social inequality in the philippines essay

Essay on Social Inequality In The Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Social Inequality In The Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Social Inequality In The Philippines

Social inequality in the philippines: a divided society.

Social inequality persists in the Philippines, creating a stark divide between the rich and the poor. This inequality is evident in many areas of life, including income, education, healthcare, and access to resources.

Income Disparity

The gap between the rich and the poor in the Philippines is among the widest in the world. In 2021, the top 10% of earners received more than 30% of the national income, while the bottom 10% received less than 1%. This disparity has been growing in recent years due to factors such as globalization and automation.

Education Inequity

Access to quality education is another area where social inequality is evident. Children from poor families often attend underfunded public schools, while children from wealthy families can afford to attend private schools with better resources and facilities. This leads to differences in educational attainment and job opportunities.

Healthcare Disparities

Healthcare is another area where social inequality is apparent. The rich have access to private hospitals and clinics with modern equipment and experienced doctors, while the poor often rely on public hospitals, which are often overcrowded and understaffed. This disparity in healthcare leads to differences in health outcomes and life expectancy.

Addressing Social Inequality

Addressing social inequality in the Philippines requires a comprehensive approach that includes policies to promote economic equality, improve access to quality education and healthcare, and address discrimination and prejudice. Only by addressing the root causes of inequality can the Philippines create a more just and equitable society.

250 Words Essay on Social Inequality In The Philippines

Social inequality in the philippines: a persistent challenge.

In the Philippines, social inequality remains a persistent challenge that affects various aspects of society. This disparity is evident across various socioeconomic dimensions, including income, education, healthcare, and access to opportunities.

Income Inequality

One significant manifestation of social inequality in the Philippines is income disparity. The gap between the wealthy and the poor is vast, with a small percentage of the population controlling a majority of the wealth. This inequality is reflected in the country’s Gini coefficient, which measures income distribution. The higher the Gini coefficient, the greater the income inequality. The Philippines has a relatively high Gini coefficient, indicating a significant level of income disparity.

Education Disparity

Social inequality also affects access to education in the Philippines. While the government provides free primary and secondary education, the quality of education varies widely across regions and socioeconomic groups. Students from wealthy families often have access to better schools, resources, and support, leading to unequal educational outcomes. This disparity perpetuates social inequality, as individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds may face limited opportunities for higher education and better-paying jobs.

Healthcare Divide

Access to quality healthcare is another area where social inequality is evident in the Philippines. The country’s healthcare system is fragmented, with public and private healthcare providers operating separately. The public healthcare system often struggles to meet the needs of the population, leading to long waiting times and inadequate facilities. Individuals from low-income households may face significant barriers in accessing timely and affordable healthcare, contributing to poorer health outcomes compared to their wealthier counterparts.

Limited Access to Opportunities

Social inequality also limits access to opportunities for social mobility and economic advancement. Individuals from marginalized communities often face discrimination and exclusion, limiting their ability to participate fully in society. They may have fewer opportunities for quality education, employment, and participation in decision-making processes, perpetuating cycles of poverty and inequality.

To address social inequality in the Philippines, comprehensive and sustained efforts are needed. These efforts should focus on promoting inclusive economic growth, investing in education and healthcare, and implementing policies that promote social justice and equality. By creating a more level playing field, the Philippines can unlock the potential of all its citizens and build a more prosperous and just society.

500 Words Essay on Social Inequality In The Philippines

Social inequality in the philippines: a deep-rooted issue.

Social inequality is a serious problem that exists in the Philippines. It refers to the unfair and unequal distribution of resources, opportunities, and privileges among different groups of people in society. This inequality can be seen in various aspects of life, such as income, education, healthcare, and access to basic services.

Income Inequality: A Glaring Disparity

One of the most visible forms of social inequality in the Philippines is income inequality. There is a significant gap between the rich and the poor, with a small percentage of the population controlling a large portion of the wealth. This disparity leads to stark differences in living standards, with the wealthy enjoying luxurious lifestyles while many others struggle to make ends meet.

Educational Disparities: Lack of Equal Opportunities

Another area where social inequality is evident is in education. The quality of education varies widely depending on socioeconomic status. Children from wealthy families often have access to better schools, resources, and teachers, while those from poorer backgrounds may attend underfunded and overcrowded schools with limited resources. This unequal access to education perpetuates social inequality by limiting the opportunities for upward mobility for those from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Healthcare Access: A Matter of Life and Death

Social inequality also affects access to healthcare. While the Philippines has a universal healthcare system, the quality of care varies significantly depending on one’s socioeconomic status. Those who can afford private healthcare often receive better treatment and outcomes compared to those who rely on public healthcare, which often faces resource constraints and long waiting times. This disparity in healthcare access can have severe consequences, particularly for those with serious illnesses or chronic conditions.

Addressing Social Inequality: A Collective Responsibility

Addressing social inequality in the Philippines requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society. Government policies aimed at reducing income inequality, improving access to quality education and healthcare, and promoting social protection can help level the playing field. Additionally, societal attitudes and biases that contribute to inequality need to be challenged and changed. Only through collective action and a commitment to social justice can we work towards a more equitable society where everyone has a fair chance to succeed.

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PHILIPPINES: Reducing Inequality Key to Becoming a Middle-Class Society Free of Poverty

MANILA, November 24, 2022 – Policies that support employment and workers, raise education quality and improve access, boost rural development, and strengthen social protection can reduce inequality, thus enhancing Filipino peoples’ chances for improving their well-being.

