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Higher education in Uzbekistan: reforms and the changing landscape since independence

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Keeping up with revolutions: evolution of higher education in Uzbekistan

• Published: 22 August 2009
• Volume 43 , pages 45–63, ( 2010 )

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• Toshtemir Majidov 1 ,
• Dipak Ghosh 1 &
• Kobil Ruziev 2  

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Uzbekistan’s higher education system has undergone some dramatic changes in the past century, evolving from largely traditional religious colleges to fully state-funded communist-atheist institutions. Since the end of the communist administration and subsequent market-oriented reforms, the institutions of higher education (IHEs) in Uzbekistan have had to reinvent and reform themselves again, as the demand for different kind of education increased. This paper puts the current changes and trends in IHEs into an historical perspective and highlights some important effects of the market reforms on the educational scene.

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The Transformation of Higher Education in Turkmenistan: Continuity and Change

Uzbekistan: higher education reforms and the changing landscape since independence, looking at kazakhstan’s higher education landscape: from transition to transformation between 1920 and 2015.

The figure is for 1917. In another study, the adult literacy rate was reported at 3.8%, but this time for 1928 (MacKenzie 1969 ).

Since there was no concept of ‘compulsory schooling’ during this era, there was no strict starting age for children to enter maktabs. Nevertheless, according to some scholars (Allworth 1994 ) pupils left the maktabs around the age of 14 and some of them continued onto madrasa system where they studied for 12 years and more.

The name comes from Arabic name Usouli-Jadid , meaning the New Method, given to a collection of new methods employed in the reformed schools in the Muslim part of the Russian Empire during the late nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century’s. For detailed discussion of Jadidism see Khalid ( 1998 ).

Thus, during this time children of schools age had an option of being able to choose between maktab and newly created Soviet schools until late 1920s and they were all transferred to new schools after that.

Allworth ( 1994 ) observed that by the 1950s there was only one Madrasa left functioning in the whole of Central Asia training between 50 and 100 students at a time and even that was not part of the official educational system.

The number includes the branches of three foreign institutions, namely: Westminster University (UK), Plekhanov Academy of Economics (Russia), and the Moscow State University (Russia) but it does not include the military colleges and the educational institutions affiliated to security services, police and the fire department. Those institutions have separate application and admissions procedures, different from the national unified system and there is very little information available about them. Since then the Gubkin Institute of Oil and Gas (Russia), the Management Development Institute of Singapore (Singapore), and the Polytechnic University of Turin (Italy) have opened branches in Tashkent.

A popular joke of the 1980s about the subjectivity of oral entrance examinations in history helps to clarify this point. The son of an apparatchik comes to the examination room and the examiner asks him when World War II started and when it finished. The applicant says that World War II started in 1939 and finished in 1945. “Well done!” says the examiner, “You passed with an excellent mark!” Next the son of a farmer comes to the examination room. The examiner asks him the same question and the applicant gives the same answer. However, the examiner is not satisfied this time. “Well, how many Soviet people died in that war?” he asks as a follow-up question. “About 20 million”, answers the farmer’s son. “Can you count them by their name?” asks the examiner. “No? Unfortunately, you failed. Please come next year with better preparation,” the examiner advises.

There are some allegations that the new admissions system also suffers from corrupt practices in the sense that some applicants are able to cheat the system in order to obtain higher scores. However, due to the way the new system was designed, it is not possible to stop top-scoring talents from gaining admission to the degree programme of their choice; which was not guaranteed under the old system. See the ICG ( 2003 ) for details.

Although student loans are on offer from state-owned banks, they are not popular due to the bureaucratic and cumbersome nature of the application process. Moreover, because these loans are collateralised, they discriminate against poor families who find it hard to meet the banks’ condition on acceptable form of collateral.

Statistical yearbooks published by the State Committee for Statistics have consistently shown that the average monthly salaries for the specialist working in banking, accountancy, and ICT were significantly higher than those for people working in the agriculture and education sectors. For example, in 1999, average salaries in the agriculture and education sectors were about 46 and 70% of the national average salaries, respectively. In contrast, average salaries in the banking and ICT sectors were about 184 and 222% of the national average respectively in the same year (National Committee for Statistics 2000 ).

