married, European American parents. Depressive symptoms for both mothers and fathers were related to more negative appraisals of the child’s behavior and more frequent corporal punishment and predicted higher levels of child externalizing problems at 5.5 years of age.

Influence of Past Parental Trauma

A recent article, Kistin et al 34 reported interviews with 30 low-income mothers and provided an important perspective on the complexity of disciplinary strategies used by mothers who had themselves experienced trauma. They reported that mothers related their children’s negative behaviors to their own past experiences; harsh discipline was used in an attempt to prevent future behavioral problems.

There appears to be a strong association between spanking children and subsequent adverse outcomes. 35 , – 53 Reports published since the previous 1998 AAP report have provided further evidence that has deepened the understanding of the effects of corporal punishment. The consequences associated with parental corporal punishment are summarized as follows 7 , 19 , 21 , 27 , 35 , 54 , – 62 :

corporal punishment of children younger than 18 months of age increases the likelihood of physical injury;

repeated use of corporal punishment may lead to aggressive behavior and altercations between the parent and child and may negatively affect the parent-child relationship;

corporal punishment is associated with increased aggression in preschool and school-aged children;

experiencing corporal punishment makes it more, not less, likely that children will be defiant and aggressive in the future;

corporal punishment is associated with an increased risk of mental health disorders and cognition problems;

the risk of harsh punishment is increased when the family is experiencing stressors, such as family economic challenges, mental health problems, intimate partner violence, or substance abuse; and

spanking alone is associated with adverse outcomes, and these outcomes are similar to those in children who experience physical abuse.

The association between corporal punishment and adverse adult health outcomes was examined in a 2017 report that analyzed original data from the 1998 Adverse Childhood Experiences Study, which recommended that spanking be considered as an additional independent risk factor, similar in nature and effect to other adverse childhood experiences. 63 In their analysis of the original 1998 Adverse Childhood Experiences study data, the investigators found that spanking was associated with increased odds of suicide attempts, moderate-to-heavy drinking, and substance use disorder in adulthood independent of the risks associated with having experienced physical and emotional abuse.

A history of parental corporal punishment and parental verbal abuse has been associated with changes in brain anatomy that can be visualized by using MRI. Researchers studied a group of young adults ( N = 23; ages 18–25) who had prolonged and repeated exposure to harsh corporal punishment and compared the results of brain MRIs to those from a matched control group ( N = 22). They reported reduced prefrontal cortical gray matter volume and performance IQ. 64 A similar study from this group noted MRI results that revealed differences in white matter tracts in young adults ( N = 16) who were exposed to parental verbal abuse and had no history of trauma. 65 A more recent review noted relationships between physical punishment and cortisol levels. 66 Elevated cortisol levels reflect stress and have been associated with toxic stress and subsequent changes in brain architecture.

In 2009, the UN Children’s Fund defined “yelling and other harsh verbal discipline as psychologically aggressive towards children.” 28 In a longitudinal study investigating the relationship between harsh verbal abuse by parents and child outcomes, researchers noted that harsh verbal abuse before age 13 years was associated with an increase in adolescent conduct problems and depressive symptoms between ages 13 and 14. Adolescent behavior affected parental behavior as well; misconduct predicted increases in parents’ use of harsh discipline between ages 13 and 14 years. Furthermore, parental warmth did not moderate the longitudinal associations between harsh discipline by parents and adolescent conduct and depressive symptoms. 67  

Effective disciplinary techniques grow from an understanding of normal child development. Parents value advice from their pediatricians, as illustrated by a 2012 study 1 involving 500 parents in New Orleans, Louisiana. The investigators found that parents were more likely to follow the advice of pediatricians compared with other professionals, and nearly half (48%) indicated that they were most likely to consult their pediatricians for advice on corporal punishment. In a second article, 68 these investigators further noted that perceived social norms were the strongest predictor of having a positive attitude toward corporal punishment, with the second-strongest predictor being perceived approval of corporal punishment by professionals.

Pediatricians may assist parents by providing information about child development and effective parenting strategies. Although parents often seek information and hold their pediatricians in a position of trust, discussions of discipline may prove challenging. This section presents approaches to counseling.

A direct discussion advising against any form of corporal punishment may be useful. When appropriate, the pediatrician may counsel family members that spanking is not an appropriate or effective disciplinary strategy. Parents may be counseled that although spanking seems to interrupt a child’s misbehavior, it is ineffective in the longer-term. For many children, spanking increases aggression and anger instead of teaching responsibility and self-control. This advice will be most helpful if it is combined with teaching parents new strategies to replace their previous use of corporal punishment. Appropriate methods for addressing children’s behavior will change as the children grow and develop increased cognitive and executive function abilities. 9  

Teaching parents effective strategies may allow them to avoid escalating to the point of using corporal punishment. In a randomized trial, Barkin et al 69 demonstrated that it was possible to teach parents to use time-outs within the constraints of an office visit. Clinicians used motivational interviewing techniques to help parents learn to discipline using other techniques.

When discussing corporal punishment, pediatricians may explore and acknowledge parents’ current experiences, past social-emotional development, attitudes, and beliefs. Because parents may use spanking as a last resort, they may spank less (or not at all) if they have learned effective discipline techniques. 11 Specific discussions of behavior problems and behavior management strategies allow pediatricians to provide useful advice that is based on an understanding of child behavior.

Pediatric providers may reinforce behavioral counseling through recommending or distributing parent education materials. For example, studies have shown that in-office videos may be able to deliver messages to multicultural parents. 70 , 71 Having parents read brief research summaries of problems associated with corporal punishment decreased positive attitudes about it. 72 Each of these approaches reinforced verbal advice with other means of supporting caregivers in learning new parenting techniques.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has posted positive parenting tips on its Web site. 73 The AAP provides content for parents through its HealthyChildren.org Web site and its Connected Kids: Safe, Strong, Secure 11 and Bright Futures 9 programs. Each of these resources encourages parents to use positive reinforcement as a primary means of teaching acceptable behavior. For example, parents can learn that young children crave attention, and telling a child, “I love it when you . . .” is an easy means of reinforcing desired behavior.

Although pediatricians offer anticipatory guidance, many parents will want or need more assistance in developing strong parenting skills. The medical home can link parents to community resources. Health care sites may implement the Safe Environment for Every Kid 74 , 75 program. The program includes a brief questionnaire that examines family risk factors. Parents who identify needs, including parenting challenges, meet with a colocated social worker who can link them to parent supports in the community. This program also has online educational modules. 76 , 77  

A variety of national and community-based organizations offer parents support through Triple P, 78 which is one example of an evidence-based parent education program. In another program, HealthySteps, 79 a developmental specialist is placed in the office setting to help support families of children ages 0 to 3 years. In most states, Children’s Trust Funds and child welfare agencies sponsor parent resource centers. Help Me Grow, 80 a state-based information and referral network, has been implemented in the majority of the United States. The Center for the Improvement of Child Caring offers resources specifically tailored to African American families. 81 , – 83  

Many clinic- and community-based programs are specifically oriented toward helping parents effectively address their children’s behavior. 84 Examples include The Incredible Years , 85 a brief office-based video intervention in the office that is used to discuss discipline issues 86 ; Safety Check, which is used to teach time-outs 69 ; the Family Nurturing Program, which is used to improve parenting attitudes and knowledge 87 ; and the Chicago Parent Program, a comprehensive 12-week parenting skills training program. 88 The Video Intervention Project is an evidence-based parenting program that involves feedback on parent-child interactions by trained child development staff in a primary care office setting. 89  

The 2012 AAP clinical report was focused on the psychological maltreatment of children and adolescents and contained a comprehensive review of preventive measures that provide alternatives to the use of corporal punishment. 90 The literature describe other resources and programs, such as Internet-based training and group-based parent training programs. 91 , – 93 This list of resources is not intended to be comprehensive; many national organizations and local communities also offer effective parenting resources.

Parents look to pediatric providers for guidance concerning a variety of parenting issues, including discipline. Keeping in mind that the evidence that corporal punishment is both ineffective in the long-term and associated with cognitive and mental health problems can guide these discussions. When parents want guidance about the use of spanking, pediatricians can explore parental feelings, help them better define the goals of discipline, and offer specific behavior management strategies. In addition to providing appropriate education to families, providers can refer them to community resources, including parenting groups, classes, and mental health services. 94  

The AAP recommends that adults caring for children use healthy forms of discipline, such as positive reinforcement of appropriate behaviors, setting limits, redirecting, and setting future expectations. The AAP recommends that parents do not use spanking, hitting, slapping, threatening, insulting, humiliating, or shaming.

Parents value pediatricians’ discussion of and guidance about child behavior and parenting practices.

Parents, other caregivers, and adults interacting with children and adolescents should not use corporal punishment (including hitting and spanking), either in anger or as a punishment for or consequence of misbehavior, nor should they use any disciplinary strategy, including verbal abuse, that causes shame or humiliation.

When pediatricians offer guidance about child behavior and parenting practices, they may choose to offer the following:

a. guidance on effective discipline strategies to help parents teach their children acceptable behaviors and protect them from harm;

b. information concerning the risks of harmful effects and the ineffectiveness of using corporal punishment; and

c. the insight that although many children who were spanked become happy, healthy adults, current evidence suggests that spanking is not necessary and may result in long-term harm.

Agencies that offer family support, such as state- or community-supported family resource centers, schools, or other public health agencies, are strongly encouraged to provide information about effective alternatives to corporal punishment to parents and families, including links to materials offered by the AAP.

In their roles as child advocates, pediatricians are encouraged to assume roles at local and state levels to advance this policy as being in the best interest of children.

American Academy of Pediatrics

United Nations

Drs Sege and Siegel created the first draft of this statement, responded to committee and Board comments, and edited the Policy Statement; and all authors approved the final manuscript as submitted.

This document is copyrighted and is property of the American Academy of Pediatrics and its Board of Directors. All authors have filed conflict of interest statements with the American Academy of Pediatrics. Any conflicts have been resolved through a process approved by the Board of Directors. The American Academy of Pediatrics has neither solicited nor accepted any commercial involvement in the development of the content of this publication.

Policy statements from the American Academy of Pediatrics benefit from expertise and resources of liaisons and internal (AAP) and external reviewers. However, policy statements from the American Academy of Pediatrics may not reflect the views of the liaisons or the organizations or government agencies that they represent.

The guidance in this statement does not indicate an exclusive course of treatment or serve as a standard of medical care. Variations, taking into account individual circumstances, may be appropriate.

All policy statements from the American Academy of Pediatrics automatically expire 5 years after publication unless reaffirmed, revised, or retired at or before that time.

FUNDING: No external funding.

Robert D. Sege, MD, PhD, FAAP

Benjamin S. Siegel, MD, FAAP

Emalee G. Flaherty, MD, FAAP

CAPT Amy R. Gavril, MD, FAAP

Sheila M. Idzerda, MD, FAAP

Antoinette Laskey, MD, MPH, MBA, FAAP

Lori Anne Legano, MD, FAAP

John M. Leventhal, MD, FAAP

James Louis Lukefahr, MD, FAAP

Beverly Fortson, PhD – Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Harriet MacMillan, MD, FRCPC – American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry

Elaine Stedt, MSW – Office on Child Abuse and Neglect, Administration for Children, Youth and Families

Tammy Piazza Hurley

Michael W. Yogman, MD, FAAP, Chairperson

Rebecca Baum, MD, FAAP

Thresia B. Gambon, MD, FAAP

Arthur Lavin, MD, FAAP

Gerri Mattson, MD, FAAP

Raul Montiel-Esparza, MD

Lawrence Sagin Wissow, MD, MPH, FAAP

Terry Carmichael, MSW – National Association of Social Workers

Edward Christophersen, PhD, FAAP (hon) – Society of Pediatric Psychology

Norah Johnson, PhD, RN, NP-BC – National Association of Pediatric Nurse Practitioners

Leonard Read Sulik, MD – American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry

Stephanie Domain, MS

Competing Interests

Re: time-outs not linked to long-term problems.

Time-outs are not linked to long-term problems and are not the same as saying they maximize lessons for the child and the parent. In sports, we have two different examples of time-outs, the NHL and the NBA. The time-out for the offending hockey player is the penalty box. Never wiser for the time in the box, the lesson is not to get caught.