In a report titled “Overcoming Poverty and Inequality in the Philippines: Past, Present, and Prospects for the Future” released today, the World Bank said that the Philippines has made important gains in poverty reduction. Driven by high growth rates and the expansion of jobs outside agriculture, poverty fell by two-thirds—from 49.2 percent in 1985 to 16.7 percent in 2018. By 2018, the middle class had expanded to nearly 12 million people and the economically secure population had risen to 44 million.

Yet inequality remains high: the top 1 percent of earners together capture 17 percent of national income, with only 14 percent being shared by the bottom 50 percent. With an income Gini coefficient of 42.3 percent in 2018, the Philippines had one of the highest rates of income inequality in East Asia.

“The Philippines aims to become a middle-class society free of poverty by 2040, but we know from global experience that no country has managed to make this transition while maintaining high levels of inequality,” said Ndiamé Diop, World Bank Country Director for Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand . “Inequality of opportunity and low mobility across generations wastes human potential and slowdown innovation, which is crucial for building a competitive and prosperous economy that will in turn improve the well-being and quality of life of all Filipinos.”

The report highlights that the expansion of secondary education, mobility to better-paying jobs, access to basic services, and government social assistance have started to reduce inequality since the mid-2000s. However, unequal opportunities, slow access to tertiary education among low-income households, inequality in returns to college education, and social norms putting the heavier burden of childcare on women has slowed down the narrowing of inequality in the Philippines.

Despite the strong recovery of growth and the labor market, COVID-19 pandemic has partly reversed decades-long gains in reducing poverty and inequality in the Philippines. It halted economic growth momentum in 2020, and unemployment shot up in industries that require in-person work. In 2021, the national poverty rate rose to 18.1 percent despite government assistance.

Recovery in the Philippines is uneven across the income distribution and the poorest who suffered the most from COVID have yet to fully recover their incomes. With food prices going up, many families coped by reducing their consumption, including eating less. These coping strategies can have serious consequences on the health and nutrition of children in these vulnerable households.

The report says that inequality starts even before birth and is perpetuated over the life cycle. It starts with maternal nutrition and health during pregnancy. Differences continue into childhood, where disparities in access to health care, proper nutrition, safe drinking water, sanitation, and quality education determine the extent to which a child’s human capital develops.

“Inequality shapes outcomes later in life, such as employment opportunities and income, which in turn influence how much support adult Filipinos are able to provide for their children to help maximize their potential,” said Nadia Belhaj Hassine Belghith, Senior Economist with the East Asia Poverty Global Practice covering Thailand and the Philippines who led the study.

The report says that policy priorities to reduce inequality in the Philippines can be structured around three themes, including healing the pandemic’s scars and building resilience, setting the stage for a vibrant and inclusive recovery, and promoting greater equality of opportunity.

Healing pandemic’s scars will require promoting greater vaccine booster uptake, overcoming the learning loss due to COVID-19, strengthening social assistance, unemployment insurance programs for the informal sector, and taming inflation.

Setting the stage for vibrant recovery entails reskilling of workers, promoting entrepreneurship, increasing the participation of women in the labor force, and raising the productivity of agriculture.

Promoting greater equality of opportunity entails increasing access to quality health care, increasing equality of opportunity in education, and improving access to quality housing, among others. Equality of opportunity needs to target the lagging regions and other people disadvantaged in accessing these because of the circumstances of their birth.

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Covid-19 and Social Inequality: How Poor Filipinos Suffer More During Pandemics

By: [wpv-hd-taxonomy type="imho_author"]

Regletto Aldrich Imbong

March 31, 2020 Length:1754 words

Summary: On social inequality and the Filipino government’s measures taken against the coronavirus – Editors.

The Philippines has a long history of disasters, both natural and human-made, that wreaked havoc upon the lives and livelihoods of thousands of Filipinos. Its geographic location makes the country more prone to frequent earthquakes, strong typhoons, and other natural disasters. These natural occurrences have not only revealed the vulnerability of most of its sectors but also uncovered the underlying socio-economic structure that determined how resources, commodities, and wealth are distributed and how such a distribution affects social relations in general.

When the state of national health emergency was declared by President Rodrigo Duterte last 8 March 2020, the country had already recorded ten Covid-19 cases and had gained the reputation of having the first death outside of China. [1] After such a declaration by the President, more declarations followed, both at the national as well as the local levels. First, there was the community quarantine in Metro Manila. Later on, this was upgraded to an enhanced community quarantine (ECQ) throughout the entire island of Luzon, the largest island in the Philippines. In this enhanced quarantine, a strict home quarantine is to be observed in all households from 17 March to 13 April 2020. [2] While certain individuals and groups are among the exceptions to the general rule of home quarantine, virtually all of the people of Luzon are prohibited from going out of their households during the entire duration of the ECQ. The ECQ would be replicated later in some provinces and cities in the islands of the Visayas and Mindanao. The Philippines’ response to the Covid-19 pandemic would also later on be addressed by the creation of the National Action Plan (NAP) chaired by Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, [3] a military general and the administrator of Martial Law in Mindanao from 2017 to 2019. In fact, the NAP would be composed of military generals whose medical knowledge, it can be presumed, is far inferior to that of scientists and health experts more fit to lead a body tasked to curb the effects of a pandemic.

