maulana mohammad ali jauhar essay

History of Islam

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Mohammed Ali Jauhar (1878-1931) and the Origins of Pakistan

By Professor Nazeer Ahmed

Mohammed Ali Jauhar was a product of the Aligarh movement and a principal figure in the historical processes that resulted in the emergence of Pakistan. To appreciate the contributions of this towering personality one must retrace the footprints of history in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The decimation of the Muslim aristocracy in northern India following the uprising of 1857 created a political vacuum which left the masses despondent and rudderless. A new order had come into being, dictated by British imperial interests in which the prerequisite for advancement and prosperity was acquiescence to, and adaptation of western education and cultural values. The Muslims distrusted the new order as hostile to their own values, beliefs and traditional educational systems. The distrust was mutual. The British, on their part, looked askance at the Muslims whose rule they had usurped in large parts of the subcontinent through conquest, diplomacy or deceit. a principal figure

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan broke this cycle of mutual distrust. Convinced that the advancement of Indian Muslims lay in acquiring the knowledge and wisdoms of the west and integrating them with traditional Islamic education, he moved into the educational arena and founded the institution, which in time evolved into Aligarh Muslim University. The Aligarh movement was a giant leap forward from the medieval to the modern age but the passage was not as smooth as Sir Syed had envisioned. Traditional school systems sprang up in Deoband, Nadva and other centers of learning, juxtaposed with the modernist Aligarh system. The graduates of the traditional schools had little understanding of the modern west while the graduates of Aligarh often were lacking in the traditional disciplines. The tensions between the traditional and the reformist persisted into the twentieth century, and indeed, they persist even to this day.

Mohammed Ali, one of three Ali brothers, was born into a Pashtun family of UP in 1878. His father, Abdul Ali Khan, passed away when Mohammed Ali was two years old. A bright student, Mohammed Ali studied at Aligarh, and in 1898, won a scholarship to study at Oxford University. Returning to India in 1904 he accepted employment first at Rampur as Director of the education department, then at Baroda in the Administrative services (1906). Later that year he resigned from civil service and dedicated himself to national service. He attended the first conference of the Muslim League in Dhaka in 1906 and, along with Wiqar al Mulk and Muhsin al Mulk, became a principal spokesman for Muslim aspirations on the national scene. Mohammed Ali showed his metal as a writer and a poet at a very early age. He was equally fluent in English and Urdu. The Times of India ran a series on his observations on contemporary affairs in 1907. Some of his early poems, written while he was a student at Aligarh show a remarkable synthesis of revolutionary zeal and Sufi resignation:

Life in its full splendor will arrive after death, O executioner! Our journey starts where your journey ends; Confront you, who can (O executioner)? But— Blessed is my blood after your bleeding; The martyrdom of Hussain is indeed the death of Yazid, The breath of life wakes up the faith of surrender after every Karbala!

His poetry is animated by the passion for righteous action and the power of perseverance. It is this universal appeal that has made him one of the most quoted poets of all times. He sounds off his clarion call to the isolationists in the following words:

Tell those who hide behind curtains to hide in their tombs— The inert—no refuge do they have in this world! He scoffed at titles and sycophancy preferring a higher reward: The occupancy of the chair, that is worth its felicitation, O Jowhar! But higher is the recompense of the Day of Recompense. Neither a seeker of wealth nor a pursuer of honor am I, The mendicants at this door—they ask for something else.

He was an activist. In the pursuit of higher goals he was not afraid of making mistakes:

The intercession of Muhammed is a divine Grace for sure, The Day of Gathering—Ah! That is a feast of Grace for the wrong doers.

There was no journal, and no newspaper that carried the voice of the Muslims. To fill this void Mohammed Ali started the weekly “Comrade” in 1911. Published in English from Kolkata, the journal electrified the Muslim educated class. It was read not just by English speaking Indians but also by the British bureaucrats who wanted to feel the pulse of the Indian political climate. It carried political commentaries, analysis and essays on social issues. The capital of India was shifted from Kolkata to Delhi in 1911. So the publication of “Comrade” was shifted to the new capital. It was soon obvious that to reach the masses, a publication in the Urdu language was required. So Mohammed Ali started a Urdu weekly “Hamdard” in 1911 as a companion publication to “Comrade”. International events of global import soon overtook national events and consumed the attention of the Indian Muslim intelligentsia. The Balkan War of 1911-12, in which the combined forces of Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece attacked the Ottoman Empire with the tacit connivance of Britain, France and Russia, alarmed the Muslim world. Italy invaded Libya and occupied it. There was not much that the large Muslim population of India could do except to petition the British government not to aid and abet the Balkan aggressors. The Maulana spoke up for justice through the voice of Comrade. His strident calls caught the attention of the ruling authorities. The publication of Comrade was stopped and the Maulana was jailed and stayed locked up until 1918.