For the NBA there are two different time-outs, 20 seconds and a full 2 minutes. Instead of isolating the player the team is gathered together and is taught by the coach what to do differently. You even see players talking together to solve the problem. When the ref's whistle blow they are a better team and a better player.

For parents, the lessons are to vary interaction determined by the precipitating event. Discipline means to teach not punish. There should be a reconsideration of the concept of the child in a penalty box. Did the child understand the rule/error or was the instruction in adult language like, "don't go around the corner" when the child has no idea what a corner is? Is the parent any more illuminated to why the culpable action happened in the first place? Did the parental coach seat with the player and listen?

Addressing the root cause sometimes requires time with the parent not removal from their source of value and self-acceptance. When parents are so upset they can't deal justly with their child, they are the ones who need to be in time-out,

RE: AAP Authors of "Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children" response to "Should Pediatricians Base Their Parenting Advice on Advocacy or Science?"

In response to the comment by Larzelere, et al., we note that all American Academy of Pediatrics policy statements represent the collective work of the primary authors, the two sponsoring AAP committees and over a dozen highly qualified experienced reviewers and staff members within the AAP, and are subject to Board review and approval. Policy statements represents a synthesis of available evidence, and include recommendations based on that evidence.

The comment begins with claims that overlook or mischaracterize the content of the policy statement. Contrary to the authors’ assertions, (1) this policy 4 is based on a thorough review of the literature and the expert opinions of the authoring committees—advocacy groups played no role; and (2), many alternative approaches to spanking and supporting positive disciplinary strategies are discussed and endorsed—readers are referred to more comprehensive resources. A careful reading of the statement can easily clear up these and other issues raised in their note. The suggestion that this statement is a “rant against spanking” is inaccurate.

In regards to corporal punishment as a method of child discipline, the policy notes that it is (1) ineffective, (2) contributes to a cycle of corporal punishment and aggressive behavior, (3) is a risk factor for nonoptimal child development, and (4) that physiological changes have been observed in children who experience it. Of these four factors that support the policy recommendation against corporal punishment, the commenters only address concerns about the evidence supporting the conclusion that corporal punishment is a risk for non-optimal child development. In addition, while the comment asserts, that many of the citations were not primary data sources, we did include primary data in the current statement. The 1998 statement also has primary data sources. As with other policies, we also relied on systematic reviews that, while they do not contain original data, summarize the existing primary data. Among the many references cited were two that we now highlight to show the types of evidence cited: (1) a 2016 meta-analysis1 of studies that included over 160,000 children and documented “a link between spanking and increased risk for detrimental outcome,” and (2) a study by Afifi and others2,who reanalyzed the data from the Adverse Childhood Events study, which included an analysis of over 8,000 largely employed research participants. They concluded that spanking is an independent risk factor for poor adult health, and should be considered along with the other commonly assessed Adverse Childhood Experiences. These and other studies provide strong evidence to support the conclusions in the statement. We disagree with the commenters’ rejection of evidence supporting our conclusions.

The commenters cite their own, methodologically-oriented, systematic reviews that showed little effect, positive or negative, of spanking. In contrast, a comprehensive review 3, published in 2018, after the policy statement went to press examined the question of causality using standard public health criteria that are used when randomized trials are not possible. Application of these criteria, originally developed to link studies of tobacco smoke to adverse health outcomes, led the authors to conclude that “physical punishment is linked with the same harms to children as physical abuse.”

In their final paragraph, the writers of the comment note: “The AAP can best support children and families by requiring its policy statements to be based upon more objective summaries of the full range of relevant scientific evidence”. We could not agree more, and believe that the 2018 AAP policy 4 on Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children meets this description.

Robert Sege, MD, FAAP and Benjamin Siegel, MD, FAAP

1. Gershoff ET, Grogan-Kaylor A. Spanking and child outcomes: Old controversies and new meta-analyses. J Fam Psychol 2016;30:453-69. 2. Afifi TO, Ford D, Gershoff ET, et al. Spanking and adult mental health impairment: The case for the designation of spanking as an adverse childhood experience. Child Abuse Negl 2017;71:24-31. 3. Gershoff ET, Goodman GS, Miller-Perrin CL, Holden GW, Jackson Y, Kazdin AE. The strength of the causal evidence against physical punishment of children and its implications for parents, psychologists, and policymakers. The American psychologist 2018;73:626-38. 4. Sege RD, Siegel BS. Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children. Pediatrics 2018;142:e20183112.

RE: Should Pediatricians Base Their Parenting Advice on Advocacy or Science?

The new AAP Policy Statement, Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children, appears to rely primarily on an advocacy group, the Global Initiative to End all Corporal Punishment of Children, whereas the previous AAP Policy Statement on discipline1 was informed by an AAP-sponsored scientific consensus conference on corporal punishment. Accordingly, the latest Policy Statement reads more like a rant against spanking than scientifically informed recommendations for “effective discipline.” With its prohibition of all physical punishment, only time-out is recommended for childhood misbehavior, citing only one study which concluded “There was no significant effect for timeout use.”2, p. e15 Privilege removal has been dropped in the current Statement.

Should pediatricians therefore conclude that the only key to effective parental discipline is simply to avoid spanking? The Statement’s cited evidence against physical punishment is drawn from one meta-analysis of unadjusted correlations, 55% of them concurrent correlations,3 ignoring another meta-analysis that reported “trivial” effect sizes in risk-adjusted outcomes.4 Would any medical therapy be evaluated using correlations that are not risk-adjusted (for differences in illness severity or in persistent defiance)? A new meta-analysis just showed that this correlational evidence against spanking disappears after accounting for the predisposition of some children to be more difficult to discipline than others.5

The Policy Statement cites 33 studies in its section on “Corporal Punishment as a Risk Factor for Nonoptimal Child Development,” including three other literature reviews that found the effects of spanking to be “trivial,” or “small” at worst. The 33 cited studies also included six publications lacking any original data (five by anti-spanking advocates); five studies of what predicts physical punishment rather than child outcomes predicted by physical punishment; four studies that only investigated other parenting variables (e.g., reprimands, verbal hostility, psychologically intrusive control); and studies of inappropriate physical punishment which was overly severe (six studies) or used during adolescence (one study). This left seven studies, six of which had trivial adverse effect sizes (mean  = .07; equivalent to d = .15 or AOR = 1.31) after controlling for pre-existing child differences, consistent with the few quality meta-analyses that were limited to risk-adjusted prospective studies of spanking.4,5 Remarkably, the latest published meta-analysis shows that these tiny effect sizes become tiny beneficial effects when evaluated with an alternative method of adjusting for pre-existing differences.5 The seventh and final cited study showed better adolescent outcomes for spanked children than never-spanked children as long as the spanking was phased out by age 11. Overall, this cited evidence fails to support the Policy Statement’s conclusion of “a strong association between spanking and subsequent adverse outcomes” (p. 4).

This policy statement seems informed more by the cited advocacy organization than a fair assessment of scientific evidence. Would pediatricians oppose any other widespread practice (e.g., aspirin for childhood fevers) based mostly on correlational evidence and without recommending a scientifically based alternative? Of course not. The AAP can best support children and families by requiring its policy statements to be based upon more objective summaries of the full range of relevant scientific evidence.

1. American Academy of Pediatrics. Guidance for effective discipline. Pediatrics. 1998;101:723-728. 2. Barkin SL, Finch SA, Ip EH, et al. Is office-based counseling about media use, timeouts, and firearm storage effective? Results from a cluster-randomized, controlled trial. Pediatrics. 2008;122(1):e15-e25. 3. Gershoff ET, Grogan-Kaylor A. Spanking and child outcomes: Old controversies and new meta-analyses. Journal of Family Psychology. 2016;30:453-469. 4. Ferguson CJ. Spanking, corporal punishment and negative long-term outcomes: A meta-analytic review of longitudinal studies. Clinical Psychology Review. 2013;33:196-208. 5. Larzelere RE, Gunnoe ML, Ferguson CJ. Improving causal inferences in meta-analyses of longitudinal studies: Spanking as an illustration. Child Development. 2018;89(6):2038-2050.

The new AAP Policy Statement, Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children, appears to rely primarily on an advocacy group, the Global Initiative to End all Corporal Punishment of Children, whereas the previous AAP Policy Statement on discipline(1) was informed by an AAP-sponsored scientific consensus conference on corporal punishment. Accordingly, the latest Policy Statement reads more like a rant against spanking than scientifically informed recommendations for “effective discipline.” With its prohibition of all physical punishment, only time-out is recommended for childhood misbehavior, citing only one study whose abstract concluded “There was no significant effect for timeout use.”(2, p. e15) Privilege removal has been dropped in the current Statement.

Should pediatricians therefore conclude that the only key to effective parental discipline is simply to avoid spanking? The Statement’s cited evidence against physical punishment is drawn from one meta-analysis of unadjusted correlations, 55% of them concurrent correlations,(3) ignoring another meta-analysis that reported “trivial” effect sizes in risk-adjusted outcomes.(4) Would any medical therapy be evaluated using correlations that are not risk-adjusted (for differences in illness severity or in persistent defiance)? A new meta-analysis just showed that this correlational evidence against spanking disappears after accounting for the predisposition of some children to be more difficult to discipline than others.(5)

The Policy Statement cites 33 studies in its section on “Corporal Punishment as a Risk Factor for Nonoptimal Child Development,” including three other literature reviews that found the effects of spanking to be “trivial,” or “small” at worst. The 33 cited studies also included six publications lacking any original data (five by anti-spanking advocates); five studies of what predicts physical punishment rather than child outcomes predicted by physical punishment; four studies that only investigated other parenting variables (e.g., reprimands, verbal hostility, psychologically intrusive control); and studies of inappropriate physical punishment which was overly severe (six studies) or used during adolescence (one study). This left seven studies, six of which had trivial adverse effect sizes (mean beta = .07; equivalent to d = .15 or AOR = 1.31) after controlling for pre-existing child differences, consistent with the few quality meta-analyses that were limited to risk-adjusted prospective studies of spanking.(4,5) Remarkably, the latest published meta-analysis shows that these tiny effect sizes become tiny beneficial effects when evaluated with an alternative method of adjusting for pre-existing differences.(5) The seventh and final cited study showed better adolescent outcomes for spanked children than never-spanked children as long as the spanking was phased out by age 11. This cited evidence fails to support the Policy Statement’s conclusion of “a strong association between spanking and subsequent adverse outcomes” (p. 4).

In short, this policy statement seems fatally flawed. Would pediatricians oppose any other wide-spread practice (e.g., aspirin for childhood fevers) based solely upon correlational evidence and without recommending a scientifically based alternative? Of course not. The AAP can best support pediatricians and the families they serve when their policy statements are based upon the best available science, and not primarily on evidence provided by advocacy groups, however well-intentioned they may be.

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Why It Is Important to Discipline Your Child

See how discipline teaches kids to become responsible adults

Discipline isn't just about giving kids consequences. Instead, it ensures children are gaining the skills they need to become responsible adults. There are many types of discipline and various approaches to parenting. But ultimately, regardless of the type of discipline a parent uses, discipline offers kids many benefits. 

Helps Kids Manage Anxiety

Believe it or not, kids don’t want to be in charge. They often test limits just to make sure that their caregivers can keep them safe. When adults offer positive and negative consequences , kids grow and learn.   Kids who have overly permissive parents  often experience anxiety because they have to make adult decisions. The lack of guidance and the absence of leadership can be very unsettling for kids.

Encourages Good Choices

Appropriate discipline teaches kids how to make good choices. For example, when a child loses his bicycle privileges for riding into the road, he learns how to make safer choices next time. Healthy discipline  teaches kids alternative ways to get their needs met. Kids need to learn problem-solving skills , impulse control, and self-regulation skills from appropriate training.

It is important to distinguish the difference between consequences and punishments. When kids are disciplined with appropriate consequences they learn from their mistakes. Punishments, however, tend to mean that kids quickly learn how to not get caught when they misbehave.

Teaches Kids to Manage Emotions

When a child receives a time-out after hitting his brother, he learns skills that will help him manage his anger better in the future. The goal of time-out should be to teach your child to place himself in time-out or step away from the situation when he's getting upset before he gets into trouble.