While the enhanced community quarantine seems to have an equalizing effect to all affected citizens, a closer look both at its content as well as at its application reveals a social inequality that has haunted the Philippine society for centuries already. First, the idea of a home quarantine would really be effective if and only if there were indeed a home for all citizens to stay quarantined inside in the first place. The Philippines has a record high of urban squatting, where 20-25 million Filipinos do not have decent housing. [4] Urban squatting in the Philippines has deep historical roots, but the problem is essentially entangled with the lack of job opportunities in the urban areas and of affordable social housing for the poor working people. [5] The housing issue in the Philippines would make timely what Friedrich Engels explained in 1872 in The Housing Question . “What is meant today,” he argued, “by housing shortage is the peculiar intensification of the bad housing conditions of the workers as a result of the sudden rush of the population to the big cities.” He further explained that such a shortage is characterized by a “colossal increase in rents, still greater congestion in the separate houses, and, for some, the impossibility of finding a place to live in at all.” What is rather alarming of this housing shortage is that it not only haunts the working class people – and the unemployed of course – but also the petty bourgeoisie as well. [6] In the absence of decent housing where one can shelter oneself from the dangers of a contagious and deadly virus, one can merely secure a night’s rest on exposed sidewalks most vulnerable to the threat itself, thus defeating altogether the very notion of quarantine. This situation of homelessness is worsened as demolitions of informal settlements continue despite the declaration of a national health emergency. [7]

Second, restricting the movement of the general population has a more disadvantageous effect to those who live by daily wages. Daily wages here literally mean the amount paid to the laborer on a daily basis as an exchange for his/her labor power for that particular day. And with the “no work, no pay” scheme determined by the contractual [8] basis of labor prevalent here in the Philippines, most if not all of the working people are bound to suffer from an obstructed daily working schedule. With a meager daily minimum wage of Php 537 (USD 10.53) in the National Capital Region, the highest minimum wage in all the regions of the Philippines, a worker will lose around Php 15,000 (USD 294) in one month’s time. This would not be compensated by the government’s adjustment measure program under which an affected worker is promised Php 5,000 (USD 98) in cash as an alleviating measure during the ECQ period. Here, Marx’s comment in Grundrisse that “the historic character of wage labour is non-fixity” [9] takes on a new light as it is exemplified by the plight of Filipino wage laborers suffering the uncertainty caused by the current pandemic.

Third, the Filipino people did not spare themselves the hassles and dangers of panic buying. But while the rich and the middle class panicked to secure for themselves and buy goods which they deemed necessary for their survival during the ECQ, the poor merely panicked. They don’t have the means to buy the stuff they need. Or rather, from a Marxist perspective, individuals, through exchange, could only demand that portion of the social goods allotted to them by distribution, the latter being determined by social laws beyond the agency of the individual. [10] And what is allotted to them through distribution is exchanged through the value equivalent to their labor power. In simpler terms, individuals can only demand or exchange as much as their pay allows them to. And in a country where millions are living on daily minimum wage and still a thousand others are practically living without work at all, the share and distribution of the social goods can be as unequal as the income gap between the rich and the poor Filipinos. [11] The monstrous face of social inequality is revealed during times of crises and pandemics.

Fourth, this social inequality proves itself more in the implementation of the ECQ. Glaring and contrasting examples are between Dorothy Espejo and Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III. It was already noted above how the homeless become very vulnerable, especially in this Covid-19 pandemic. Dorothy Espejo is a 69-year-old homeless grandmother who, after allegedly shouting expletives at barangay officials who called to her as she slept on the streets of Manila, was jailed in violation of prohibiting resistance and disobedience to authority. [12] She could be imprisoned for up to 6 months and fined up to Php 100,000 (USD 1,960). Sen Aquilino Pimentel, on the other hand, is Covid-19 positive. Despite strict protocols on self-quarantine, the senator breached not only these protocols but the ECQ itself by rushing his pregnant wife to the hospital, thus potentially endangering not only his wife and his unborn child, but also all the health workers he came into contact with during that time. [13] The senator’s reckless action forced the health workers he came into contact with under self-quarantine to be exposed to the virus thus diminishing the number of health workers in a country that is in dire need of nurses, doctors, and other health workers. The Department of Justice, contrary to the action against Dorothy Espejo, called for compassion in relation to the Senator’s case. [14] There are more stories of abuse and discrimination against the poor, the Muslims, women, and other ordinary citizens during the implementation of the ECQ in the Philippines that manifest social inequality in the country.

While pandemics are global and universal in character, their effects and especially the suffering they cause vary from one social class to another. Recently, it has been reported that the billionaires seek shelter from the Covid-19 pandemic in chartered superyachts. [15] This is a luxury which ordinary citizens, not even the middle class, can afford. But if there is one lesson that the Covid-19 pandemic has to teach humanity, it is that, for one to be safe, others must be also. Social solidarity, instead of social distancing, became the challenge that went viral on social media. But social solidarity must not be understood as the philanthropic actions of a few toward the many. Rather, social solidarity must be anchored on the eradication of the conditions of social inequality itself. If we apply Engels’ solution to the housing problem to fit to our current predicament, we can only end social inequality and the suffering it causes to the poor during pandemics if we “abolish altogether the exploitation and oppression of the working class by the ruling class.” [16]

[1] Sofia Tomacruz, “Duterte Declares State of Public Health Emergency Amid Rise in Corona Virus Cases,” Rappler , 9 March 2020, available at https://www.rappler.com/nation/253833-duterte-declares-state-public-health-emergency-rise-coronavirus-cases-march-2020; 29 March 2020.

[2] Anjo Alimario, “Enhanced Community Quarantine Takes Effect in Luzon,” CNN Philippines , 17 March 2020, available at https://www.cnnphilippines.com/videos/2020/3/17/-Enhanced-Community-Quarantine–takes-effect-in-Luzon.html; 29 March 2020.