The guns of World War 1 shattered the peace of the world in 1914. India, a captive colony of Britain, declared war on Germany. The Ottoman Empire entered the conflict ill prepared, goaded into the fray by the Young Turks who miscalculated that the initial rapid advance of the German armies into France presaged a quick victory, and their desire to recover territories lost in the Balkan wars of 1911-12. The Indian army, largely recruited from the region between Delhi and Peshawar, consisted of Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus in roughly equal proportions. It was unceremoniously packed up and dispatched to Iraq and Palestine to fight the soldiers of the Khalifa. The war ended in a disaster for the Turks. The Middle East was carved up and swallowed by the British and French empires. The Arab revolt of 1917 stabbed the Turks in the back, shattering the illusions of pan-Islamism harbored by many Indian intellectuals.

It was not the Ottoman defeat in the Great War but the British attempt to abolish the Caliphate that riled the Indian Muslims and impelled them to political activism. The Caliphate was an institution that had survived the vicissitudes of Islamic history for 1300 years. Most Muslims believed that it was an integral part of Islamic faith. A Khilafat committee was formed in 1920 to apply pressure on the British government on this issue. A delegation headed by Maulana Mohammed Ali was sent to London and returned empty handed later that year. .

The Khilafat movement was a milestone in the history of South Asian Muslims. It brought together ulema like Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani, secular nationalists like Dr. Saifuddin Kuchlo and Hakim Ajmal Khan, universalists like Maulana Azad and pan-Islamists like Maulana Mohammed Ali under one umbrella, and when it ended it unleashed communal forces whose frenzy propelled the subcontinent into the holocaust that accompanied partition in 1947. It defined the career of Maulana Mohammed Ali who felt that an enslaved India could not successfully resist the international intrigues of the British Empire. Cooperation with the majority Hindu community was essential if India was to achieve its independence. The emergence of this conviction coincided with the rise of Gandhi on the national stage. Gandhi saw in the Khilafat movement a golden opportunity to fuse together the Hindus and the Muslims into an integrated political movement that would force the British out of India. But it was a marriage of convenience in which the national agenda of independence was wedded to the pan-Islamic idea of Indian support for the Khilafat based in far-away Istanbul. The injection of religion into the struggle for independence provided an entry for fringe right wing elements, both Hindu and Muslim, to enter politics. It was an idea fraught with explosive potential for the future of communal harmony in the subcontinent. Indeed, partition was born in the communal politics of the 1920s. Jinnah, a strict constitutionalist and a secular nationalist at the time, saw through this danger and warned his countrymen and fellow Muslims about it. He was opposed to the Khilafat movement. No one listened. Indeed, it estranged Jinnah from Muhammed Ali and the motley collection of scholars and opportunists who had gathered around the issue. It also solidified the estrangement of Jinnah from Gandhi.

The coalition was inherently unstable and it was bound to break up sooner or later. And break up it did in 1922. Gandhi was chosen as the leader of the Khilafat movement in 1920 and he proposed peaceful non-cooperation to compel the British to listen to Indian demands. The movement was launched with much fanfare with the Ali brothers, Maulana Azad and others traversing the country to whip up support from the masses. But India was not ready for peaceful non-cooperation. The situation got out of hand when violence broke out in Chauri Chaura in 1922 and Gandhi called off the struggle leaving its ardent supporters in the lurch. The issue died a peaceful death when the Turkish parliament under Kemal Ataturk abolished the Caliphate in 1924.

The failure of the Khilafat movement compelled the Hindu and Muslim communities to face one another and try to work out a modus operandi. To give a voice to Muslim sentiments, Maulana Mohammed Ali restarted the Comrade weekly in 1924, soon to be followed by its Urdu counterpart, Hamdard. But the India of the 1920s was a changed India from that of the 1910s. Just as Jinnah had warned, communal forces were let loose. Communal riots rocked Nagpur, Meerat and other cities. The Hindu Mahasabha gained traction and in 1925, its president Golwalkar proposed the two-nation theory. A disunited and confused Muslim leadership held several meetings to chart out a vision and a course of action for the future. An all parties conference held in Delhi in 1925, which included representatives of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League, failed to agree on guidelines for a future constitution for India and instead delegated the task to a committee headed by Motilal Nehru.