Other discipline strategies such as praise , can also teach kids how to deal with feelings . When you say, “You are working so hard to build that tower even though it is really hard to do. Keep up the good work,” your child learns about the importance of tolerating frustration.

Ignoring mild misbehavior can teach kids socially appropriate ways to manage their frustration as well. If you refuse to give in to a temper tantrum, your child will learn that's not a good way to get his needs met. When you ignore whining, your child will learn that whining won't change your behavior.

Discipline Keeps Kids Safe

The ultimate goal of discipline should be to keep kids safe. This includes major safety issues, such as looking both ways before crossing the road. There should be consequences when your child doesn't take appropriate safety precautions.

Discipline should also address other health risks, such as preventing obesity. If you let your child eat whatever they want, they may experience serious health risks.

It's important to set healthy limits and offer education to help your child learn to make healthy choices.

Explain the underlying reasons for rules so your child will understand the safety issues. Instead of saying, “Stop jumping,” when your child is jumping on the bed, tell them why it's a problem. Say, "You could fall and hit your head. That's not safe." When your child learns about the reasons for your rules, and they understand the specific safety risks, they will be more likely to consider the safety risks when you're not there to tell them what to do. 

Sege RD, Siegel BS. Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children. Pediatrics. 2018;142(6) doi:10.1542/peds.2018-3112

By Amy Morin, LCSW Amy Morin, LCSW, is the Editor-in-Chief of Verywell Mind. She's also a psychotherapist, an international bestselling author of books on mental strength and host of The Verywell Mind Podcast. She delivered one of the most popular TEDx talks of all time.

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There comes a time when every parent struggles with how best to discipline their child. Whether dealing with a screaming toddler or an angry teen, it can be hard to control your temper. No parent wants to find themselves in such a situation and the bottom line is that shouting and physical violence never help.

Thankfully, there are other, more effective ways and one of them is positive discipline. We consulted Lucie Cluver , Oxford University professor of Child and Family Social Work and mother of two young boys, to explore how the approach can help parents build positive relationships with their children and teach skills like responsibility, cooperation and self-discipline.

There are no bad children, only bad behaviour.

Why positive discipline?

“Parents don't want to shout or hit their kids. We do it because we're stressed and don't see another way,” says Professor Cluver.

The evidence is clear: shouting and hitting simply do not work and can do more harm than good in the long run. Repeated shouting and hitting can even adversely impact a child’s entire life. The continued “toxic stress” it creates can lead to a host of negative outcomes like higher chances of school dropout, depression, drug use, suicide and heart disease.

“It’s like saying: here's this medicine, it's not going to help you and it's going to make you sick,” says Professor Cluver. “When we know something doesn't work, that's a pretty good reason to look for a different approach.”

Rather than punishment and what not to do, the positive discipline approach puts an emphasis on developing a healthy relationship with your child and setting expectations around behaviour. The good news for every parent is it works and here’s how you can start putting it into practice:

1. Plan 1-on-1 time

One-on-one time is important for building any good relationship and even more so with your children. “It can be 20 minutes a day. Or even 5 minutes. You can combine it with something like washing dishes together while you sing a song or chatting while you're hanging out the washing,” says Professor Cluver. “What's really important is that you focus on your child. So, you turn your TV off, you turn your phone off, you get to their level and it's you and them.”

2. Praise the positives

As parents we often focus on our children’s bad behaviour and call it out. Children may read this as a way to get your attention, perpetuating poor conduct rather than putting a stop to it.

Children thrive on praise. It makes them feel loved and special. “Watch out for when they're doing something good and praise them, even if that thing is just playing for five minutes with their sibling,” recommends Professor Cluver. “This can encourage good behaviour and reduce the need for discipline.”

3. Set clear expectations

“Telling your child exactly what you want them to do is much more effective than telling them what not to do,” says Professor Cluver. “When you ask a child to not make a mess, or to be good, they don't necessarily understand what they're required to do.” Clear instructions like “Please pick up all of your toys and put them in the box” set a clear expectation and increase the likelihood that they'll do what you’re asking.

“But it's important to set realistic expectations. Asking them to stay quiet for a whole day may not be as manageable as asking for 10 minutes of quiet time while you have a phone call,” says Professor Cluver. “You know what your child is capable of. But if you ask for the impossible, they are going to fail.”

4. Distract creatively

When your child is being difficult, distracting them with a more positive activity can be a useful strategy says Professor Cluver. “When you distract them towards something else – by changing the topic, introducing a game, leading them into another room, or going for a walk, you can successfully divert their energy towards positive behaviour.”

Timing is also crucial. Distraction is also about spotting when things are about to go wrong and taking action. Being mindful of when your child is starting to become fidgety, irritable or annoyed, or when two siblings are eyeing the same toy, can help diffuse a potential situation before it becomes one.

5. Use calm consequences

Part of growing up is learning that if you do something, something can happen as a result. Defining this for your child is a simple process that encourages better behaviour while teaching them about responsibility.

Give your child a chance to do the right thing by explaining the consequences of their bad behaviour. As an example, if you want your child to stop scribbling on the walls, you can tell them to stop or else you will end their play time. This provides them with a warning and an opportunity to change their behaviour.

If they don’t stop, follow through with the consequences calmly and without showing anger, “and give yourself credit for that – it’s not easy!” adds Professor Cluver.

If they do stop, give them lots of praise for it, recommends Professor Cluver. “What you are doing is creating a positive feedback loop for your child. Calm consequences have been shown to be effective for kids to learn about what happens when they behave badly.”

Being consistent is a key factor in positive parenting, which is why following through with the consequences is important. And so is making them realistic. “You can take a teenager's phone away for an hour but taking it away for a week might be difficult to follow through on.”

Engaging with younger children

One-on-one time can be fun – and it’s completely free! “You can copy their expressions, bang spoons against pots, or sing together,” adds Professor Cluver. “There’s amazing research showing that playing with your children boosts their brain development.”

Engaging with older children

Like younger children, teenagers seek praise and want to be thought of as good. One-on-one time is still important to them. “They love it if you dance around the room with them or engage in a conversation about their favourite singer,” says Professor Cluver. “They may not always show it, but they do. And, it's an effective way of building a relationship on their terms.”

While setting expectations, “ask them to help make some of the rules,” suggests Professor Cluver. “Sit them down and try to agree on the household dos and don'ts. They can also help decide what the consequences for unacceptable behaviour will be. Being involved in the process helps them know that you understand they're becoming their own independent beings.”

What you can do in stressful situations 

Every family goes through stressful times together. Here are some tips that can help parents get through such times:

We all know the stress when we feel our child is being difficult. At moments like these, being present and stepping back is a simple and useful tactic. Hit the “pause button”, as Professor Cluver calls it. “Take five deep breaths, slowly and carefully and you'll notice you are able to respond in a calmer, more considered way. Parents across the world say that just taking that pause is enormously helpful.”

2. Step back

Parents often forget to care for themselves, says Professor Cluver. “Take some time for yourself, such as when the kids are asleep, to do something that makes you feel happy and calm. It's really hard to do all the things right as a parent, when you haven't given yourself a break.”

>> Read self-care tips for parents   

3. Praise yourself

It’s easy to forget the astonishing job you do as a parent every day and you should give yourself the credit, advises Professor Cluver. “Each day, maybe while brushing your teeth, take a moment to ask: ‘What was one thing I did really well with my kids today?’ And, just know that you did something great.”

And know that you are not alone. “Millions of parents across the world are all trying and we're all failing sometimes,” she says. The important thing is we try again.

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What’s the Best Way to Discipline My Child?

As a parent, one of your jobs to teach your child to behave. It's a job that takes time and patience. But, it helps to learn the effective and healthy discipline strategies.

Here are some tips from the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) on the best ways to help your child learn acceptable behavior as they grow.

10 healthy discipline strategies that work

The AAP recommends positive discipline strategies that effectively teach children to manage their behavior and keep them from harm while promoting healthy development. These include:

Show and tell. Teach children right from wrong with calm words and actions. Model behaviors you would like to see in your children.

Set limits. Have clear and consistent rules your children can follow. Be sure to explain these rules in age-appropriate terms they can understand.

Give consequences. Calmly and firmly explain the consequences if they don't behave. For example, tell her that if she does not pick up her toys, you will put them away for the rest of the day. Be prepared to follow through right away. Don't give in by giving them back after a few minutes. But remember, never take away something your child truly needs, such as a meal.

Hear them out. Listening is important. Let your child finish the story before helping solve the problem. Watch for times when misbehavior has a pattern, like if your child is feeling jealous. Talk with your child about this rather than just giving consequences.

Give them your attention. The most powerful tool for effective discipline is attention—to reinforce good behaviors and discourage others. Remember, all children want their parent's attention.

Catch them being good. Children need to know when they do something bad--and when they do something good. Notice good behavior and point it out, praising success and good tries. Be specific (for example, "Wow, you did a good job putting that toy away!" ).

Know when not to respond. As long as your child isn't doing something dangerous and gets plenty of attention for good behavior, ignoring bad behavior can be an effective way of stopping it. Ignoring bad behavior can also teach children natural consequences of their actions. For example, if your child keeps dropping her cookies on purpose, she will soon have no more cookies left to eat. If she throws and breaks her toy, she will not be able to play with it. It will not be long before she learns not to drop her cookies and to play carefully with her toys.

Be prepared for trouble . Plan ahead for situations when your child might have trouble behaving. Prepare them for upcoming activities and how you want them to behave.

Redirect bad behavior. Sometimes children misbehave because they are bored or don't know any better. Find something else for your child to do.

Call a time-out . A time-out can be especially useful when a specific rule is broken. This discipline tool works best by warning children they will get a time out if they don't stop, reminding them what they did wrong in as few words―and with as little emotion―as possible, and removing them from the situation for a pre-set length of time (1 minute per year of age is a good rule of thumb). With children who are at least 3 years old, you can try letting their children lead their own time-out instead of setting a timer. You can just say, "Go to time out and come back when you feel ready and in control." This strategy, which can help the child learn and practice self-management skills, also works well for older children and teens.

Spanking and harsh words are harmful and don't work. Here's why:

• Spanking's unhealthy cycle. The AAP advises that parents and caregivers should not spank or hit children. Instead of teaching responsibility and self-control, spanking often increases aggression and anger in children. A study of children born in 20 large U.S. cities found that families who used physical punishment got caught in a negative cycle: the more children were spanked, the more they later misbehaved, which prompted more spankings in response. Spanking's effects may also be felt beyond the parent-child relationship. Because it teaches that causing someone pain is OK if you're frustrated—even with those you love. Children who are spanked may be more likely to hit others when they don't get what they want.
• Lasting marks. Physical punishment increases the risk of injury, especially in children under 18 months of age, and may leave other measurable marks on the brain and body. Children who are spanked show higher levels of hormones tied to toxic stress . Physical punishment may also affect brain development. One study found that young adults who were spanked repeatedly had less gray matter, the part of the brain involved with self-control, and performed lower on IQ tests as young adults than the control group.
• Verbal abuse: How words hurt. Yelling at children and using words to cause emotional pain or shame also has been found to be ineffective and harmful. Harsh verbal discipline, even by parents who are otherwise warm and loving, can lead to more misbehavior and mental health problems in children. Research shows that harsh verbal discipline, which becomes more common as children get older, may lead to more behavior problems and symptoms of depression in teens.

Learn from mistakes—including your own

Remember that, as a parent, you can give yourself a time out if you feel out of control. Just make sure your child is in a safe place, and then give yourself a few minutes to take a few deep breaths, relax or call a friend. When you are feeling better, go back to your child, hug each other, and start over.

If you do not handle a situation well the first time, try not to worry about it. Think about what you could have done differently and try to do it the next time. If you feel you have made a real mistake in the heat of the moment, wait to cool down, apologize to your child, and explain how you will handle the situation in the future. Be sure to keep your promise. This gives your child a good model of how to recover from mistakes.

Healthy & effective discipline tips by age/stage

More information.

• 15 Tips to Survive the Terrible 3's
• How to Shape and Manage Your Young Child's Behavior
• Disciplining Older Children
• How to Give a Time-Out
• Effective Discipline to Raise Healthy Children (AAP Policy Statement)

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What’s the Best Way to Discipline Children?