As a result, the proportion of grant-based placements in IHEs fell from an average of 38% in 2005 to 34% in 2008 (STC 2008 ). The proportion of grant placements does not differ significantly from subject to subject, ranging between the 35 and 42% of the total fixed placements.

This figure ranges slightly from subject to subject in the region of about 5–7%.

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Department of Economics, University of Stirling, Stirling, FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK

Toshtemir Majidov & Dipak Ghosh

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Majidov, T., Ghosh, D. & Ruziev, K. Keeping up with revolutions: evolution of higher education in Uzbekistan. Econ Change Restruct 43 , 45–63 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10644-009-9077-5

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Received : 24 January 2009

Accepted : 31 July 2009

Published : 22 August 2009

Issue Date : February 2010

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10644-009-9077-5

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1 : Universitet : � University

2 : Akademiya : � Academy

3 : Institut : � Institute

� Pre-Higher Education System

Pre-Primary :

Length of program: 1

Age level from: 6

Age level to: 7

General Secondary :

Age level from: 7

Age level to: 18

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Certificate of Completed Secondary Education

Vocational Secondary :

Age level from: 18

Age level to: 20

Certificate/Diploma awarded at end: Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education

Compulsory pre-primary education of one year at age six was introduced in 2019-2020, with the aim of having 100% enrollment by 2021-2022. General secondary education is compulsory and lasts 11 years, with students having three choices: a) 11 years of study in a general secondary school; b) 9 years in a general secondary school followed by 2 years in an academic lyceum; c) 11 years of study in a general secondary school followed by up to 2 years in a vocational college. Upon completion of, students are awarded either the Certificate of Completed Secondary Education or the Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education.

� Higher Education System

Higher education is provided by universities, academies and institutes. The Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovations is the responsible body that coordinates the educational process in all higher education institutions in Uzbekistan. There are numerous specialized HEIs that are overseen by other sectoral ministries. The State Inspection for the Supervision of Quality in Education (SISQE) was created in 2017 and deals with quality assurance, attestation and accreditation of institutions in the country, with each institution, whether private or public, undergoing attestation every five years.

Law on Education (2020)

National Programme for Personnel Training (1992)

Uzbek, Russian, Kazakh, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Turkmen

University level first stage : Bachelor's degree (Bakalavr)

Description: The Bachelor's degree is the first terminal degree conferred after 4 years of study (5 to 7 years in medical fields). The former degree of Mutaxassis diplomi (Specialist degree) is no longer awarded.

University level second stage : Master's degree (Magistr)

Description: Students can acquire a Master's degree after two-year study, providing deeper understanding of a subject previously studied at Bachelor's level.

University level third stage : Doctorate

Description: The Doctor of Science/Arts degree is conferred after the writing of a major thesis. The qualification of Fan Nomzodi diplomi (Candidate of Science) under the old system (three years' postgraduate study and defence of a thesis) is no longer awarded as of 2013.

Some universities offer correspondence courses using distance-learning technologies.

Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Innovations of Uzbekistan

Street: Universitet ko‘chasi, 7-uy

City: Taškent

PostCode: 100174

www: http://www.edu.uz

Contacts: - Ibrokhim Abdurakhmonov (Head), Job title : Minister - Komiljon Khamidovich Karimov (Senior Administrative Officer), Job title : First Deputy Minister

State Inspectorate for Supervision of Quality in Education - SISQE

Street: Chilonzor tumani Nurxon ko‘chasi, 21-uy

PostCode: 100115

www: https://www.tdi.uz/uz

Contacts: Ulugbek Negmatovich Tashkenbayev (Head), Job title : Head

Certificate of Completed Secondary Education

Diploma of Secondary Specialized Education

The State Testing Center oversees the competitive admission tests which take place in August each year.

Admission Requirements: Foreign students should hold a secondary education certificate.

� Recognition of Studies

The State Inspection for the Supervision of Quality in Education is in charge of accreditation and licensing.

� Credentials

Description: Secondary school leaving certificate awarded after eleven years of compulsory general secondary education.

Description: Qualification awarded after two years' training at the end of specialized secondary and vocational education.