The Nehru report was a watershed in the independence struggles of India and Pakistan. The report, compiled by an eleven member committee including two absentee Muslim participants, came up with a unitary concept for the proposed constitution of India with residual powers vested in the center. This was a reflection of the socialist leanings of Jawarharlal Nehru who stayed wedded to top down, planned, government controlled economic models throughout his influential political career, but which had as its corollary the domination of majority views on the minority. The Muslim leadership preferred a federal constitution with residual powers vested in the states. Secondly, the Nehru report abrogated the separate electorate agreements reached between the Congress and the League in 1915 in Lucknow which were brokered by Jinnah. Both of these were unacceptable to the majority of Muslim leadership. Maulana Mohammed Ali failed to convince Gandhi and the Congress party to change these provisions of the Nehru report. In bitterness, he broke with Gandhi and walked away from the Congress.

Maulana Muhammed Ali attended the first round table conference in London in 1931, called by the British to discuss a dominion status for India. It was also attended by Jinnah, Dr. Ambedkar, the Agha Khan, Sardar Ujjal Singh, Tej Bahadur Sapru, B.S. Moonje and others. It ended in failure because the Indian National Congress, the largest political party in India, boycotted it. Mohammed Ali died in London and was buried in Jerusalem as he had wished.

The primary legacy of Maulana Mohammed Ali was to give forceful expression to the voice of his generation through his consummate journalistic and poetic skills. He was at once a nationalist and a mujahid. Addressing one of the meetings of the Khilafat committee, he declared, “As far as the command of God is concerned, I am a Muslim and Muslim alone; as far the issue of India is concerned, I am Indian and Indian alone”. He roused the Muslim masses in support of the Khilafat movement and sought a cooperative independence struggle through Gandhi. In these attempts he failed because he failed to grasp the inherent contradictions in his positions on national and international issues. At the onset of the Khilafat movement he fell out with Jinnah but while in London in 1931, he and his brother Shaukat Ali begged Jinnah to return to India and take charge of the Muslim League. The rest is history.

Reference for further reading: Mujahid e Azam, Maulana Mohammed Ali Jowhar, Farooq Argali, Fareed Book Depot, Delhi

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Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar also known as Mohammad Ali was among the passionate fighters of independence who struggled against the British Colonial Powers. He was born in 1878 in Rampur, India. He belonged to the Yousaf Zai clan of the Rohillatribe to a wealthy and enlightened family of Pathans. He was one of the legendry Ali Brothers other then Shaukat Ali and Zulfiqar Ali. Despite the early death of his father, the efforts, determination and sacrifice by his farsighted mother, Abadi Bano Begum, enabled him and his brothers to get good education. Their mother mortgaged almost all her landed property and sent them to the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, Aligarh, Both of the Ali Brothers graduated from this College. Mohammad Ali showed exceptional brilliance throughout his College career and stood first in the B.A. examination of the Allahabad University, later in 1898, Mohammad Ali proceeded to Lincoln College, Oxford, for further studies where he got honors degree in Modern History and devoted himself more to the study of history of Islam.

After his return to India, he took charge as education director for the Rampur state, and later for almost a decade served in the Baroda civil service. He possessed remarkable brilliance as a writer and orator, He wrote articles in various newspapers like “The Times”, “The Observer” and “The Manchester Guardian” as well as other major English and Indian newspapers, in both English and Urdu. He was man of a versatile genius and played a great part in the endeavors against the British colonial rule. He was a great orator and still greater Journalist. He became firm opponents of British rule under the combined shock of the Balkan wars and Kanpur Mosque incident in 1913. His relentless determination and ardor in the cause of India’s freedom, and his persistence in pursuing the goal most dear to him won him the respect and affection of his numerous countrymen. He launched his famous weekly The Comrade, in English, from Calcutta, on January 14, 1911, written and edited by one man and produced on expensive paper, The Comrade quickly gained circulation and influence. After twenty months the paper moved to Delhi the then new capital of British Empire. Later in 1913 he started publishing an Urdu-language daily Hamdard as well. Mohammad Ali worked hard to expand the Aligarh Muslim University, then known as the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, and was one of the co-founders of the Jamia Millia Islamia in 1920, which was later moved to Delhi.