By Michael Gonchar

• Nov. 6, 2018

When children misbehave, how should parents discipline them? Do you think spanking is sometimes warranted? If so, when?

Over all, what do you think is the best way to teach children right from wrong?

In “ Spanking Is Ineffective and Harmful to Children, Pediatricians’ Group Says ,” Christina Caron writes about a new policy being issued by the American Academy of Pediatrics:

Parents should not spank their children, the American Academy of Pediatrics said on Monday in its most strongly worded policy statement warning against the harmful effects of corporal punishment in the home. The group, which represents about 67,000 doctors, also recommended that pediatricians advise parents against the use of spanking, which it defined as “noninjurious, openhanded hitting with the intention of modifying child behavior,” and said to avoid using nonphysical punishment that is humiliating, scary or threatening. “One of the most important relationships we all have is the relationship between ourselves and our parents, and it makes sense to eliminate or limit fear and violence in that loving relationship,” said Dr. Robert D. Sege, a pediatrician at Tufts Medical Center and the Floating Hospital for Children in Boston, and one of the authors of the statement. The academy’s new policy, which will be published in the December issue of the journal Pediatrics, updates 20-year-old guidance on discipline that recommended parents be “encouraged” not to spank. The organization’s latest statement stems from a body of research that was unavailable two decades ago.

Students, read the entire article, then tell us:

— Do you agree with the American Academy of Pediatrics that spanking should not be used to discipline children? Why or why not?

— Is spanking ever used in your family to get kids to behave?

— In your opinion, what’s the best way to discipline children? Do you think different approaches are needed for children at different ages and with different temperaments?

— If you become a parent some day, how do you think you might discipline your own children? Why?

Students 13 and older are invited to comment. All comments are moderated by the Learning Network staff, but please keep in mind that once your comment is accepted, it will be made public.

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Physical punishment and child outcomes: a narrative review of prospective studies

Anja heilmann.

Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London, London, UK

Anita Mehay

Richard g watt, yvonne kelly, joan e durrant.

Department of Community Health Sciences, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada

Jillian van Turnhout

Royal College of Physicians of Ireland, Faculty of Paediatrics, Dublin, Ireland

Elizabeth T Gershoff

Population Research Center and Department of Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA

Contributors

Associated Data

Physical punishment is increasingly viewed as a form of violence that harms children. This narrative review summarises the findings of 69 prospective longitudinal studies to inform practitioners and policy makers about physical punishment’s outcomes. Our review identified seven key themes. First, physical punishment consistently predicts increases in child behaviour problems over time. Second, physical punishment is not associated with positive outcomes over time. Third, physical punishment increases the risk of involvement with child protective services. Fourth, the only evidence of children eliciting physical punishment is for externalising behaviour. Fifth, physical punishment predicts worsening behaviour over time in quasi-experimental studies. Sixth, associations between physical punishment and detrimental child outcomes are robust across child and parent characteristics. Finally, there is some evidence of a dose–response relationship. The consistency of these findings indicates that physical punishment is harmful to children and that policy remedies are warranted.

Introduction

The WHO–UNICEF- Lancet Commission 1 on children has highlighted social, economic, commercial, and environmental threats to child health and has called for urgent government action to ensure that children grow up in safe and healthy environments. Yet the home environments of most children worldwide are not safe because they include physical punishment. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has definitively stated that physical punishment is a form of violence that violates children’s rights to protection, dignity, and physical security. 2 The UN General Assembly has included the protection of children from all forms of violence as Sustainable Development Goal 16.2. 3 Such human rights arguments, along with an aligned body of research indicating that physical punishment is harmful to children, 4 – 6 have led to a growing consensus among health professionals that physical punishment of children is detrimental and ineffective, 7 – 9 and have led 62 countries to prohibit physical punishment of children in all settings and a further 27 countries to commit to doing so. 10

Most of the world’s children live in countries where physical punishment is allowed by law; as a result, 63% of children aged 2–4 years—250 million children—are regularly subjected to physical punishment by their caregivers. 11 The continued prevalence of physical punishment suggests that parents are not receiving, or not believing, the message that it is both ineffective and potentially harmful to their children’s health and development. This lack of knowledge could be because the research to date is summarised in hundreds of specialist research studies or in detailed meta-analyses 5 , 12 – 14 that are not easily accessible to health professionals whom parents consult for advice about discipline. 15 Furthermore, most countries have not prohibited physical punishment in homes or schools, or both. Policy makers might not be aware of the strength of the research evidence against physical punishment or of the likelihood that legislating against physical punishment would prevent harm to children.

The purpose of this narrative review is thus to summarise the past two decades of research on physical punishment in a format that is accessible to policy makers, community leaders, and practitioners. Although psychological punishments such as yelling, humiliating, or shaming children are also prevalent around the world 11 and are harmful to children, 16 we focused our review on physical punishment in response to growing interest around the world in legislating against its use.

Three strategic decisions guided our review. First, we began our review with studies published in 2002, the year that the first comprehensive meta-analysis of research into physical punishment was published. 12 Second, we included only studies that examined physical punishment specifically and excluded studies of severe assaults against children. Third, we restricted our review to longitudinal studies that followed up children prospectively and took initial levels of the outcome into account, thereby meeting the minimum criterion for causality that physical punishment must precede the measured outcome in time and addressing concerns regarding the possibility of reverse causality. 17

The database searches identified 3855 unduplicated records, of which 2198 were excluded after initial title screening. An additional five studies were identified through Web of Science search alerts and expert communication. After two independent reviewers assessed 1303 abstracts and 359 full texts, they identified 68 articles describing 69 studies (one article reported on two samples) that met the inclusion criteria. These were retained for review ( figure ).

Study selection

The field is heavily dominated by research from the USA (60 articles), including a large number of studies that used the same datasets—eg, 23 studies used the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS), and eight used the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY). The remaining eight studies came from Canada, China, Colombia, Greece, Japan, Switzerland, Turkey, and the UK. No non-English studies met the inclusion criteria. Characteristics of included studies are provided in the appendix pp 2–11.

We describe outcome measures using the terminology adopted by authors of the original research. We grouped studies into nine broad categories: externalising behaviours (behavioural difficulties that manifest outwardly and refer to acts towards the external environment that violate social norms or are harmful to others, or both), 18 , 19 internalising behaviours (behaviours that are directed inwards, including symptoms of anxiety and depression, withdrawal, fearfulness, and somatic complaints), 18 , 19 total behaviour difficulties (composite measures of both externalising and internalising), prosocial behaviours, inattention or symptoms of attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), cognitive abilities, interpersonal relationships, stress reactivity, and involvement with child protective services (CPS).

The table presents an overview of the included studies. Many studies examined more than one outcome, such that 98 effect sizes were presented across the studies. Additionally, some outcomes were examined multiple times with the same dataset; to ensure the independence of the findings within each outcome category, each dataset was counted only once per outcome. When multiple studies from the same dataset had discrepant findings, the majority finding was coded. For example, of the three studies that used data from the FFCWS to examine cognitive abilities, one found a detrimental effect and two found no significant association; the FFCWS was counted only once in the table in the row for cognitive abilities as having no association. With each independent dataset counted once only per outcome, the total number of effect sizes was 64.

Physical punishment was significantly (p<0.05) associated with worse outcomes over time in 38 independent samples (59%). No significant associations were found in 15 independent samples (23%). None of the studies reported main effects of beneficial child outcomes associated with physical punishment. Mixed findings across studies using the same dataset were found for 11 independent samples (17%); however, it is important to note that associations between physical punishment and beneficial outcomes were not found as main effects for any study and were only found in four subgroups across all of the studies examined ( appendix p 2).

Externalising behaviours

Externalising behaviours were by far the most studied outcomes. 38 of 55 (69%) studies used advanced statistical methods, including structural equation models, fixed effects models, growth curve models, and propensity score matching. Almost all adjusted for a wide range of covariates. Some studies examined the broad category of externalising behaviours whereas others examined subcategories, such as aggression.

Externalising behaviour, typically measured with standardised questionnaires such as the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist, 34 was the outcome in 27 studies from 19 independent samples with follow-up periods of up to 12 years. These included five studies using FFCWS data, 35 – 39 two using the US Early Childhood Longitudinal Study–Kindergarten Class of 1998–1999 (ECLS-K), 40 , 41 and three using data from the US Child Development Project. 42 – 44 Apart from one Chinese, 20 one Greek, 22 and one Turkish 45 study, all research into externalising behaviour was from the USA.

In 13 of the 19 independent samples, physical punishment was associated with increases in externalising behaviour over time. 27 , 35 – 43 , 45 – 53 In three independent samples, no associations were identified. 44 , 54 – 56 Mixed findings were reported in another three independent samples. 20 – 22

Children’s aggressive behaviour was assessed in 20 studies and six independent samples. Most were undertaken in early childhood. In five of the six samples, physical punishment predicted increases in aggressive behaviour over time. 15 studies used FFCWS data with consistent findings of detrimental effects of physical punishment across different analytical methods and age groups. 57 – 71 Associations with increases in aggressive behaviours were observed in four of the remaining five independent samples, including in Canada, 72 Switzerland, 73 and the USA. 30 , 74 Only one study found no association between physical punishment and aggressive behaviour. 75

Antisocial behaviour and conduct problems were assessed in eight studies from five independent samples. Follow-up periods ranged from 2 to 12 years. Four studies analysed NLSY data, with conflicting results: physical punishment predicted increases in antisocial behaviour in two studies, 23 , 24 whereas the other two studies found no associations. 25 , 26 The remaining four studies on independent samples found associations between physical punishment and increases in antisocial behaviour, 76 conduct problems, 72 , 77 and oppositional defiant disorder symptoms. 78

Internalising behaviours

Internalising behaviour was the outcome in 15 studies from ten independent samples. Apart from one study that measured depressive symptoms, 77 all studies reported on an overall measure of internalising behaviour symptoms. Six studies analysed data from the FFCWS. 38 , 39 , 59 , 64 , 66 , 67 Most studies were undertaken in early childhood, although some followed up children into early adolescence. Overall, the findings were mixed. Physical punishment predicted increases in internalising behaviour over time in five of the ten independent samples, including all six studies using FFCWS data. 38 , 39 , 52 , 53 , 59 , 64 , 66 , 67 , 76 , 77 Three independent studies found no associations. 47 , 54 , 55 One study reported mixed findings from subgroup analyses, 22 and another reported beneficial associations from age 3 years to 5 years but detrimental associations for physical punishment at age 5 years predicting internalising outcomes in middle childhood (age 9 years). 27

Total behaviour problems

Six studies from five independent samples examined total behaviour problems, a combination of internalising and externalising behaviours. 28 , 29 , 31 , 79 – 81 All were undertaken with young children, with a baseline age of 2–4 years and follow-up periods of 2–6 years. Physical punishment was related to increased behaviour problems over time in four independent samples. 31 , 79 , 80 , 81 The fifth sample was the NLSY; of the two studies using this dataset, one found that physical punishment predicted increased behaviour problems over time 28 and the other reported mixed findings. 29

Prosocial behaviour or social competence

None of the five included studies on prosocial behaviour or social competence found any evidence that physical punishment affected these outcomes. 30 , 53 , 55 , 57 , 72

Inattention and ADHD

Physical punishment was unrelated to later inattention in a sample from the US Head Start Impact study. 30 However, data from the ECLS-K suggested that physical punishment at 5 years of age increased the risk of both moderate and severe symptoms of ADHD and the risk of severe symptoms of ADHD-conduct disorder 8 years later. 82

Cognitive abilities

Cognitive abilities were assessed in eight studies using data from six independent samples. 30 – 32 , 36 , 37 , 67 , 83 , 84 Outcomes included children’s vocabulary, literacy, reading and mathematics skills, school readiness, school engagement, and approaches to learning. Findings were highly heterogeneous. Two independent studies showed that physical punishment was associated with poorer cognitive abilities in early childhood. 83 , 84 Of three analyses of FFCWS data that used the same vocabulary test but at different ages and with different follow-up periods, only one found an association between physical punishment and lower vocabulary scores, 36 whereas the other two studies did not. 37 , 67 Three studies reported mixed results with detrimental effects for some but not all cognitive outcomes. 30 – 32 One study reported associations with better cognitive performance but weaker school engagement in middle childhood and adolescence. 32