Bakalavr diplomi

Description: The bachelor's degree is conferred after at least four years' university study (5-7 in medical fields), and provides fundamental and practical knowledge in various specializations. It can allow the holder to continue to Master's studies or enter the workplace.

Magistr diplomi

Description: The Master’s degree is a higher education qualification which provides fundamental and practical knowledge in a specialization, which continues for at least two years, which is based on the previous bachelor’s basis.

Fan Doktori diplomi

Description: Doctoral degree issued to candidates who have submitted a high-quality thesis, based upon individual and original research of social-economic importance, presenting new theories, responses to complex problems and which can be developed and implemented in particular areas of sciences in order to contribute to the development of science, technology, socio-political fields and economic sectors.

� Data Provided by

IAU from EACEA document 'Overview of the Higher Education System in Uzbekistan (2017), World Bank Uzbekistan Education Sector Analysis (2018), and website of the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education, September 2020. Bodies updated April 2023.

Updated on 08-09-2020

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Experiments with Higher Education in the Post-Soviet World

Thursday, April 18, 2024 , 3  - 4:30 p.m.

Location: 168 Dulles Hall

Tags: Area Studies Centers Global Education

After the collapse of the USSR, institutions of higher education in Russia and Central Asia suffered badly. The best faculty left for the West, those who could not leave but who had initiative looked for opportunities in other sectors, and those who remained were massively underpaid and overworked. Thirty years later, educational systems in these countries have evolved but still have strong connections with the Soviet tradition, for better or worse (usually the latter).

Since 2010 Andrew Wachtel has worked in Central Asia and Russia as an institution builder, a consultant and a startup educational entrepreneur. In his talk he will describe the similarities and differences between the situation of higher education in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Uzbekistan and discuss how trends emerging there may be harbingers of change for educational systems in other parts of the world.

About Andrew Wachtel Andrew Wachtel is a co-founder and the Director of Compass College of Art and Design in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. He is also Rector of TEAM University in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, and the Director of Educational Programs for inDrive, in which capacity he is creating an innovative university in Almaty, Kazakhstan. Previously, he served as Rector of Narxoz University in Almaty, and President of the American University of Central Asia in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.  Before coming to Central Asia, he was dean of The Graduate School and director of the Roberta Buffett Center for International and Comparative Studies at Northwestern University.  A fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, his interests range from Russian literature and culture to East European and Balkan culture, history, and politics to contemporary Central Asia. He also works as a translator from multiple Slavic languages and consults on educational projects throughout Eurasia.

Co-sponsors Office of International Affairs, Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures, the Center for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies and Department of History.

International Admitted Student Webinar with India Gateway

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In Moscow Attack, a Handful of Suspects but a Million Tajiks Under Suspicion

The main suspects in a deadly assault near Moscow were from Tajikistan. Now many other Tajiks, who fill jobs in Russia’s wartime economy, are being deported and harassed.

• Share full article

By Anatoly Kurmanaev ,  Valeriya Safronova and Valerie Hopkins

Muhammad said he had found a better life in Russia. After emigrating from Tajikistan last fall, he began driving delivery vans in Siberia, enrolled his children in a local school, applied for a Russian passport and started planning to buy an apartment with the savings from his much higher salary.

The arrest of a group of Tajik citizens accused of carrying out the attack that killed 145 people at a Moscow concert hall last month has upended those plans, filling Muhammad with fear of being swept up in the ensuing crackdown on the Central Asian migrants who prop up Russia’s economy.

The attack, he said, has erased all the efforts his family made to fit into society. In a phone interview from the city of Novosibirsk, he added that he would move back to Tajikistan if the police or nationalist radicals were to target him.

“I’ll only have a hunk of bread, but at least I’ll be in my homeland, living without fear that someone will bang on my door,” said Muhammad, whose last name, like those of other migrants quoted in this story, is being withheld to protect them against possible retaliation.

The Russian police have responded to the terrorist attack, the most lethal in the country in decades, by raiding thousands of construction sites, dormitories, cafes and warehouses that employ and cater to migrants. Russian courts have deported thousands of foreigners after quick hearings on alleged immigration violations. And Russian officials have proposed new measures to restrict immigration.