Jauhar was among the founders of All India Muslim League and attended first meeting in Dhaka in 1906. He served as its president in 1918 and remained active in the League till 1928. Being a zealous Muslim and passionate believer of caliphate he played active role in Khilafat movement. He represented the Muslim delegation that travelled to England in 1919 to persuade the British government to influence the Turkish Mustafa Kamal not to depose the Sultan of Turkey, who was the Caliph of Islam. British rejection of their demands resulted in the formation of the Khilafat committee which directed Muslims all over India to protest and boycott the government. In 1921, Ali formed a broad coalition with Muslim nationalists like Shaukat Ali, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari and Indian nationalist leader Mahatama Gandhi, who enlisted the support of the Indian National Congress and many thousands of Hindus, who joined the Muslims in a demonstration of unity. He wholeheartedly supported Gandhi’s call for a national civil resistance movement, and inspired many hundreds of protests and strikes all over India. He was arrested by British authorities and imprisoned for two years for what was termed as a seditious speech at the meeting of the Khilafat Conference. He was the sixth Muslim to become the President of Indian National Congress in 1923. Mohammed Ali’s elevation to the Congress president ship helped to legitimize his position in nationalist circles but within months he began to drift away from congress. This had a great deal to do with deteriorating Hindu-Muslim relations and the Congress inclination towards the communal forces of Hindu Mahasabha. Mohammad Ali’s anxieties were heightened by the growing fissures in the Hindu-Muslim alliance in Bengal and Punjab and the rapid progress of the Arya Samaj, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the shuddhi and sangathan. The publication of the Nehru report in August 1928 proved the last nail in the coffin of Hindu Muslim unity. Mohammad Ali Jauhar, in league with some others, disrupted a meeting which was tilted in favor of the Nehru report. Mohammad Ali Jauhar accused Motilal Nehru for ‘killing non-cooperation and deplored Gandhi’s endorsement of the Nehru Report. Mohammad Ali opposed the Nehru Report’s rejection of separate electorates for Muslims, and supported the Fourteen Points of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the League.

Mohammed Ali pleaded Muslims to send a separate delegation in 1930s London Round Table Conference to represent Muslims. His appeal symbolized the collapse of the old alliance on which Gandhi had built the non-cooperation movement and clearly showed that only Muslim League spoke for the Indian Muslims. Although seriously ill he joined the delegation, led by the Aga Khan, with the firm conviction that critical collaboration with the British at the Round Table Conference would bring greater political benefits. His speech at the Round Table Conference, which turned out to be his last sermon, appeared to be the last wish of dying man, ‘I want to go back to my country, ‘Mohammed Ali declared, ‘with the substance of freedom in my hand. Otherwise I will not go back to a slave country. I would even prefer to die in a foreign country so long as it is a free country, and if you do not give me freedom in India you will have to give me a grave here.’ Mohammed Ali, a chronic patient of diabetes, died soon after the conference in London, on January 4, 1931 in London and was buried in Jerusalem in the court-yard of Masjid-ul-Aqsa, the second holiest mosque of Islam.

Today's Paper | March 24, 2024

Maulana muhammad ali jauhar — a man who chose the pen above the sword.

Daur-e-hayat ayega qatil teri qaza ke baad... hai ibteda hamari teri inteha ke baad...

Life will begin again when the tyrant has been vanquished It will be our beginning when you have reached your limits

This couplet was written by Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, my grandfather. It could have been written today as we unite and rise up against the excesses that reached another kind of inteha in the brutal massacre of innocents of Peshawar’s Army Public School.

Muhammad Ali’s ancestors were from Najibabad, and they came to Delhi in 1857 to protect the last Mughal king, Bahadur Shah Zafar. About 200 of Maulana Mohammad Ali’s relatives were killed in the 1857 War of Independence. Muhammad Ali’s grandfather moved to Rampur state and settled there.

Mohammad Ali was five years old when his father, Abdul Ali Khan, passed away. His mother Abadi Begum, affectionately known as Bi Amma, inspired her sons to take up the mantle of the struggle for freedom from Colonial rule. To this end, she was adamant that her sons were properly educated. She felt they must learn English in order to understand the British mindset and recognise their weaknesses. This culminated in a degree in Law and History from Oxford.

Muhammad Ali was already a craftsman with words growing up amid the poetic culture of Char Bait patronised in Rampur. Char bait originated in the Middle East in the 17th century where a tribal warlord would approach a rival army with a lyrical lalkar (challenge), a quick repartee competition between poets ranging from romance to politics. It came to India in the 1870s via Afghanistan with the Rohillas with its centre in the courts of Rampur.