Interpersonal relationships

Cross-lagged path models showed reciprocal associations between physical punishment and the parent–child relationship: physical punishment at 36 months was associated with lower quality of observed parent–child interaction 1·5 years later, and better interaction quality at 36 months was associated with less physical punishment over time. 51

Peer isolation among young children (such as having nobody to talk to at school) was assessed in a study using the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being and was unrelated to physical punishment. 32

Data from an evaluation of a US dating violence prevention programme found mixed results, with no overall associations between child-reported physical punishment at age 14 years and self-reported initiation of dating violence assessed 7 and 19 months later for the subsample of single mothers. However, the study found a detrimental association for physical punishment by married mothers and a non-significant association between physical punishment by married fathers and dating violence. 33

Stress reactivity

One small US study measured physical punishment at 1 year of age and children’s cortisol production during a laboratory visit between ages 1 and 2 years, after exposure to a stressful situation (introducing a stranger and separating the child from the mother). 85 A higher frequency of physical punishment at 1 year of age predicted increased cortisol levels post separation after controlling for baseline cortisol, indicating a heightened stress response. 85

Involvement with CPS

When a family reports that they are involved with CPS, such involvement is typically an indication of suspected child maltreatment. Three US studies assessed associations between physical punishment in early childhood and subsequent involvement with CPS for suspected child abuse or neglect. We did not require that a study controlled for previous maltreatment or involvement with CPS because we would not expect reciprocal associations between physical punishment and CPS involvement. Additionally, we felt that any future maltreatment was of concern, regardless of whether it had happened in the past. In fact, one of the studies did control for previous CPS involvement, 86 whereas two studies using data from the FFCWS did not. 87 , 88 In both samples, physical punishment increased the risk of subsequent CPS involvement 87 , 88 and of CPS-reported neglect after controlling for previous CPS involvement. 86

Thematic overview

We identified seven themes from our review of the longitudinal research into physical punishment and change in children’s outcomes over time.

Theme 1: physical punishment consistently predicts child behaviour problems over time

Physical punishment is commonly believed to be an effective method to improve child behaviour. However, the overwhelming conclusion from the studies that we examined is that physical punishment predicts an increase in behaviour problems over time. This finding is consistent with three meta-analyses that have found parents’ use of physical punishment to be associated with increased child behaviour problems, including aggression. 5 , 12 , 14 Therefore, physical punishment is ineffective in achieving parents’ goal of improving child behaviour and instead appears to have the opposite effect of increasing unwanted behaviours.

Theme 2: physical punishment is not associated with positive outcomes over time

Few studies of outcomes other than behaviour problems met our strict criteria in that they examined potential outcomes of physical punishment prospectively while accounting for initial levels of the child outcome. The results were largely mixed between findings of detriments and findings of no association; across these studies, there was no evidence of associations with positive outcomes related to children’s attention, 30 , 82 cognitive abilities, 30 – 32 , 36 , 37 , 67 , 83 , 84 relationships with others, 32 , 33 , 51 or stress reactivity. 85 Physical punishment also does not predict improvements in children’s prosocial behavior or social competence over time. 30 , 53 , 55 , 57 , 72

Theme 3: physical punishment increases the risk of child maltreatment

Three studies from two independent datasets, one of which took into account previous involvement with CPS, 86 – 88 found that parents who used physical punishment were at heightened risk of perpetrating maltreatment that would trigger CPS involvement. This finding is consistent with previous meta-analyses that have found physical punishment to be significantly associated with higher risk of maltreatment, 5 , 12 and with the finding from a study of Canadian CPS records, not included in our narrative review, that 75% of cases of substantiated incidents of physical abuse occur in the context of punishment. 89 Taken together, these findings indicate that physical punishment is linked with an increased risk of maltreatment. They also call into question the arbitrary distinction between acceptable and non-acceptable violence towards children.

Theme 4: the only evidence of children’s behaviour eliciting physical punishment is for externalising behaviour

A criticism of past research into physical punishment is that cross-sectional studies cannot determine whether physical punishment causes behaviour problems, in part because observed correlations could reflect reverse causality—namely, children’s behaviour problems eliciting physical punishment. We addressed this concern by including in our review only prospective longitudinal studies that included initial levels of a child’s behaviour; doing so allows us to be certain that we are examining whether physical punishment predicts a change in children’s behaviour over and above their initial behaviour.

In addition, 15 studies in our review used a cross-lagged panel design, which simultaneously models both the longitudinal association between physical punishment and child behaviour as well as the association between initial child behaviour and parents’ use of physical punishment at a subsequent wave. In the six studies with independent samples, 27 , 40 , 45 , 46 , 51 , 77 and the nine studies using data from the FFCWS, 35 , 57 , 59 , 60 , 62 , 63 , 67 , 70 , 71 physical punishment consistently predicted worsening externalising behaviour problems over time, even after accounting for the tendency of externalising behaviour to elicit physical punishment.

In contrast, studies that used cross-lagged models to examine associations between physical punishment and internalising behaviour found no evidence that internalising elicited more physical punishment over time. 59 , 67 Similarly, no reciprocal effects were found for children’s social competence 57 or for children’s vocabulary scores. 67 The lack of evidence of a child elicitation effect for these outcomes indicates there is little evidence of potential reverse causation for outcomes other than externalising behaviour problems.

Theme 5: physical punishment is linked with worsening behaviour over time in studies using quasi-experimental methods

The primary criticism of empirical studies of physical punishment is that they are largely non-experimental, given that random assignment of children to a physical punishment condition would be unethical, and thus cannot rule out other potential explanatory factors. 41 However, several of the studies in our review used methodological designs that help to rule out other potential explanations and thereby increase our confidence that the findings are consistent with a causal conclusion.

Three studies created quasi-experimental comparisons through propensity score matching (PSM), which matches children on a range of individual and family background characteristics so that the only observed difference between them is whether they experienced physical punishment. Using PSM with data from the US ECLSK study (12 112 families), one study found that children who were physically punished increased their externalising behaviour from age 5–8 years significantly more than did those who had not been physically punished. 41 A second study from Japan (29 182 families) used PSM to determine that children who were physically punished exhibited more behaviour problems over time than did their peers who were not. 80 The third study, based in Colombia (1167 families), found that young children who were physically punished gained fewer cognitive skills than did those who were not physically punished. 83 The fact that these studies using rigorous statistical methods with large samples from three different countries all found that physical punishment predicted poorer outcomes over time lends considerable credence to the conclusion that physical punishment is harmful to children’s development.

A second method of ruling out alternative explanations is fixed effects regression, which uses difference scores for both predictor and outcome to control for time invariant unobserved characteristics that could account for associations between physical punishment and child outcomes. Two studies in our review used this method. One used data from the NLSY to find that increases in physical punishment predicted increases in children’s externalising behaviours. 47 The other used fixed effects regressions with data from the FFCWS and found that physical punishment predicted increases in child aggressive behaviour. 65

Finally, two studies in our review used data from randomised controlled trials of interventions that reduced physical punishment; although the physical punishment was not randomly assigned, the experimentally induced reductions in physical punishment predicted improvements in children’s problem behaviours over time. 30 , 48

Theme 6: the associations of physical punishment with increases in detrimental child outcomes are robust across child and parent characteristics

Many of the studies in our review considered whether the associations between physical punishment and child outcomes might vary by characteristics of the child or parent. We highlight the findings for the most commonly considered modifiers: sex of the child, race or ethnicity, and parenting style.

With regard to the sex of the child, studies with four independent samples in the USA found no modification of the link between physical punishment and increased behaviour problems. 35 , 37 , 42 , 74 Two US studies found a stronger association with problem behaviours for boys than girls, 24 , 69 whereas a Chinese study reported an association with externalising behaviours for girls but not boys. 20 A study in Canada found no modification by child sex for the outcome of child aggression or conduct problems, but did find that physical punishment was linked with improved prosocial behaviour, but only for girls. 72 In a national study in Greece, physical punishment predicted more externalising behaviours for boys but fewer externalising or internalising behaviours for girls. 22 Most of these studies thus found physical punishment to be linked with increased problem behaviour for both boys and girls, with differences only in the strength of the association.

Previous research has argued that the effects of physical punishment might vary on the basis of the acceptance of physical punishment by the family’s culture, an argument referred to as cultural normativeness theory. 90 Several of the studies we reviewed accordingly tested for effect modification by a family’s race or ethnicity. However, no modification of the link to increased externalising behaviour was found in the ECLSK, 40 , 82 the FFCWS, 35 , 70 or five other independent samples. 27 , 42 , 52 , 56 , 77 Findings with the NLSY for child behaviour problems were mixed, with some finding modification by race or ethnicity 26 , 29 but others finding no modification. 23 , 24 , 28

Another study with data from the NLSY found no modification by race or ethnicity for achievement in mathematics or reading ability. 84 Three studies did find modification, but not in the direction predicted by cultural normativeness theory. 27 , 33 , 50 Overall, these US-based studies provided no support for the notion that the associations of physical punishment with child outcomes are modified by the race or ethnicity of the child.

Some have argued that any negative effects of physical punishment are buffered when parents have an overall positive parenting style. One study using data from the NLSY did find evidence of a buffering effect of responsiveness for the link between physical punishment and behaviour problems, 28 but another study that used data from NLSY found neither responsiveness nor cognitive stimulation buffered the links between physical punishment and worse achievement in reading ability and mathematics. 84 Three other studies found that parental warmth did not buffer the effect of physical punishment on an increase in behaviour problems. 60 , 74 , 77 There is thus little evidence that parenting style modifies the associations between physical punishment and detrimental child outcomes.

Theme 7: physical punishment shows a dose–response relationship with some child outcomes

Seven studies measured the relationship between frequency of physical punishment and level of the outcome variable. Five of these studies found evidence of a dose–response effect—ie, the magnitude of the effect varied with the frequency of the punishment. Three studies using data from the FFCWS found that the association with child aggression became stronger as the frequency of physical punishment increased. 37 , 61 , 64 Two studies used data from the NLSY, one of which did not find a dose–response effect for antisocial behaviour (both one instance and two or more instances of physical punishment predicted antisocial behaviour). 23 The other study found that the association with lower achievement in mathematics and reading ability became stronger as the frequency of physical punishment increased. 84 Such findings of dose–response associations between physical punishment and increases in detrimental child outcomes over time are indicative of a causal relationship as per Hill’s criteria for establishing causality. 17 , 91

Limitations

The purpose of this narrative review was to summarise and interpret the extant research on physical punishment from prospective studies. Because it is not a meta-analysis or systematic review, this narrative review does not take into account the number of participants in a study or the magnitude of effect sizes. The vast majority of studies that met our selection criteria were undertaken in the USA; only eight studies were from other countries (one each from Canada, 72 China, 20 Colombia, 83 Greece, 22 Japan, 80 Switzerland, 73 Turkey, 45 and the UK 81 ). More research is needed in countries outside the USA, and in low-income and middle-income countries in particular.

Implications for policy

The evidence is consistent and robust: physical punishment does not predict improvements in child behaviour and instead predicts deterioration in child behaviour and increased risk for maltreatment. There is thus no empirical reason for parents to continue to use physical punishment. Moreover, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has explicitly stated that physical punishment is a violation of a child’s right to protection and should be prohibited. 2

So far, 62 of the world’s countries have prohibited all physical punishment of children, thereby ensuring that their laws protect children and adults equally. These prohibitions are found throughout the world: ten in Africa, ten in Central and South America, six in Asia-Pacific, 35 in Europe, and one in the Middle East. 10 They are found across the world’s cultures, faiths, levels of economic development, political leanings, and legal systems. Two constituent countries of the UK, Scotland and Wales, also passed laws prohibiting all physical punishment of children in 2019 and 2020, respectively.