[3] Virgil Lopez, “Palace Bears National Action Plan VS. COVID-19,” MSN News , 26 March 2020, available at https://www.msn.com/en-ph/news/national/palace-bares-national-action-plan-vs-covid-19/ar-BB11GdPp?li=BBr8Mkn; 29 March 2020.

[4] Habitat for Humanity, “Upgrading Slums in the Philippines,” Habit for Humanity , 2017, available at https://www.habitatforhumanity.org.uk/blog/2017/10/upgrading-slums-philippines-need-social-housing/; 29 March 2020.

[5] Gerardo Sicat, “Historical Roots of Urban Squatting,” PhilStar , 21 November 2017, available at https://www.philstar.com/business/2017/11/21/1761150/historical-roots-urban-squatting; 29 March 2020.

[6] Friedrich Engels, “The Housing Question,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Selected Works, vol. 2 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), 305.

[7] Bulatlat, “300 Families in Pasay Lose Homes Amid COVID-19 Pandemic,” Bulatlat: Journalism for the People , 18 March 2020, available at https://www.bulatlat.com/2020/03/18/300-homes-in-pasay-demolished-amid-covid-19-pandemic/; 29 March 2020.

[8] Ibon Media, “Contractualization: A Neoliberal Policy,” Ibon , 26 April 2018, available at https://www.ibon.org/contractualization-a-neoliberal-policy-excerpt-from-ibon-facts-figures/; 29 March 2020.

[9] Karl Marx, Grundrisse , trans. Martin Nicolaus (New York: Penguin Classics, 1973), 891.

[10] Marx, Grundrisse , 89.

[11] Reicelene Joy Ignacio, “Income Inequality Widening Amid Strong Economic Growth,” Business World , 30 May 2019, available at https://www.bworldonline.com/income-inequality-widening-amid-strong-economic-growth/; 29 March 2020.

[12] Lian Buan, “Cops Arrest Homeless Lola who Shouted at Tanods Warning About Curfew,” Rappler , 17 March 2020, available at https://www.rappler.com/nation/254926-cops-arrest-homeless-lola-shouted-tanods-warning-about-curfew; 29 March 2020.

[13] Xave Gregorio, “Makati Hospital Berates Sen. Pimentel for Violating Quarantine Protocols,” CNN Philippines , 25 March 2020, available at https://www.cnnphilippines.com/news/2020/3/25/Koko-Pimentel-Makati-Medical-Center-quarantine-protocol.html; 29 March 2020.

[14] Lian Buan, “’Compassion’: DOJ not Investigating Pimentel Quarantine Breach Without Complaint,” 25 March 2020, available at https://www.rappler.com/nation/255879-doj-will-not-investigate-pimentel-coronavirus-quarantine-breach-without-complaint; 29 March 2020.

[15] Alan Tovey, “Billionaries Seek Sanctuary From Coronavirus Aboard Superyachts,” The Telegraph , 22 March 2020, available at https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2020/03/22/billionaires-seek-sanctuary-coronavirus-aboard-superyachts/; 29 March 2020.

[16] Engels, “The Housing Question,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Selected Works, vol. 2, 305.

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a very timely scholarly article created by an author who is so adept of the topic and whose social involvement with the Philippine poor is beyond reproach. worth reading indeed.

this is such a great and very comprehensive article. all the points were backed with powerful ideas and narratives from various articles, and i want to personally thank the author in advance for posting this which will enable me to complete my essay work. i will not forget credits, thanks again!

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Addressing inequality in the Philippines

As a society, we hate unfair rules and practices. We cry foul when we sense the referee turning a blind eye to an infraction during a sports competition. We complain to authorities when a favor is given to someone that we know does not deserve special treatment. We get angry when a shabbily clothed woman who wants to deposit her meager savings in a commercial bank is ignored, while a bejeweled matron is given a nice drink as she applies for a loan from the bank.

A more current example is the ongoing protest against the proposed Maharlika fund. GSIS and SSS pensioners feel that the government should protect their hard-earned contributions. Their cry—it’s unfair! It’s foul!

We cry over such brazen acts of unfairness. Yet, everyday, there is so much demonstration of partialities, right under our noses. Like tiny paper cuts, we feel the pain, but most often, we don’t do anything about it. We seem to be a happy people, always smiling and finding ways to lighten up our heavy loads. This Christmas season, for example, our hopes as a country will pick up, as surveys usually show an optimistic spirit during this period. Our balikbayan OFWs with their dollars will boost the local economy. Though they will also be affected by the rising prices of goods, they will still be able to afford the usual “noche buena,” albeit in more modest proportions. This is in contrast to their local counterparts who may not even be able to afford what they used to have before the pandemic. Inflation really hurts the poor more.

But let us not be lulled by the lights and sounds of the season. Citing government projections, the latest analytical work of the World Bank, “Overcoming Poverty and Inequality in the Philippines,” said that poverty estimates rose from 16.7 percent in 2018 to 18.1 percent in 2021. And even though the economy would grow through 2024, and poverty would gradually decline, the figures would still be higher than pre-pandemic numbers.

The same report said that the COVID-19 pandemic heightened inequality. After declining by 5.4 points from 2000 through 2018, the income Gini coefficient is estimated to worsen in 2020-24. This means that our country’s wealth or income would be more unevenly distributed among our people. Those who have more will get a bigger share of the pie, while those who have less will have to settle with the crumbs.

With an income Gini coefficient of 42.3 percent in 2018, the Philippines had one of the highest income inequality rates in East Asia. The wealthiest 1 percent of earners capture 17 percent of national income while those at the bottom 50 percent all together receive only 14 percent.