Groomed in this poetic tradition, and Aligarh University, that hotbed of intellectual debate for young Muslims of India, now armed with an impeccable command over the English language, the lalkar of Muhammad Ali continued with incisive, provocative, powerful speeches and writings in English. H.G. Wells wrote of him: “Muhammad Ali possessed the pen of Macaulay, the tongue of Burke and the heart of Napoleon.”

Muhammad Ali chose the pen over the sword. On his return to India, Muhammad Ali realised he must respond to the injustices being carried out by the British and their deliberate attempts to undermine the ideals and culture of Indian society. Its great artists and writers were scoffed at. There was very little unity left among the Indians.

In 1911, Muhammad Ali Jauhar moved to Calcutta where he started an English newspaper called “The Comrade”. He gave expression to deeply-felt emotions in his perfect English prose, and thus, his newspaper became very popular, except with the British. Subsequently, he was imprisoned for expounding his views and his property in Rampur was confiscated. Once released, he started writing his paper again. This started a cycle of his being arrested and then released, only to be arrested again for resuming his writing.

In Dehli he started an Urdu paper called “The Hamdard”. He wrote about the conditions in India and Middle East following the fall of the Ottoman Empire. He visited Turkey to express solidarity with the Khilafat. He was very concerned about the status of Palestine.

While he was in British custody, two of his daughters, age 20 and 21 fell ill. It was said that the British urged Muhammad Ali to apologise for his views, so that he may be allowed to visit his dying daughters, but he refused. When his old mother heard of this offer she wrote to him, saying that if he were to accept the offer, she still had enough strength in her old hands to choke him to death herself. (“Mairay boorhay hathon mein abhi bhi itni jaan hai kay mein tumhara gala daba doon”) When his daughters died, he was not allowed to attend their funerals.

He wrote a poem to his daughter stating his belief in Allah’s will, telling her that if He wanted to change her fate, she would succeed in getting well, and if not than Allah’s will was his own will and he would accept it. Nevertheless he took these matters in his stride and continued to write. His fame spread far and wide and even the Viceroy read his work.

In fact once the Viceroy received an insulting letter supposedly written by Maulana Mohammad Ali, but due to the poor content, style and quality of prose, the Viceroy was quick to realise it was a forgery saying it could not be the words of Mohammad Ali.

Mohammad Ali was known for his wit. One day he was seen in the visitor’s gallery in the Indian Parliament, and the delegates sitting below invited him to join them, as after all he had come all this way. He replied: “I would rather look down upon you.”

He did not only take on the British government in India but all the western powers over the fate of Palestine, Turkey, and even challenged the Muslim powers eg; Ibn e Saud, the Saudi King over the attempted demolition of the Prophet’s grave.

Because of his concerted attempts to solve the problem of the Palestinian people he was held in high esteem by them. The Grand Mufti Amin ul Hussaini once came to Karachi in the early nineteen sixties. He was staying at the Intercontinental hotel where my sisters and I went to visit him. When the tea was brought, Mufti Azam got up to pour it for us. His hands were shaking because of his advanced years, and I insisted that he let me pour the tea myself. To this he replied: “It is my pleasure to serve you; you do not know what blood flows through your veins.”

Ultimately Mohammad Ali’s frequent jail sentences, his diabetes and lack of proper nutrition while jailed, made him very sick. No treatment was efficacious. Despite his failing health he wanted to attend the first Round Table Conference held in London in 1930, despite the misgivings of other Indian leaders. “It is for the sake of peace, friendship, and freedom that we have come here, and I hope we shall go back with all that; if we do not, we go back into the ranks of fighters where we were ten years before.”

He delivered his last speech demanding that the British give India its freedom. Sensing his end was near he said he said “today the one purpose for which I came is this--that I want to go back to my country if I can go back with the substance of freedom in my hand. Otherwise I will not go back to a slave country. I would even prefer to die in a foreign country, so long as it is a free country; and if you do not give us freedom in India you will have to give me a grave here.”

He died of a stroke on the January 4, 1931, while still in London. He made true his vow “We must have in us the will to die for the birth of India as a free and united nation.”

The Mufti Amin ul Husseini of Palestine gave him the honour of a final resting place in Jerusalem near Masjid e Aqsa. This is a privilege I will never forget. The funeral procession through Arab lands was lined with delegations holding placards acknowledging Muhammad Ali Hindi as he was known to them.