Evidence is growing that such laws are associated with rapid and dramatic changes in parents’ attitudes and behaviour, reducing both approval and prevalence of physical punishment of children. 92 Sweden, which prohibited all physical punishment of children in 1979, provides an example of how a prohibition can lead to steady declines in physical punishment over time. In a study of three cohorts of young to middle-aged adults, the proportion of participants who reported being slapped during childhood decreased from 83% in 1958, to 51% in 1981, and then to 27% in 2011—a two-thirds reduction over 53 years. 93 Although public education can help to increase knowledge and shift attitudes, these efforts are slowed and undermined when the law contradicts them. A study of five European countries found that the greatest changes in attitudes about and use of physical punishment occur when public education and law are consistent. 94 , 95

There is no evidence that laws giving children full protection create an influx of caregivers into the justice system. 5 years of police monitoring following the implementation of New Zealand’s prohibition found that prosecution was limited to severe acts (eg, kicking, holding by the neck, causing injuries) and none led to prison sentences. After passage of the legal prohibition on physical punishment, police worked more closely with the child protection authority, diverting cases from the justice system to agencies that could respond supportively. 96 Indeed, in almost all countries with prohibitions, these laws serve an educational rather than punitive function, aiming to increase awareness, shift attitudes, and clarify the responsibilities of parents in their caregiving role. 92

In addition to national legal bans, communities and institutions can assist in preventing and reducing physical punishment. One example is No Hit Zones, which have been successfully introduced in many locations in the USA, particularly hospitals. No Hit Zones prohibit the hitting of children in those settings and are effective in increasing both hospital staff’s willingness to intervene in situations of parent–child hitting and parents’ acceptance of staff advice to avoid physical punishment. 97 No Hit Zones are low-cost interventions that can be instituted widely across communities and in a variety of settings (eg, schools, libraries, supermarkets). A second strategy is for governments, stakeholders, and practitioners to prioritise educational campaigns and interventions that teach parents and caregivers disciplinary strategies that focus on enhancing children’s understanding rather than enforcing their compliance, and that are based on children’s rights to protection and dignity. 98 – 100

Conclusions

Our review of prospective longitudinal studies has shown that physical punishment is linked with increases in negative child outcomes. Many of these studies used statistical methods to minimise potential confounding and selection bias. The review has documented compelling evidence that physical punishment is harmful to children’s development and wellbeing and has shown no evidence that it is beneficial for children. Given the high prevalence of physical punishment around the world, there is no time to waste—all countries should heed the UN’s call to uphold children’s human rights and promote their wellbeing by prohibiting physical punishment in all forms and all settings.

Overview of included studies, by child outcome

Det=detrimental. Ben=beneficial. NS=not significant. ADHD=attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder. CPS=child protective services.

Search strategy and selection criteria

We undertook a literature search of MEDLINE, PsycINFO, and Web of Science in June, 2020, and updated the search in October, 2020. The search terms were “physical discipline”, “physical punishment”, “corporal punishment”, “physical chastisement”, “smack”, “spank”, and “slap”. The search syntax for each database can be found in the appendix p 1.

We searched for articles published from January, 2002, onwards, and did not restrict by language or country. We also identified articles from reference lists of earlier reviews and through expert authors. Included studies were peer reviewed; assessed one or more outcomes measured in childhood (up to age 18 years); measured physical punishment by a parent or parental figure (ie, not a teacher); included only parent behaviours that fit our operationalisation of physical punishment; and reported empirical findings from quantitative, prospective designs that adjusted for initial levels of the outcome(s) under study.

We excluded studies that examined severe forms of physical punishment, such as: hitting a child with an object; hitting or slapping on the face, head, or ears; throwing an object at a child; beating; hitting with a fist; punching; kicking; washing a child’s mouth out with soap; throwing down; choking; burning; scalding; and threatening with a knife or gun. We also excluded studies that did not distinguish between physical and verbal forms of punishment. When necessary, study authors were contacted for details to ensure that inclusion criteria were met.

After initial database searches and removal of duplicate articles, all records were divided between two reviewers (AH and AM), who did an initial title screen to exclude irrelevant records that did not relate to physical punishment of children by a parent. Remaining articles were subject to abstract and full-text screening through blind review by AH and AM. Studies were included if both reviewers agreed that inclusion criteria were met. In case of disagreement, consensus was reached through discussion and, when required, a third reviewer (ETG).

For the included studies, data on key study characteristics and findings were extracted ( appendix pp 2–11). We then summarised these characteristics and findings for each outcome category and analysed patterns to identify key themes. Given that some studies used the same datasets, we report findings for independent samples or datasets rather than individual studies.

Supplementary Material

Acknowledgments.

ETG is supported by grant P2CHD042849 from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development in the USA. YK is supported by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ES/R008930/1). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. We gratefully acknowledge Ms Caroline Fearn who assisted with extracting the data.

Declaration of interests

We declare no competing interests.

See Online for appendix

Contributor Information

Anja Heilmann, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London, London, UK.

Anita Mehay, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London, London, UK.

Richard G Watt, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London, London, UK.

Yvonne Kelly, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London, London, UK.

Joan E Durrant, Department of Community Health Sciences, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada.

Jillian van Turnhout, Royal College of Physicians of Ireland, Faculty of Paediatrics, Dublin, Ireland.

Elizabeth T Gershoff, Population Research Center and Department of Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA.

Discipline, Punishment, and Rewards

Reviewed by Psychology Today Staff

Parents have a responsibility not only to provide for their children but also to teach them the practical and psychological skills they will need to be well-functioning adults. To that end, parents set their expectations for and try to model appropriate behavior. They often reward obedience and respect, and they may use discipline to correct a child who acts in an inappropriate or unsafe way. Discipline, punishment, and reward are all part of the parental toolbox to be used when and how the situation warrants.

On This Page

• Maintaining Discipline
• Praise and Rewards

Parents are responsible for keeping their children safe and to guide them toward safe and appropriate behavior. Meeting those goals requires establishing a secure relationship and introducing age-appropriate discipline. Generally, when people think of discipline in families, their thoughts turn to punishment —time outs, grounding, denying certain privileges, etc. But discipline, research consistently shows, is often more effective when it’s positive and focused on teaching and obtaining rewards rather than avoiding punishment.

Most relationships experience conflict at some point, but when a parent and child are locked in a power struggle, no one wins. Effective parenting is not about controlling a child , nor does it mean trying to change a child’s nature to fit with preconceived notions about what constitutes a “good kid." Instead, effective parents set expectations and standards for behavior and then take the time to help their children meet them. They also make an effort to listen and to understand on a fundamental level how their child’s needs differ from their own.

When a child's or teenager's behavior is dangerous to themselves or others, parents need to persuade them to change. However, the word “no,” when constantly repeated, can harm a young person's self-esteem. If children and adolescents constantly receive negative feedback without any positive reinforcement, they may start to internalize negative beliefs about themselves and feel that they can never do anything right; as a result, they may stop trying, or even adopt self-harming behaviors. Parents and caregivers need to recognize that their words hold greater weight with children and teens than they may realize—or than their kids let on.

Time-outs may be good for adults, but they may not benefit kids , especially at an age when they haven’t yet developed strong emotion-regulation skills. Time-outs are nonviolent, but they are still a form of punishment. A child in time-out typically feels socially isolated and rejected, and they may come to believe that their parents’ love is conditional upon certain behaviors. Time-outs erode the trust between a parent and a child, teaching kids that they have to hide difficult feelings, or they will be banished from their family’s presence. Stopping an unwelcome behavior often isn’t worth the long-term cost to the parent-child bond and the child’s self-esteem.

Many parenting experts agree that time-outs need a time out . Instead of sending a child to another room, they suggest focusing on discipline that sets limits and re-directs the child to healthier responses in the moment. In this way, kids can learn to talk through their intense feelings, and eventually better manage them. This type of discipline has the added advantage of keeping the parent or caregiver physically close to the child, strengthening their connection rather than jeopardizing it.

Parents are often quick to become angry or annoyed with a whining child, but there are better ways to respond to kids’ whining . For starters, be aware that children and teens whine for different reasons: to get help or resources they urgently need, to receive more positive connection, to express unpleasant feelings, or to get rewarded with a parent’s immediate attention. If parents can identify the need behind their child’s whining, they can meet it more quickly and effectively. A positive, loving response is more likely to soothe a child and secure the relationship than an angry or frustrated one.

Rebellion is a natural part of growing up as a child learns to forge their own identity independent from parents and siblings. Adolescents who don’t want to be treated as a child anymore might rebel as they try to figure out how they want to define themselves. When taken to extremes, rebellion in adolescence can cause young people to act against their own self-interest, engage in behaviors that are self-destructive or self-defeating, take greater risks, allow their impulses to override their good judgment, and sometimes damage their closest relationships. Parents can help young rebels by listening to what they need, allowing them to experience the natural consequences of their mistakes, and providing continuous compassion and understanding.

It’s not unusual for parents to set clear limits and consequences and then not follow through. Children learn quickly if a parent is inconsistent and are more likely to take risks when they think there’s a possibility that they won’t be disciplined. Other adults in the child’s life, including relatives and babysitters, also need to be on board with the parents’ rules and enforce them consistently. If a child won’t respond to rules or consequences , parents can try using a chart system to keep their child organized and reward desirable behaviors. They can also take a deeper look at the consequences they’ve chosen and ask whether they are suitable and strong enough motivation.

Many parents will deprive their children of something they value when they misbehave (e.g., grounding, taking away a cellphone or computer, etc.). For this to be an  effective punishment for the adolescent , parents need to follow a few guidelines: Don’t take away every freedom the child has; don’t deny them access to a pillar of self-esteem, such as a sport or special interest; don’t cut off all social contact; keep the punishment short. Some parents will find it more effective to insist the child or teenager make reparation by fulfilling tasks at home or community service. These punishments only work if, once they have been completed, the parents don’t refer to the misbehavior again.

Children need a stable, safe environment with rules and consequences they can count on. However, parents often fall into a pattern where one is kinder and more nurturing and the other is the stricter disciplinarian. The inconsistency with which the two parents approach their child’s emotions and behavior can be both confusing and upsetting for the child. A healthier parenting dynamic can develop once parents get on the same page about shared values and how to handle discipline and rewards.

While it may seem counterintuitive, regularly rewarding a child for good behavior, whether that means with a material gift or verbal praise, tends to backfire. Praise and rewards can make a child feel like their parents’ love is conditional—they may become obsessed with achievement and avoid any activity where they have to work harder and run the risk of failure. As a result, they miss out on opportunities to grow and try new things.

Praise and rewards prove most helpful when they are doled out in small doses or for special emphasis. Parents will find positive encouragement and discipline to be more effective ways of getting their child to behave well. In response, children will develop a growth mindset and greater confidence in their own skills, which will only benefit them as they mature into adults.

Positive encouragement motivates children and teens to repeat helpful behaviors better than criticism does and, as a result, should be used more frequently. But praise can be tricky. Every parent needs to know that while praise feels good in the moment, it can sabotage kids in the long run when it makes a judgment about a child’s overall abilities (e.g., “You’re a genius!”). Children may be so fearful of losing their parents’ approval that they stop trying new things and lose confidence in themselves. A better approach to praise is noting effort rather than focusing on achievements (“You’ve really been working hard at learning those numbers, and you can count higher today than you could last week!”); this also facilitates a growth mindset that benefits children as they grow older.

Praise is a common form of recognition and encouragement in many different kinds of relationships, not just that of parent and child. It’s natural to want others to have a good opinion of you, and praise fulfills that basic human need. Many experts believe that parents should praise their children to strengthen familial bonds, promote prosocial values, and provide the emotional support we all need.

Education critics like Alfie Kohn argue that it’s a bad idea to praise children , no matter how good the intention. They view all types of praise from an adult as a type of extrinsic reward that undermines any intrinsic motivation a child has for repeating a specific behavior; a child only acts in the desired way when they can be sure of receiving more praise. Thus, praise becomes a form of control in the relationship.

Praising a child’s character (“You’re so great!”) instead of their effort or behavior (“You studied hard and did a great job on that test!”) links their success to their sense of identity. So if the next test is more difficult for them, or they don’t do as well on it, they feel like they have failed as a person. Praising children with low self-esteem can backfire  since they are more likely to experience shame and disappointment as a result of future failures.

Children need positive encouragement and emotional support that doesn’t feel conditional. Parents who are wondering what to say instead of praising can try explaining how their child’s actions affected someone else (“Look how happy your friend is to have a turn with your toy!”), noticing their effort (“You tried hard, and you got a good grade!”), and sharing their own feelings about their child’s behavior (“I loved watching you play soccer today!”). The point is to try to avoid expressing judgment and encourage a growth mindset so that children feel rewarded intrinsically by working their hardest whether they succeed this time or not.