We should all be crying for fairness, even justice, because the scale of opportunities has tilted in favor of those who already have more in life. We cannot afford to wait too long. And the goal should not just be to go back to pre-pandemic status because that would continue the vicious cycle of poverty and inequality. Why is there no public outcry against this vicious inequality when it begins even before a baby is born and goes on throughout one’s childhood and adult life?

The report cites a reason why we seem to be passive about the unfair distribution of wealth in the country. It recognizes the political or social inequalities that seem to trap the country in this vicious cycle of income inequality. We have a weak system of public accountability, so that we do not demand better governance that should be demonstrated in public services that truly serve and satisfy the people.

This brief paragraph from the report nails it. We have a long way to go as we have a passive voting public.

“Weak local government capacities lead to inefficiencies and thus poor service delivery. Many community services that would enhance equality in opportunities (e.g., health, social protection, nutrition) are provided by local governments, a number of which have minimal accountability mechanisms due to political concentration. At the national level, ‘those who hold the keys to further economic and political reforms in the country … may face deep conflicts of interest as far as pushing reforms that may actually hurt their economic and political dominance in the country.’”

The report discusses the past, present, and future prospects for overcoming poverty and inequality. It gives three sets of recommendations, in summary:

• Heal the pandemic’s scars and build resilience;
• Set the stage for a vibrant and inclusive recovery;
• Reduce inequality of opportunity.

The details are clearly explained in the report, which is available to the public through the World Bank’s website.

Caring stakeholders in Philippine development, including policymakers and program implementors, from national and local levels, should study the recommendations and adopt those within their influence or power.

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Leonora Aquino-Gonzales teaches at the University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication and used to work at the World Bank as a senior communication specialist.

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Social Equity in the Philippines: A Continuing but Elusive Promise

• First Online: 26 May 2019

Cite this chapter

• Alex B. Brillantes Jr 2 ,
• Maria Victoria R. Raquiza 2 &
• Maria Pilar M. Lorenzo 3  

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4 Citations

In this chapter, Brillantes, Raquiza, and Lorenzo focus on the imperatives of social equity as a fundamental—but normative—principle for contemporary Philippine public administration. The pursuit of social equity may be seen as a response to the problems of pervasive poverty and inequality in spite of, paradoxically, rapid economic growth. The chapter cites two government programs that ostensibly aim to bring about social equity, the Conditional Cash Transfer program and the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion law. Evidence has shown that both programs have yet to make a significant impact to redistribute wealth in a lasting way within the context of social equity. Hence, the chapter argues that social equity in the Philippines is a continuing process but remains an elusive goal.

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These senior scholars of public administration included Raul P. de Guzman, Onofre D. Corpuz, Ledivina V. Carino, Nestor N. Pilar, and Romeo B. Ocampo whose essays addressing the question were included in a special issue of the Philippine Journal of Public Administration , 30, p. 4, October 1986.

Ledivina C. Carino, Maria Concepcion Alfiler, Nestor Pilar, and Emmanuel Buendia led the calls to indigenize and localize the theory and practice of public administration in the Philippines. The Philippines Journal of Public Administration devoted a special issue on the search indigenous forms of governance and public administration: Domingo, M.O. (2004). Indigenous Leadership and Governance. Philippines Journal of Public Administration, 48 , 1–2. Manila: PJPA.

Brillantes and Fernandez ( 2008 ) argued that the homegrown movement called Gawad Kalinga (which means “to give care”) was an example of a uniquely Philippine governance (civil society taking the lead here, in partnership with government and business sectors) approach that bore distinctive traits of Philippine public administration with a very distinct social equity character. Founded by Antonio Meloto, GK has been recognized not only locally but internationally as well.

The New Public Administration (NPA) movement emerged in the US in the late 1960s and early 1970s during the Minnowbrook conference where social equity emerged as a normative base of public administration (Frederickson 2010 , p. 3).

Over the years, Brillantes and Perante-Calina have argued for the imperatives of equity, ethics , and accountability to be among the classic 3Es of management. This has been included in the public sector reform framework. See, for instance, Alex, Brillantes Jr., and Lizan, Perante-Calina. “Antonio Meloto: Empowering the Filipino Poor Toward Sustainable and Innovative Communities” in Ayano et al. (eds.), Knowledge Creation in Community Development. Institutional Change in Southeast Asia and Japan , Palgrave: Macmillan. (2018), where our public sector reform framework has been developed.

We use praxis liberally to suggest the combination of “theory and practice” of public administration.

That Philippine “independence ” was set by the Americans to coincide with American independence day was no coincidence. This essentially reflected America’s desire for its erstwhile colony to continue to reflect the image and values of its former colonial master. This has since been rectified by President Diosdado Macapagal in the early 1960s by announcing the date of independence of the Philippines as 19 June 1898, when the Philippines declared its independence from Spain after the Philippine revolution. Strangely, on the Philippine side, July 4 has been declared as “Philippine-American Friendship day” naively celebrated only by the Philippines, betraying the continued colonialism still present in the Philippines.

The Philippine civil service and bureaucracy was set up by the US at the turn of the century on 19 September 1900 with the Act No. 5 entitled “An Act for the Establishment and Maintenance of an Efficient and Honest Civil Service in the Philippines”. Its structure and processes were largely patterned after the American civil service , including the adoption of the principles of efficiency and meritocracy in the civil service.

Poverty incidence is the proportion of families/individuals with per capita income less than the per capita poverty threshold to the total number of families /individuals.