His death left a great emptiness in the hearts of his family and all those who realized his true worth. My grandfather did not die in vain. He had started a movement that inspired all Muslims to fight for freedom and Pakistan came into being.

He understood well the relationship of State and religion: “Where God commands I am a Muslim first, a Muslim second, and a Muslim last, and nothing but a Muslim… But where India is concerned, where India's freedom is concerned, I am an Indian first, an Indian second, an Indian last, and nothing but an Indian.”

He could state:

“We are not nationalists but supranationalists, and I as a Muslim say that "God made man and the Devil made the nation." Nationalism divides; our religion binds. No religious wars, no crusades, have seen such holocausts and have been so cruel as your last war, and that was a war of your nationalism, and not my Jehad.”

Yet he also understood this is not a matter of exclusivity:

“But where our country is concerned, where the question of taxation is concerned, where our crops are concerned, where the weather is concerned, where all associations in those thousands of matters of ordinary life are concerned, which are for the welfare of India, how can I say "I am a Muslim and he is a Hindu"? Make no mistake about the quarrels between Hindu and Muslim; they are founded only on the fear of domination.” Its 84 years since Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, my grandfather died in London fighting for the independence of India from the British Colonial rule. I too am 84 this year and would have been in my mother’s womb as she accompanied him to the 1930 Round Table Conference in London.

Most of what I heard about my grandfather was from my mother, Gulnar, his youngest daughter and my Nani Bi, Amjadi Begum, his extraordinary wife, who bore his many internments, the loss of her daughters and lack of finances with fortitude. When he was in jail, she continued his mission alongside Bi Amma, ignoring the criticism of conservative Muslim elements. She was the only woman in the Working Committee of the Muslim League established by Jinnah.

Long after his death, his legacy continues to inspire us all. Most of all his refusal to fight violence with violence, but with unshaking faith in the power of principles even evoking those in his enemy.

“You have not the morale (or immorale) to dare to kill 320,000,000 people… I do not for a moment imagine that you could find in all England a hundred men so hard-hearted and callous as to fire for long on unarmed and non¬violent people ready to die for the freedom of their country. No; I do not think so badly of English soldiers.”

سکندر اعظم نے کس بادشاہ کی موت پر کہا کہ ایک بادشاہ کو اس طرح نہیں مرنا چاہیے؟

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Nationalist Poetry of Maulana Muhammad Ali

Mohammad Ali Jauhar also known as Maulana Muhammad Ali, was born in 1878 in the Rampur district of Uttar Pradesh. He was a social activist, journalist, and poet. He was also a member of the All-India Muslim League and worked towards the expansion of the Aligarh Muslim University. Ali had a way with words since childhood as he was surrounded by the poetry culture in Rampur. His poetry often had themes of Independence and freedom. He was one of the most quoted poets among people at the time. Jauhar started a paper called Comrade which contained his political views. This wasn’t popular among the British as it propagated anti-British sentiments. During his imprisonment, his daughters fell sick. Even though they were on their deathbed, Ali was not allowed to meet them until he apologized to the British Government. He wrote a poem to his daughters explaining the reasons he couldn’t visit them. Even a personal tragedy did not stop his pen and he continued writing poems, essays, and articles about the Indian Independence Movement and became an inspiration for other poets and writers around the country.

Indian Institute of Technology Bombay

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THE ROLES OF MUHAMMAD ALI JAUHAR IN INDIAN POLITICS AND KHILAFAT MOVEMENT

This topic is important and interesting to be discussed because Muhammad Ali Jauhar was able to compromise both notions of nationalism and Islamism in politics. This excellence idea shows that he was a modern and moderate Islamic thinker. In his belief, the similarity of nationalism and Islamism can be seen through their rejection on colonialism. Even he introduced the importance idea on the unity of Islam and Hindu in order to against British colonialism in India. This idea made him close to Gandhi which then had been changed since Nehru Report published to against his idea on Federation of Faith. After such event, though his Islamic principle basically was so huge and rational, he spent most of his time for Khilafat Movement. He had mission to preserve the existency of Islamic Khilafat in Turkey which he believed as the duty of all the Muslims over the world to show the existence of Muslim brotherhood.