The official crackdown has been accompanied by a spike in xenophobic attacks across Russia, according to local news media and rights groups, which have documented beatings, verbal abuse and racist graffiti directed against migrants.

The crackdown has exposed one of the main contradictions of wartime Russia, where nationalist fervor promoted by the government has brought xenophobia to new highs even as foreign workers have become an irreplaceable part of the country’s war effort.

As blue-collar Russian workers went off to fight in Ukraine, took jobs at armaments factories or left the country to avoid being drafted, citizens of Tajikistan and two other Central Asian countries have partly filled the void.

They have kept consumer goods flowing, built houses to satisfy the real estate boom fed by military spending and rebuilt occupied Ukrainian towns pummeled during the war. Some have signed up to fight for Russia, on the promise of windfall salaries and fast-track Russian passports.

But those needs are being measured against other priorities. On Tuesday, President Vladimir V. Putin made that clear in a speech to police officials. “Respect for our traditions, language, culture and history must be the determinant factor for those who want to come and live in Russia,” he said.

Igor Efremov, a Russian demographer, estimated that there were between three and four million migrants working in Russia at any given time. He said Russia’s total population stood at about 146 million.

A majority of these migrants — most of whom come to do manual work for months at a time — are from three poor former Soviet Republics in Central Asia: Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. These mostly Muslim countries have become increasingly dominant sources of migration to Russia as Western sanctions have made the country less attractive to many foreigners.

The concert hall massacre exposed the fragility of their positions. Because most migrants in Russia today come from countries with different languages and cultures and a different dominant religion, they have been especially exposed to harassment during a war that the Kremlin has presented as a struggle for the survival of Russia’s cultural identity.

While a variety of religions are practiced in Russia, the Kremlin consistently upholds the Russian Orthodox Church as a central element of Russian culture.

About a dozen Tajiks working in Russia spoke to The New York Times about their fears after the attack on March 22. Some said they had not left their houses for days to avoid possible detention or because they felt shame that their countrymen appeared to have caused so much pain.

“You walk by, and you hear these comments: ‘Get away from me, get far away from me,’” said Gulya, a Tajik house cleaner who has worked in Russia for nearly two decades. “I love Russia, I love it as my own, but people have become angry, aggressive,” said Gulya, who is considering returning home if tensions persist.

Valentina Chupik, a lawyer who provides legal aid to migrants in Russia, said on Monday that she had appealed 614 deportation orders since the terrorist attack. Another migrant-rights activist, Dmitri Zair-Bek, said he was aware of about 400 deportations in that period in St. Petersburg alone.

“We have never seen such a scale of anti-migrant operations,” Mr. Zair-Bek said in a phone interview.

Tajiks have proven especially vulnerable.

Tajikistan descended into a civil war soon after gaining independence, a conflict that has accelerated the spread of Islamic fundamentalism.

The country’s status as the poorest former Soviet state means there are few jobs available if people are sent back. And some Tajik citizens who sought refuge in Russia from the unrest at home said it was not safe for them to return.

Evgeni Varshaver, a Russian expert on migration, estimates that about a million Tajiks, or about a tenth of Tajikistan’s population, is in Russia at any given time.

Tajikistan’s poverty and political isolation make Tajiks especially likely to settle in Russia for good. Three out of four long-term foreign residents that Russia gained since invading Ukraine came from Tajikistan, according to the Russian statistical agency.

Most Tajiks in Russia are male economic migrants who do jobs that are increasingly shunned by native Russians, such as in construction and agriculture. Many speak little Russian and work on the margins of the formal economy, making them especially vulnerable to abuse by employers and corrupt officials.

Apart from seasonal laborers, Russia remains the main destination for Tajikistan’s small class of professionals, who often view the Soviet era as a period of stability and relative personal freedoms compared with the upheavals of the civil war and rising Islamic fundamentalism that followed their country’s independence.

Fluent in Russian and well educated, these middle-class Tajiks tend to face fewer instances of xenophobia.

“I have seen how Tajiks get shouted at, how officials give them the runaround, just because they can,” said Safina, a Tajik professional who has worked in Russia. “But when I go to the same places, I get treated very well.”

Still, even those who are culturally integrated have been targets of criticism since the terrorist attack.