According to the Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (AIJC), Filipino Muslims are “not integrated as one definable and united society” but possess characteristics endemic to them such as “1. language 2. political structure 3. history and degree of Islamic integration with cultural traditions and customs already existent. Each of the subgroups has been proud of its separated identity and conflict between communities has been endemic throughout Philippine Muslim history. However, there common experiences, especially in relation to non-Muslim Filipinos, have somehow brought them together time and again” on (27 January 2019 from http://www.muslimmindanao.ph/Islam_phil2.html )

Today, reducing poverty in the short- to medium-term stages of the program objective has since been dropped. The program is currently presented as a ‘human development measure to improve the health, nutrition and the education of children aged 0–18’ (Accessed at: http://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/programs/conditional-cash-transfer/ Downloaded: 14 May 2018). The program’s other objectives are to provide cash assistance to poor families ‘to respond to their immediate needs’ and to address ‘intergenerational poverty cycle by investing in the health and education of poor children’.

Even if the country’s poverty incidence, as measured by the Philippine Statistics Authority, declined from 26.3 to 21.6 at the end of 2015, this could not be attributed to Pantawid Pamilya given the findings of the two earlier impact evaluations and the fact that was no other impact evaluation was conducted to cover 2015 when the 2015 PSA finding on poverty was released.

Infrastructure here covers personnel, facilities, and supplies.

US$ 1 = PhP 53.13 (2 November 2018 conversion rate).

Since 2003, Gawad Kalinga has been receiving various awards, some of the most prominent ones are the following: 2006 The Outstanding Filipino Award (TOFIL) Awardee for Community Service, 2006 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership, 2009 Hilton Humanitarian Award Finalist, 2010 Reader’s Digest Asia Philippines’ Most Trusted, 2010 Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship, 2010 Asia CEO Awards, 2010 Ernst & Young’s Social Entrepreneur of the Year Philippines, 2011 Nikkei Asia Awards, and 2012 Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship.

In the back cover of the book Social Equity in Public Administration (Frederickson 2010 ) the following “for whom” questions were raised within the context of social equity: “Social equity values have to do with the fairness of the organization, its management, and its delivery of public services. Social equity asks these questions: For whom is the organization well managed? For whom is the organization efficient: For whom is the organization economical? Are public services more or less fairly delivered?”

ABS-CBN News. (2018, October 24). Senator Presses Government on Unconditional Cash Transfers . Retrieved on 25 October 2018 from https://news.abs-cbn.com/business/10/24/18/senator-presses-govt-on-unconditional-cash-transfers

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Brillantes, A.B., Raquiza, M.V.R., Lorenzo, M.P.M. (2019). Social Equity in the Philippines: A Continuing but Elusive Promise. In: Johansen, M. (eds) Social Equity in the Asia-Pacific Region. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15919-1_11

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Income Inequality in the Philippines

Reducing Income Inequality in the Philippines 

The Gini index measures the extent to which the income distribution among individuals and households strays from a perfectly equal distribution. A Gini index score of zero indicates perfect equality, and a Gini index score of 100 suggests perfect inequality. As of 2021, the Philippines has a Gini index score of 40.7 , a significant decline from the country’s index of 47.7 in 2000. 

The World Bank reported that , as of 2018, the Philippines’ middle-class and economically-secure population had increased to nearly 12 million and 44 million people, respectively. 

The percentage of workers with an elementary education or less drastically declined from 52% in 1988 to 25% in 2020 . The number of workers with a high school education as well as a college education or above increased by eight percentage points between 1988 and 2020. 

The shift from agricultural work to productive jobs has been more significant among bottom-income earners. The percentage of lowest earners engaging in productive wage work increased by 21 percentage points between 2000 and 2018 — in general, workers engaging in productive wage work only increased by nine percentage points during this time period.

Active efforts to reduce income inequality in the Philippines, such as expanding social assistance coverage to 50% of the poorest quintile by 2018, successfully lowered the poverty incidence by 10% and the depth of poverty by 15%.

Ongoing Challenges 

In a 2022 report by the World Bank , the Philippines ranked 15th out of 63 countries in income inequality. The top 1% of income earners contributed 17% of the national income, while the bottom 50% only captured 14%. Additionally, the nation has one of the highest income inequality rates in East Asia. 

The 2022 World Bank report also highlighted the intergenerational cycle of poverty perpetuating income inequality in the Philippines. Skilled antenatal care (ANC) utilization stands at 69% for families with limited financial resources and lower educational backgrounds, in comparison with the national average of 94%. Similarly, the postnatal care (PNC) rate is 51% among families with limited financial resources and lower educational backgrounds, as opposed to the higher national figure of 86%. The rates of stunting (42%), underweight (27%) and wasting (8%) are markedly elevated in economically disadvantaged households, in stark contrast to the prevalence among wealthier counterparts (11%, 7% and 4%, respectively). 

Age-appropriate vaccinations are 35 percentage points higher for children with college-educated mothers and 17 points higher in the richest quintile. Children of lower-income households face reduced enrollment rates and are less likely to be placed in the age-appropriate grade. Conversely, students from more affluent households can invest more extensively in education, with a per capita expenditure on education more than 22 times that of the poorest households. The limited access to health care, education and opportunities for skill development constrains upward mobility, culminating in the intergenerational transmission of poverty. 

Economic recovery from COVID-19 is uneven. In May 2022, 40% of the poorest quintile divulged income loss compared to 19% of the highest quintile. 51% of the richest quintile reported being fully immunized, but only 12% of the poorest quintile reported being fully immunized. Poor households estimate 68% less effectiveness with remote learning, significantly higher than the national estimate of 50%. Prolonged distance learning could reduce effective schooling by a year, coupled with de-skilling from unemployment, leading to substantial future earnings loss for low-income families. 