Parents may express disapproval with the goal of teaching their children that behavior is not acceptable or helping them avoid certain mistakes. However, the child tends to feel this criticism as a sign that they will never be good enough to win their parents’ approval. The rebellion of the over-criticized child occurs when a child gives up trying to change and instead becomes angry and argumentative or withdraws completely. In extreme cases, the child may exhibit self-sabotaging or self-harming behaviors. Unrelenting parental criticism can have a lasting impact, making it tough for the child to have healthy relationships as an adult.

According to research, rewarding good behavior often leads to bad behavior . Instead of offering material rewards, adults will have better luck reinforcing a child’s sense of autonomy and competence. Relying on a child’s intrinsic motivation to behave well and get along with others will result in more positive outcomes over time. That’s how people learn to do the right thing even when no one is watching. While the goal should be to build up a child’s intrinsic motivation, tangible rewards used sparingly can help encourage positive behaviors, particularly in younger children.

For parents who worry about the ethics of rewards, be assured that you’re not bribing your kids . A bribe is an incentive for someone to engage in bad behavior, whereas a reward is often used to motivate prosocial actions for the benefit of everyone. Parents can even be upfront with their children that they may sometimes choose to reward good behavior or hard work once in a while, but their kids shouldn’t expect an incentive every time. That way, everyone is on the same page, and rewards can be used to celebrate a special success or milestone.

Parenting experts recommend motivating children without rewards for a number of reasons: Children who are rewarded for good behavior wind up doing it less; an extrinsic reward makes it seem like the behavior is difficult or unpleasant when it doesn’t have to be (like eating vegetables or working out); and children wind up developing a transactional attitude so that they expect an incentive in exchange for behavior they should have anyway (like sharing toys with others or talking to people respectfully). As a result, parents may have better luck raising healthy and well-adjusted children by prioritizing intrinsic motivations over extrinsic rewards.

Like other forms of corporal punishment, spanking is associated with a wide range of negative developmental outcomes for children. Spanking is generally defined as hitting a child with an open hand. Parents may resort to spanking when they feel overwhelmed and need a quick fix in the moment, but spanking does little to resolve problem behavior in the long term and only serves to widen the emotional rift between parent and child. In general, parents benefit from more positive discipline strategies that boost their child’s confidence and self-esteem rather than shaming and humiliating them with physical punishment.

In December 2018, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) recommended that parents not spank their children. Similar to other forms of corporal punishment, the science of spanking shows that not only is spanking ineffective at changing children’s behavior, but it often backfires, increasing negative behaviors like physical aggression. Other methods are more effective at modifying a child’s behavior without causing long-term damage.

Spanking damages the relationship between parent and child. What really happens when parents spank kids is that they incorrectly model for the child that adults can use physical aggression to solve their problems. Children who are spanked may suffer long-term consequences, including mental health problems, lower self-esteem, cognitive dysfunction, antisocial behavior, and anxiety. They are also more likely to use spanking and other physical punishment to raise their own children, increasing the risk of abuse.

Spanking, which is defined as open-handed hitting, is not recommended as a form of punishment for children. Parents who spank are often at a loss for how to get their child to behave otherwise, but research clearly shows that spanking doesn’t achieve the desire result and only serves to harm the child’s mental health. What really happens when parents hit their kids is they are putting themselves at greater risk of losing control and physically hurting their child.

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Discipline and Child Abuse: Motivation and Goals Essay

As the old proverb that has its roots in the Bible goes, “He that spareth his rod hateth his son” but a more conventional version known to us is as follows: “Spare the rod and spoil a child” (Proverbs 13: 24). Still, no matter how it may sound, the words do not change the main meaning of the proverb that supports and approves of corporal punishment of children for their benefit. Though many people disapprove of physical discipline as they tend to consider it inhumane, their position may be considered spineless in many cases and negative consequences may outnumber the positive ones. The main difference between discipline and child abuse lies in the motivation and main aim of these two kinds of treatments are sometimes mistakenly put on the same footing though they are not identical as discipline does a child nothing but good while child abuse is a detrimental treatment of a child that should be condemned. Thus, positive motivation and the ultimate aim of discipline completely differs it from negative motivation and egoistic aims of an offender in case of child abuse, while discipline may and should be kept, child abuse should be condemned.

The first proof of the justice and reasonableness of discipline is that it is permitted by law to be considered to be the most authoritative source to consult. Gardner and Anderson state that “parents and other persons in loco parentis may use reasonable amounts of force in disciplining children” (123). If law is the source that helps to maintain order and peace in society and people apply laws when they need to resolve various conflicts, the permission of establishment of discipline with children can be treated as an authoritative one. Considering the issue of law, it is necessary to mention the state of affairs in Sweden that has laws prohibiting physical punishment as the tool for establishment of discipline. However, there is no difference between the USA and Sweden in “severe, or abusive, violence against children (National Research Council. Panel on Research on Child Abuse and Neglect 130). This fact proves that there is no ground to claim that physical discipline begets child abuse.

Since the primary difference between discipline as positive means of upbringing and child abuse as negative practice is motivation, it is necessary to consider positive motivation of a parent who applies discipline in contrast to a parent who abuses a child out of some negative motivation. The parents who establish and maintain discipline have such intentions as to prepare a child for his/her future independent life and proper discipline instills adequate behavioral patterns of a child. Pickhardt states that if a child has outgrown corrective discipline, “he still needs your [parental] instruction” (262). Maintenance of discipline helps to teach a child how to make correct choices, how to tell right things from wrong things. Parents, who provide adequate discipline for a child, often use their personal example and since this is a common practice at the workplace because, for instance, Hirano asserts that “discipline is best taught by example” it may be very helpful for a child in the future when he/she becomes an employee (38). In contrast to positive motivation of parents maintaining discipline with their children, child abuse is typical of egoistic parents motivated by their own comfort since “abuse was seen as a distorted, destructive way of coping with the stress of parenting” (Starr and Wolfe 58).

One of the main differences between discipline and child abuse is that the first is non-violent while the second is violent. The concept of discipline is multifaceted and it should not be reduced to physical discipline only. Discipline is sufficient and adequate when it employs such methods as reasoning and discussion of the situation and possible ways of behavior that are appropriate. Discipline is built on the ground of mutual respect and it never requires submission. In contrast to it, all forms of child abuse are violent and humiliating; they damage a child’s personality as well as mental and physical health for the purpose of total submission of a child.

The opponents of discipline who tend to claim that it discipline merges with child abuse and who assert that maintenance of discipline is inhumane adopt too critical point of view. There are “alternative systems of instruction and discipline” that let parents abandon the idea of physical punishment (Fontes and Conte 130). However, there is the risk that too lenient parents who set no limits and requirements for their children may bring up a person who will appear troublesome for surrounding people and will feel uncomfortable in society. Inability to fit into the norms and requirements may become a consequence of absence of discipline in childhood.

Drawing a conclusion, it is possible to state that discipline has proved to be beneficial for children as it will help them to find their place in life and society due to the development of appropriate behavioral patterns that discipline provides. Discipline is necessary to bring up a physically and mentally healthy citizen. At the same time, child abuse damages child’s physical and mental health because parents are led by wrong motivation and egoistic and violent aims.

Works Cited

Fontes, Lisa A., and Conte, John R. Child Abuse and Culture: Working with Diverse Families . New York: Guilford Press, 2008.

Gardner, Thomas J., and Terry M. Anderson. Criminal Law . : Cengage Learning, 2008.

Hirano, Hiroyuki. 5 Pillars of the Visual Workplace: The Sourcebook for 5S Implementation . New York: Productivity Press, 1995.

National Research Council (U.S.) and Panel on Research on Child Abuse and Neglect. Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect . USA: National Academic Press, 1993.

Pickhard, Carl. E. The Everything Parent’s Guide to Positive Discipline: Professional Advice for Raising a Well-behaved Child. Avon, MA: Everything Books, 2003.

Starr, Raymond, and David A. Wolfe. The Effect of Child Abuse and Neglect: Issues and Research . New York: Guilford Press, 1991.

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Disciplining Your Child

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Whatever your child's age, it's important to be consistent when it comes to discipline. If parents don't stick to the rules and consequences they set up, their kids aren't likely to either.

Here are some ideas about how to vary your approach to discipline to best fit your family.

Ages 0 to 2

Babies and toddlers are naturally curious. So it's wise to eliminate temptations and no-nos — items such as TVs and video equipment, stereos, jewelry, and especially cleaning supplies and medicines should be kept well out of reach.

When your crawling baby or roving toddler heads toward an unacceptable or dangerous play object, calmly say "No" and either remove your child from the area or distract them with an appropriate activity.

Time-outs can be effective discipline for toddlers . A child who has been hitting, biting , or throwing food, for example, should be told why the behavior is unacceptable and taken to a designated time-out area — a kitchen chair or bottom stair — for a minute or two to calm down (longer time-outs are not effective for toddlers).

It's important to not spank, hit, or slap a child of any age. Babies and toddlers are especially unlikely to be able to make any connection between their behavior and physical punishment. They will only feel the pain of the hit.

And don't forget that kids learn by watching adults, particularly their parents. Make sure your behavior is role-model material. You'll make a much stronger impression by putting your own belongings away rather than just issuing orders to your child to pick up toys while your stuff is left strewn around.

Managing Your Toddler’s Behavior

Learn how to encourage good behavior, handle tantrums, and keep your cool when parenting your toddler.

Ages 3 to 5

As your child grows and begins to understand the connection between actions and consequences, make sure you start communicating the rules of your family's home.

Explain to kids what you expect of them before you punish them for a behavior. The first time your 3-year-old uses crayons to decorate the living room wall, discuss why that's not allowed and what will happen if your child does it again (for instance, your child will have to help clean the wall and will not be able to use the crayons for the rest of the day). If the wall gets decorated again a few days later, issue a reminder that crayons are for paper only and then enforce the consequences.

The earlier that parents establish this kind of "I set the rules and you're expected to listen or accept the consequences" standard, the better for everyone. Although it's sometimes easier for parents to ignore occasional bad behavior or not follow through on some threatened punishment, this sets a bad precedent. Empty threats undermine your authority as a parent, and make it more likely that kids will test limits. Consistency is the key to effective discipline, and it's important for parents to decide (together, if you are not a single parent) what the rules are and then uphold them.

While you become clear on what behaviors will be punished, don't forget to reward good behaviors. Don't underestimate the positive effect that your praise can have — discipline is not just about punishment, but also about recognizing good behavior. For example, saying "I'm proud of you for sharing your toys at playgroup" is usually more effective than punishing a child who didn't share. And be specific when giving praise rather than just saying "Good job!" You want to make it clear which behaviors you liked. This makes them more likely to happen in the future — the more attention we give to a behavior, the more likely it is to continue.

If your child continues an unacceptable behavior no matter what you do, try making a chart with a box for each day of the week. Decide how many times your child can misbehave before a punishment kicks in or how long the proper behavior must be seen before it is rewarded. Post the chart on the refrigerator and then track the good and unacceptable behaviors every day. This will give your child (and you) a concrete look at how it's going. Once this begins to work, praise your child for learning to control misbehavior and, especially, for overcoming any stubborn problem.

Time-outs also can work well for kids at this age. Pick a suitable time-out place, such as a chair or bottom step, that's free of distractions. Remember, getting sent to your room isn't effective if a computer, TV, or games are there. Also, a time-out is time away from any type of reinforcement. So your child shouldn't get any attention from you while in a time-out — including talking, eye contact, etc.

Be sure to consider the length of time that will work best for your child. Experts say 1 minute for each year of age is a good rule of thumb; others recommend using the time-out until the child is calmed down (to teach self-regulation). Make sure that if a time-out happens because your child didn't follow directions, you follow through with the direction after the time-out.

It's important to tell kids what the right thing to do is, not just to say what the wrong thing is. For example, instead of saying "Don't jump on the couch," try "Please sit on the furniture and put your feet on the floor."

Be sure to give clear, direct commands. Instead of "Could you please put your shoes on?" say "Please put your shoes on." This leaves no room for confusion and does not imply that following directions is a choice.

Ages 6 to 8

Time-outs and consequences are also effective discipline strategies for this age group.