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The present paper will try to analyze the role of Azad in promoting Hindu-Muslim unity during the national movement of India. It will also try to explore his support for communal harmony, integrity and national unity. Azad was among those nationalist Muslim leaders of India, who were talking about composite nationalism, pluralism and cultural unity in diversity. Azad as a Muslim and nationalist always focused on unity of these two main communities in Indian sub-continent, both before and after partition. Besides the work will try to see what were the efforts which he took in order to promote this type of notion among the Muslims of India. Further it will also analyze the contribution of Al-Hilal towards Hindu-Muslim unity. Al-Hilal was one of the main sources through which Azad addressed generally all and particularly the Muslims of India during the national movement.

Rizwan Ullah Kokab

Shahid Rizvi

Historically, ulama played a key role in the politics of subcontinent. The contribution AIJUI is a settle fact. Its role increased with the passage of time and when they took an active part in the Pakistan movement. They worked with the Muslim league. During the 1945-46 elections they convinced the Muslim of subcontinent to vote for Muslim league and Pakistan. In the referendum of NWFP and Selhet they also convinced the people to give their option in the favor of Pakistan. Keeping in view its contribution in the freedom struggle, the paper is an attempt to highlight their contribution for the cause of Pakistan.

Isra Sarwar

Modern Asian Studies

Laurence Gautier

This article explores the role of Jamia Millia Islamia—the National Muslim University—in the formation of a composite national identity in India around the time of partition. This institution, born under the dual influence of the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation movements, constituted for its members a ‘laboratory’ for the nation. Through their educational experiments and constructive work à la Gandhi, Jamia teachers and students sought to lay the ground for an independence that would be ‘meaningful’ not only for Muslims but for the entire nation. In so doing, Jamia members claimed the right for Muslims to be recognized as ‘unhyphenated Indians’, able to speak for the nation. This article thus discusses the efforts of Jamia members to promote an inclusive conception of ‘composite India’ of which Muslims were fully part. At the same time, it highlights the ambiguous attitude of government authorities vis-à-vis the institution. Despite Jamia members’ strong affinities with Congress leaders, notably Nehru, the school received little support from state authorities after independence. Paradoxically, Nehru's government preferred to turn towards another Muslim institution—Aligarh Muslim University—often considered the ‘cradle’ of ‘Muslim separatism’, in order to reach out to Muslim citizens and promote national integration. By exploring the motivations behind this paradoxical choice as well as the complex relations between Jamia and Nehru's government, this article highlights some of Nehru's own ambiguities towards the ‘Gandhian’ legacy as well as to Muslim representation in secular India.

Manzoor Ahmad

Khilafat Movement provided an opportunity to the Ulema of sub-continent to take part in active politics, however, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba which was the first ever organized confrontation with the British raj. It eventually resulted in the formation of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). Although Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam, emerged as an effective instrument of Deobandi activism yet it denounced the creation of an independent Muslim state. Majority of Ulema believed that with the demise of British regime in India, the Muslims being a strong minority, could not be impoverished, therefore, JUH worked closely with the Congress. Interestingly, the history of the Ulema has been one of their perpetual conflicts with intelligentsia and the creation of Pakistan by the moderate leadership was a great setback for the "nationalist" Ulema. However, they failed to create a political constituency and continued to tag along with the Muslim League. Yet, JUI time and again denounced socialism and advocated the Islamic system for Pakistan. After 1970 Elections, both NAP and JUI emerged as majority parties in NWFP and Baluchistan. During the study, it will be analyzed that how JUI, a conservative Islamic party could form an alliance with NAP that had won the elections on the basis of secular ideas.

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Jagalur Mohammed Imam is very close to the predecessors of independent India. He has served in state politics for over 30 years and in central politics for 5 years. People called him Immanna, Immanna by love. His grandparents, Fakir Saheb and his father, Badesabe, became members of the Democratic Party, doing public work in local bodies and becoming a populace. As the first municipal president of Jagalur, the Imam put much effort into providing civic amenities. He was the chairman

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Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar

150 words on maulana mohammad ali johar.

Maulana Mohammad Ali johar belongs to a very respectable Muslim family of Rampur in Bharat. He received his early education at Aligarh then he went to Britain for higher education. He got a degree in history and on return he served in Rampur and Baroda. His independent personality could not reconcile with the atmosphere and soon he had to resign.

He brought out an English newspaper named comrade this paper gain popularity on account of the high standard of journalism. He also brought an Urdu newspaper “Humdard” from Delhi. Through the columns of these newspapers, Maulana Muhammad Ali made a strong criticism of the hostile attitude of the British government towards Muslims.