Job polarization grows as work changes. From 2016 to 2021 , middle-skilled jobs decreased while low and high-skilled jobs rose, potentially deepening income inequality in the Philippines.

Looking at the Future 

Recently, the Philippines announced the AmBisyon Natin 2040 project , which envisions a resilient, prosperous and content country. To ensure improved living standards, secure homes and the absence of poverty and hunger, the goal encompasses economic growth that requires substantial growth in per capita income, broad-based development across sectors and regions and a reduction in income inequality. 

The eradication of poverty and the promotion of health and wellness, quality education and innovation require policies focusing on expanding access to quality health care, education and skills development for vulnerable populations. Strengthening social safety nets, enhancing educational technology for remote learning and promoting employment opportunities in productive sectors can help mitigate the adverse effects of COVID-19. Implementing these measures can help ensure more equitable economic growth for the Philippines. 

– Freya Ngo Photo: Flickr

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The dimensions of inequality in the Philippines, by the numbers

Throughout Asia, the Philippines conspicuously stands out when it comes to social and economic inequalities. 

The latest World Bank calculations place the Philippines at the highest level of inequality in the region (see Table 1). In a grouping of 27 Asian countries monitored by the World Bank, the Philippines ranks No. 1 in inequality with a Gini ratio of 42.3. Four other countries—Iran (42.0), Papua New Guinea (41.9), Malaysia (41.1), and Turkmenistan (40.8)—fall within the danger level of a 40 Gini ratio. Singapore (39.8). Sri Lanka (39.3), Lao PDR (38.8), China (38.5) and Indonesia (38.2) are at the borderline of the Gini index. 

The Gini index is a statistical measure for determining levels of equality and inequality within a target population. The higher the number, the more unequal the distribution of income/wealth within a population; conversely, the lower the number, the less unequal is income/wealth distribution. A Gini index of below 40 is considered tolerable but above that, potentially hazardous. It is not, however, a perfect measure of income/wealth distribution as it has its limitations.

One expression that elucidates on the Gini index is how income is distributed among a target population. From the 2021 Family Income and Expenditures Survey (FIES) conducted by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), a typology of seven income groups and three income classes was developed by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS). In terms of the three income classes, 54.6% of households fall under the low classes category with earnings ranging from P12,082 a month to P22,833 a month. The middle classes comprise 40.8% with incomes from P23,834 to P307,189 a month. The upper class, on the other hand, is a mere 0.9% with incomes ranging from P307,189 and above per month. 

These numbers reveal a highly skewed income distribution pattern (see Table 2). 

Given the wide range of incomes for each of the three income classes, the PIDS further subdivided them into seven income groups. PSA data for individuals approximate the levels of inequality across families. At the very top of the income pyramid are the 350,000 individuals classified as “rich” with incomes above P595,834 a month and comprising a mere 0.3% of both families and individuals. Rich Filipino families, therefore, have incomes that are at least 49.5 times that of poor families, thus violating Plato’s ancient dictum that the rich should not have more than four times the income of the poor.

From these 350,000 individuals, Forbes has extracted a list of the Philippines’ 50 richest—the billionaire class. In 2022, Forbes reported the combined net worth of the 50 richest Filipinos at $80 billion or P4.5 trillion, which alone comprises 20% of the country’s 2022 gross domestic product (GDP) of P23 trillion ($404.28 billion). 

The wealth of the richest 50 was also a staggering 90% of the Philippine government’s budget for 2022 of P5 trillion. The average net worth of this group of 50 is P90 billion ($1.6 billion). Of the top 10 richest in 2022, six belong to only one family—the children of the late Henry Sy Sr., with a combined wealth of $14.9 billion (P837 billion). 

One can also comprehend the levels of inequality by utilizing Thomas Pikkety’s method as presented in his famous 2014 work, “Capital in the Twenty-First Century.” Looking at market-based economies characteristic of capitalist societies, Pikkety discovered that the average annual rate of return of capital (r) has consistently been greater than the rate of economic growth (g). He expressed this in his famous formula of “r > g.”  

The result is that private wealth accumulates unequally over time and overwhelms society’s economic output. In other words, capitalist profits accumulate much faster than economic growth. The overall outcome is a concentration and unequal distribution of wealth. 

To adopt Pikkety’s formula for the Philippines, in the 10-year period from 2013 to 2022, while the average rate of economic growth stood at 6.2%, the average rate of return to capital was 13.6%, or more than double the former (see Table 3). The data also show that while the rate of return to capital has been increasing from 12% in 2013 to 15 % in 2022, the economic growth rate has been declining from 7.2% in 2013 to only 5.7% in 2022—a 21% decrease. 

Therein lies the source of inequality and how vast amounts of wealth have been concentrated in the hands of the very few while leaving morsels to the rest of society.

At this point, it is pertinent to recall the “Occupy Movement” of 2011-2012 that was a mass protest against US inequality between the 1% and the 99% that spread globally. In the Philippines, however, the PSA FIES data show that the 350,000 persons classified as “rich” comprise a mere 0.3% of the total population. So, if one were to reprise the Occupy Movement’s call for the Philippines, it would be the 99.7% versus the 0.3%. 

The question is: Would such a “call to arms” reverberate across the Philippine population and ignite a similar protest movement of significant proportions?  