A conservative Russian commentator reported the Tajikistan-born singer Manizha Sangin to the prosecutors’ office after the singer called the brutal beatings of the Tajik suspects in the attack “public torture.” Ms. Sangin represented Russia at Eurovision in 2021 with the song “Russian Woman.”

Rights activists fear that the government’s treatment of the suspects helped fuel recent racist attacks against Tajiks.

Russian migration experts say the concert hall attack is likely to further shift the country’s migration debate toward national security priorities, at the expense of the economy. Various policymakers and conservative commentators have called for new laws to restrict migration as supporters of foreign labor in the economic ministries and big business have largely stayed silent.

A conservative businessman, Konstantin Malofeev, has created a policy institute to lobby for ways to limit migration.

“We are ready and want to live with Tajiks, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz; they are our neighbors,” Mr. Malofeev said in a video interview from a Moscow office decorated with Christian Orthodox icons. But, he added, “these migrant workers should be much more Russified.”

The need for soldiers and military factory workers pushed Russian unemployment to a record low of 2.8 percent in February, creating acute labor shortages that are fueling inflation and destabilizing the economy, according to the Central Bank of Russia. The country’s rapidly declining population makes these shortages impossible to solve without foreign workers, migration experts say.

“The needs of employers are no longer considered,” Mr. Efremov, the demographer, said. “The most important thing is that the enemy doesn’t slip through.”

Milana Mazaeva , Nanna Heitmann and Oleg Matsnev contributed reporting.

Anatoly Kurmanaev covers Russia and its transformation following the invasion of Ukraine. More about Anatoly Kurmanaev

Valerie Hopkins covers the war in Ukraine and how the conflict is changing Russia, Ukraine, Europe and the United States. She is based in Moscow. More about Valerie Hopkins

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Uzbekistan: Higher Education Reforms and the Changing Landscape Since Independence

2018, Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education

This chapter is the first study that carefully documents higher education (HE) reforms in Uzbekistan since the demise of the former Soviet Union. It analyses evolution of the sector with clear emphasis on government policy and its impact on changing the country’s higher education landscape since independence. The study highlights complex interactions between the distinct pre- and post-independence contexts, policy legislation and its implementation on the one hand, and the demands of the new market-based economic system and the requirements of building and strengthening state institutions to support the transition process on the other hand. The paper will show why the country’s peculiar ‘strictly top-down’ approach to reforms has not been successful in improving a number of key areas including access to higher education, and human as well as physical capacities of higher education institutions which ultimately determine the quality of higher education provisioning.

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Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education

Jarkyn Shadymanova

Between 1991 and today, the Soviet system of state-funded and Communist Party controlled higher education institutions (HEIs) in Kyrgyzstan has been transformed into an expansive, diverse, unequal, semiprivatized and marketized higher education landscape. Drawing on national and international indicators of higher education in Kyrgyzstan and data about the history and substance of these changes in policy and legislation, this chapter examines key factors which have shaped patterns of institutional differentiation and diversification during this period. These include the historical legacies of Soviet educational infrastructures, new legal and political frameworks for HE governance and finance, changes to regulations for the licensing of institutions and academic credentials, the introduction of multinational policy agendas for higher education in the Central Asian region, changes in the relationship between higher education and labor, the introduction of a national university admissio...

Cogent Education

Gulzhan Azimbayeva

Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences

Olga Nessipbayeva

Higher Education in Russia and Beyond

This short article discusses fundamental reforms undertaking the in higher education system of Uzbekistan since 1991.

This paper argues that during the perestroika period the institutionalised context of the Soviet higher education governance was transformed dramatically, and has attempted to explain the outcomes for higher education from the perestroi-ka period and proposed the theory of " institutional dis/continuities ". The theory employs elements of historical institutionalism in the explanation of higher education governance changes during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods in the countries under review, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Uzbekistan. Historical institutionalism addresses the institutional changes in historical development. The changes are explained by " critical junctures ". Therefore, the perestroika period is seen as a critical juncture in this paper. They may be caused by times of great uncertainty. The changes were dramatic in spite of the short timeframe. This critical juncture period is identifiable subject to a reference to the Soviet period.

Palgrave studies in global higher education

Alan Deyoung

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