Again, consistency is crucial, as is follow-through. Make good on any promises of discipline or else you risk undermining your authority. Kids have to believe that you mean what you say. This is not to say you can't give second chances or allow a certain margin of error, but for the most part, you should act on what you say.

Be careful not to make unrealistic threats of punishment ("Slam that door and you'll never watch TV again!") in anger, since not following through could weaken all your threats. If you threaten to turn the car around and go home if the squabbling in the backseat doesn't stop, make sure you do exactly that. The credibility you'll gain with your kids is much more valuable than a lost beach day.

Huge punishments may take away your power as a parent. If you ground your son or daughter for a month, they may not feel motivated to change behaviors because everything has already been taken away. It may help to set some goals that kids can meet to earn back privileges that were taken away for misbehavior.

Ages 9 to 12

Kids in this age group — just as with all ages — can be disciplined with natural consequences. As they mature and request more independence and responsibility, teaching them to deal with the consequences of their behavior is an effective and appropriate method of discipline.

For example, if your fifth grader's homework isn't done before bedtime, should you make them stay up to do it or even lend a hand yourself? Probably not — you'll miss an opportunity to teach a key life lesson. If homework is incomplete, your child will go to school the next day without it and suffer the resulting bad grade.

It's natural for parents to want to rescue kids from mistakes, but in the long run they do kids a favor by letting them fail sometimes. Kids see what behaving improperly can mean and probably won't make those mistakes again. But if your child does not seem to be learning from natural consequences, set up some of your own to help change the behavior. Removing privileges such as electronics can be an effective consequence for this age group.

Ages 13 and Up

By now you've laid the groundwork. Your child knows what's expected and that you mean what you say about the penalties for bad behavior. Don't let down your guard now — discipline is just as important for teens as it is for younger kids. Just as with the 4-year-old who needs you to set a bedtime and enforce it, your teen needs boundaries too.

Set up rules regarding homework, visits by friends, curfews, and dating and discuss them beforehand with your teenager so there will be no misunderstandings. Your teen will probably complain from time to time, but also will realize that you're in control. Believe it or not, teens still want and need you to set limits and enforce order in their lives, even as you grant them greater freedom and responsibility.

When your teen does break a rule, taking away privileges may seem the best plan of action. While it's fine to take away the car for a week, for example, be sure to also discuss why coming home an hour past curfew is unacceptable and worrisome.

Remember to give a teenager some control over things. Not only will this limit the number of power struggles you have, it will help your teen respect the decisions that you do need to make. You could allow a younger teen to make decisions concerning school clothes, hair styles, or even the condition of his or her room. As your teen gets older, that realm of control might be extended to include an occasional relaxed curfew.

It's also important to focus on the positives. For example, have your teen earn a later curfew by demonstrating positive behavior instead of setting an earlier curfew as punishment for irresponsible behavior.

A Word About Spanking

Perhaps no form of discipline is more controversial than spanking . Here are some reasons why experts discourage spanking:

• Spanking teaches kids that it's OK to hit when they're angry.
• Spanking can physically harm children.
• Rather than teaching kids how to change their behavior, spanking makes them fearful of their parents and teaches them to avoid getting caught.
• For kids seeking attention by acting out, spanking may "reward" them — negative attention is better than no attention at all.

Smacking children is the best form of discipline. To what extent do you agree or disagree?

Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Writing9 with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

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When giving examples it is best to put them after your main idea or topic sentence. They can be used in the middle of supporting sentences or they can be used to start a new sentence. There is no rule for where exactly to give examples in essays, logically they would come after your main idea/topic sentence or just after a supporting sentence.

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Essay on Discipline for Students and Children

500+ words essay on discipline.

Essay on Discipline – Discipline is something that keeps each person in control. It motivates a person to progress in life and achieve success . Everyone follow discipline in his/her life in a different form. Besides, everyone has his own prospect of discipline. Some people consider it a part of their life and some don’t. It is the guide that availability directs a person on the right path.

Importance and types of discipline

Without discipline, the life of a person will become dull and inactive. Also, a disciplined person can control and handle the situation of living in a sophisticated way than those who do not.

Moreover, if you have a plan and you want to implement it in your life then you need discipline. It makes things easy for you to handle and ultimately bring success to your life.

If talk about the types of discipline, then they are generally of two types. First one is induced discipline and the second one is self-discipline.

Induced discipline is something that others taught us or we learn by seeing others. While self- discipline comes from within and we learn it on our own self. Self-discipline requires a lot of motivation and support from others.

Above all, following your daily schedule without any mistake is also part of being disciplined.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

The Need for Discipline

Moreover, the meaning of discipline changes with the stages of life and priority. Not everyone can be disciplined because it requires a lot of hard work and dedication. Also, it needs a positive mind and a healthy body . One has to be strict to discipline so that she/he can successfully complete the road of success.

Advantages of Discipline

The disciple is a staircase by which the person achieve success. It helps a person to focus on his/her goals in life. Also, it does not let him/her derivate from the goal.

Besides, it brings perfection in a person life by training and educating the mind and body of the person to respond to the rules and regulation, which will help him to be an ideal citizen of the society.

If we talk about professional life then, the disciplined person gets more opportunities than the person who is undisciplined. Also, it adds an exceptional dimension to the personality of the individual. Besides, the person leaves a positive impact on the mind of people wherever she/he goes.

In conclusion, we can say that discipline is one of the key elements of anyone’s life. A person can only be successful if she/he strictly live a healthy and disciplined life. Besides, the discipline also helps us in a lot of ways and motivates the person around us to be disciplined. Above all, discipline helps a person to achieve the success that she/he wants in life.

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Good Example Of Disciplining Children Essay

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Children , Family , Behavior , Crime , Corporal Punishment , Parents , Punishment , Criminal Justice

Published: 08/09/2021

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Disciplining is the process of teaching children to know the behavior that is acceptable and that which is not acceptable. It is not essay to discipline a child and there are no hard and fast rules regarding how parents should discipline their children. There are various approaches that parents can take to ensure that children follow instructions. These approaches my include punishing children for wrong doing and rewarding them for good behavior. However, one must consider the possible consequences of various approaches before embarking on disciplining a child. By design, some parents adopt approaches depending on how they were raised without considering the pros and cons. Of note is that there is more information regarding the effects of different disciplining methods. A look at the traditional spanking or corporal punishment method and the contemporary reward system will provide a better depiction of the possible effects, and which of the two methods is more effective.

Spanking or corporal punishment refers to the use of cane to strike children for wrong doing. Those that favor spanking do it because their parents used the approach with them and they think that it worked with them. Some believe that when used in the correct manner, spanking is an appropriate method of disciplining children. As such, those that result to the use of corporal punishment believe that the best approach is trying to understand the child first. This can be done by ensuring that a child is aware of what is expected of them, denying the child some privileges and using spanking as a backup.

However, various studies indicate that corporal punishment is detrimental to children. For instance, some studies show that spanking can be humiliating to children and may cause trauma, resentment, and aggression. Such studies illustrate that children who receive regular spanking are likely to commit juvenile crimes such as assaulting other children. Such aggression may continue even when children reach adulthood where they are likely cause physical harm to their children or marital partners. Accordingly, some researches show that spanking can cause physical harm to children and they may not learn the lesson that the parent intends to convey. This method of disciplining can damage the relationship between parents and their children. Parents that favor the use of corporal punishment as a way of disciplining their kids are believed to have shallow problem-solving skills.

On the other hand, rewarding children for good behavior is a contemporary approach of disciplining children. Studies show that this approach is the most effective because the approach acknowledges children’s good behavior. Rewarding children for their good behavior is the best way to encourage kids to continue displaying such conduct. This approach also entails complementing children when they adhere to the behavior that the parent has been advocating. This approach improves the relationship between parents and children.

Rewarding children for their behavior makes the children know that they are behaving in the right manner. An effective reward system requires a blend of tangible and intangible rewards. Tangible rewards are more effective among young children and may include giving toys and chocolate. Consequently, intangible rewards are applicable to children of all ages and involves hugging and parents telling their children that they are proud of their conduct. As such, children will avoid engaging in bad behavior because they do not want to upset their parents and in the process they become well-behaved. Eventually, as the children mature they become law abiding and responsible citizens.

As regards the foregoing, corporal punishment tends to overlook the best behavior of a child. Conversely, the reward approach concentrates on developing good behaviors while discouraging bad behavior. Children are likely to continue displaying the behavior that is rewarded. As such, letting the children know that they are doing what is expected of them through rewards is a more effective approach than spanking. Using rewards recognizes that children are humans just like their parents hence they are not perfect otherwise they would not need the guidance of their parents till they reach adulthood. As such, rewarding good behavior as a way of disciplining children arguably produces the best results. After all, discipline is not about punishing children, it is about allowing children to develop self-discipline and evolve to socially and emotionally mature adults.

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College Station woman charged with causing serious injuries to child

C OLLEGE STATION, Texas (KBTX) - Another College Station resident is being charged with taking the punishment of a child too far, according to arrest records.

Lela Charnell Huntt, 46, was arrested last Thursday and charged with Assault Causing Bodily Injury-Family Violence.

According to a probable cause statement, Huntt used an extension cord to discipline the child.

The report says the teen was struck 10-15 times with the cord, leaving numerous scars on her legs and arms. Police noted that some of the cards were scabbed over, indicating that there were open wounds initially.

Huntt’s bond has been set at $30,000.

Her arrest comes within days of a College Station man accused of beating a child with a belt as a form of discipline to the point that she was left with bleeding wounds.

Texas law requires that any person suspecting that a child has been abused or neglected must immediately make a report. If there is an emergency, call 911 and then call the DFPS Texas Abuse Hotline at 1-800-252-5400. You can also make a report online External Link .

In Texas, the definitions of child abuse and neglect include specific acts or omissions by a person responsible for a child’s care, custody or welfare. Here are important legal definitions from Section 261.001 of the Texas Family Code.

“Abuse” includes the following acts or omissions by a person:

• mental or emotional injury to a child that results in an observable and material impairment in the child’s growth, development, or psychological functioning;
• causing or permitting the child to be in a situation in which the child sustains a mental or emotional injury that results in an observable and material impairment in the child’s growth, development, or psychological functioning;
• physical injury that results in substantial harm to the child, or the genuine threat of substantial harm from physical injury to the child, including an injury that is at variance with the history or explanation given and excluding an accident or reasonable discipline by a parent, guardian, or managing or possessory conservator that does not expose the child to a substantial risk of harm;
• failure to make a reasonable effort to prevent an action by another person that results in physical injury that results in substantial harm to the child;
• sexual conduct harmful to a child’s mental, emotional, or physical welfare, including conduct that constitutes the offense of continuous sexual abuse of young child or disabled individual under Section 21.02, Penal Code, indecency with a child under Section 21.11, Penal Code, sexual assault under Section 22.011, Penal Code, or aggravated sexual assault under Section 22.021, Penal Code;
• failure to make a reasonable effort to prevent sexual conduct harmful to a child;
• compelling or encouraging the child to engage in sexual conduct as defined by Section 43.01, Penal Code, including compelling or encouraging the child in a manner that constitutes an offense of trafficking of persons under Section 20A.02(a)(7) or (8), Penal Code, solicitation of prostitution under Section 43.021, Penal Code, or compelling prostitution under Section 43.05(a)(2), Penal Code;
• causing, permitting, encouraging, engaging in, or allowing the photographing, filming, or depicting of the child if the person knew or should have known that the resulting photograph, film, or depiction of the child is obscene as defined by Section 43.21, Penal Code, or pornographic;
• the current use by a person of a controlled substance as defined by Chapter 481, Health and Safety Code, in a manner or to the extent that the use results in physical, mental, or emotional injury to a child;
• causing, expressly permitting, or encouraging a child to use a controlled substance as defined by Chapter 481, Health and Safety Code;
• causing, permitting, encouraging, engaging in, or allowing a sexual performance by a child as defined by Section 43.25, Penal Code;
• knowingly causing, permitting, encouraging, engaging in, or allowing a child to be trafficked in a manner punishable as an offense under Section 20A.02(a)(5), (6), (7), or (8), Penal Code, or the failure to make a reasonable effort to prevent a child from being trafficked in a manner punishable as an offense under any of those sections; or
• forcing or coercing a child to enter into a marriage.