He took an active part in the struggle for freedom. In London, he attended the second round table conference. He was a brave freedom fighter he had an irrepressible love for Islam he was a man of courage and strong determination.

200 Words on Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar

Soon after that he started his political career he migrated to Kolkata and he brought out an English newspaper named comrade this paper gain popularity on account of the high standard of journalism. Many persons of the ruling class read it eagerly. He also brought an Urdu newspaper “Humdard” from Delhi. Through the columns of these newspapers, Maulana Muhammad Ali made a strong criticism of the hostile attitude of the British government towards Muslims.

Maulana Muhammad Ali was the zealous guardian of Muslim interest. During the Balkan war, he bitterly criticized the British government. He was imprisoned along with other leaders during the First World War.

250 Words on Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar

After his release, he joined the khilafat movement he was one of its founders. the Muslims of South Asia to an active part in that movement. Many of them were arrested and sent to jail. Maulana Muhammad Ali and his brother Shaukat Ali once again arrested.

300 Words on Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar

He took an active part in the struggle for freedom. In London, he attended the second round table conference. After a few days, he breathed his last on 4th January 1932. He was buried in the Holly mosque of Jerusalem in Palestine.

He was a brave freedom fighter he had an irrepressible love for Islam he was a man of courage and strong determination. He proved his determination in criticizing the British government when no one dreaded to speak against the government. He was a gifted poet as well.

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aaj ik aur baras biit gayā us ke baġhair

jis ke hote hue hote the zamāne mere

Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar

1878 - 1931 | Delhi , India

One of the prominent leaders of indian freedom movement.

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Sher of Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar

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saarī duniyā ye samajhtī hai ki saudā.ī hai

ab mirā hosh meñ aanā tirī rusvā.ī hai

sari duniya ye samajhti hai ki saudai hai

ab mera hosh mein aana teri ruswai hai

vaqār-e-ḳhūn-e-shahīdān-e-karbalā kī qasam

yazīd morcha jiitā hai jañg haarā hai

waqar-e-KHun-e-shahidan-e-karbala ki qasam

yazid morcha jita hai jang haara hai

qatl-e-husain asl meñ marg-e-yazīd hai

islām zinda hotā hai har karbalā ke ba.ad

qatl-e-husain asl mein marg-e-yazid hai

islam zinda hota hai har karbala ke baad

• Tag : Karbala

tauhīd to ye hai ki ḳhudā hashr meñ kah de

ye banda zamāne se ḳhafā mere liye hai

tauhid to ye hai ki KHuda hashr mein kah de

ye banda zamane se KHafa mere liye hai

na namāz aatī hai mujh ko na vazū aatā hai

sajda kar letā huuñ jab sāmne tū aatā hai

ablutions I do not know, nor do I know prayer

i just bow in worship whenever you are there

na namaz aati hai mujh ko na wazu aata hai

sajda kar leta hun jab samne tu aata hai

• Translation

vahī din hai hamārī iid kā din

jo tirī yaad meñ guzartā hai

wahi din hai hamari id ka din

jo teri yaad mein guzarta hai

daur-e-hayāt aa.egā qātil qazā ke ba.ad

hai ibtidā hamārī tirī intihā ke ba.ad

daur-e-hayat aaega qatil qaza ke baad

hai ibtida hamari teri intiha ke baad

shikva sayyād kā bejā hai qafas meñ bulbul

yaañ tujhe aap tirā tarz-e-fuġhāñ laayā hai

shikwa sayyaad ka beja hai qafas mein bulbul

yan tujhe aap tera tarz-e-fughan laya hai

tujh se kyā sub.h talak saath nibhegā ai umr

shab-e-furqat kī jo ghaḌiyoñ kā guzarnā hai yahī

tujh se kya subh talak sath nibhega ai umr

shab-e-furqat ki jo ghaDiyon ka guzarna hai yahi

har siina aah hai tire paikāñ kā muntazir

ho intiḳhāb ai nigah-e-yār dekh kar

har sina aah hai tere paikan ka muntazir

ho intiKHab ai nigah-e-yar dekh kar

qaid aur qaid bhī tanhā.ī kī

sharm rah jaa.e shakebā.ī kī

TRANSLATION

Confinement, and that too solitary,

Let the patience retain its modesty.

Sagar Akbarabadi

qaid aur qaid bhi tanhai ki

sharm rah jae shakebai ki

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