This article is excerpted, revised and updated from Eduardo C. Tadem. 2023. Inequality, Tax Justice, and the Philippine Wealth Tax Campaign. ” UP CIDS Monograph Series 2023-04. https://cids.up.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Inequality-Tax-Justice-and-the-Philippine-Wealth-Tax-Campaign.pdf . The author is emeritus professor and professorial lecturer of Asian Studies, University of the Philippines, and convenor of the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Program on Alternative Development (UP CIDS AltDev).

See: The greatest source of economic and social inequality

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Amaladass, Anand, ed. "Towards National Integration". Chennai: Satya Nilayam Publications, 2001.

karend douglas

Throughout the course of American society, racial stratification has been a fact of life. Indeed, the founding of the nation occurred alongside the extermination and subjugation of indigenous people. Through the centuries other groups, most notably blacks, have been subjugated and oppressed. While race is well embedded in the foundation of American society, organizational arrangements and the occupants of positions within them have contributed to continued stratification. W.E.B. Du Bois predicted that the major issue of the 20th century in the United States would be the color line. Little did Du Bois realize that his prediction would be realized into the 21st century (Darling-Hammond 2004). The 20th century began with the clear demarcation of the races with people of color cut off completely from societal opportunity structures. The period extending from the late 1950s to the early 1970s witnessed a ray of hope for minorities, particularly in the areas of education and civil rights. These gains, however, were short-lived as the closing decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century have involved significant retrenchment to earlier epochs. While such trends have occurred across all societal institutions, we focus on three that have experienced especially grave changes over the last few decades—education, welfare, and prisons. These institutions are intimately linked, with education thought to be the great equalizer (or enabler), welfare the safety net, and prisons, the social control.

Faruk Arslan

Table of Contents Preface: How to Write the Best Essay……………………………………………………7 Chapter 1: New Paradigms in the Turkish Foreign Policy: The Turkish Economic Miracle: ―Zero Enemy Politics,‖ ―Mutually Beneficial Economic Developments‖ and ―Human-centered Universal Moralities‖..……………17 Chapter 2: The Holocaust: The Site of Memory, Site of Contestation and Collective Consciousness ………………………………………………………………..24 Chapter 3: The Turkish Labour Movement in Germany: Homeland and Host-land Nationalisms, Identity Crisis and Ghetto Conflicts……..…….34 Chapter 4: The Hizmet Movement of Canada ………………………………….44 Chapter 5: The Egyptian Movement: Was the crisis and revolution in Egypt one of its own making or from MNCs‘ intervention? ……………………………….55 Chapter 6: Stopping Abuse by Canadian Companies in the DRC ……….63 Chapter 7: Analyzing a STS Case Study- Ethanol versus Gasoline: The Contestation and Closure of a Socio-technical System in the USA …….78 Chapter 8: Analyze a STS Study: A comparison of haloperidol plasma levels among Japanese, Korean and Swedish psychiatric patients ……………..86 Chapter 9: My Presentations ………………………………………………………….90 First Presentation: Seeking My Happiness! ……………………………………..90 Second Presentation: How to Make Turkish Coffee…………………………….92 Third Presentation: The Real Legend of Dracula ………………………………..94 Fourth Presentation: Introduction to Naomi Klein ……………………………..96 Fifth Presentation: Food Fascism and Poverty ……………………………………99 Sixth Presentation: Public Space and War Drama!…………………………….103 Seventh Presentation: The Site Memory and the Holocaust ….…………….106 Eight Presentations: The Politics of Moral Order: A Brief Anatomy of Race Making …112 Ninth Presentation: From Hong Kong to Canada: Immigration and the Changing the Family Lives of Middle-class Women from Hong Kong ……………………………………………………114 Chapter 10: Canola: Advantages and Disadvantages of Alternative Fuel ……………………………..116 Chapter 11: The Ottomans to Turkey: Debatable Artefacts‘ as Turkey‘s National Identity …….118 Chapter 12: New Visions to Solve for Mental Health Problems in the Future……………………….128 Chapter 13: A Long Battle: Marx versus Weber ………………………………………….133 Chapter 14: Globalization ……………………………………………………137 Chapter 15: The Disconnection‘ and Fragmentation………………………………….141 Chapter 16: The Media‘s Lie about the September 11 Disaster ……………….143 Chapter 17: Surviving from Repression, Impoverishment, and Exploitation ………………………..151 Chapter 18: The Perception Management- Obvious Propaganda…………………155 Chapter 19: Limitation Problems of ISAP ……………………….………………………..161 Chapter 20: Is the Internet Killing Print Media? …………..………………………….166 Chapter 21: Creating the Public Museum was Revolution ………………………….170 Chapter 22: Rewriting Histories of Indigenous and African-Canadians…….174 Chapter 23: The Role of an “Insider Subject” ………………………………………..179 Chapter 24: The Race-Making Morality ………………………………………………..181 Chapter 25: The Namesake ………………………………………………………………….185 Chapter 26: Online Dating versus Arranged Marriage……………………………….189 Chapter 27: An Extraordinary Canadian Peoples Movement: No One Is Illegal ……………………197 Chapter 28: Iraqi Children Human Rights Violations ……………………………..209 Chapter 29: School Bullying …………………………………………………………………..218 Chapter 30: Systematic Racist and Discriminatory Policies for Nannies ……225 Chapter 31: Top-down French Secularism Targets the Full Veil …………………231 Chapter 32: Sociological Research Methods ……………………..………………………233 Research Proposal- Undergraduate Level- Binge Drinking at York University ………….233 Research Proposal- MA Level -The Hizmet (Gülen) Movement of Canada….239 Research Proposal- PhD Level: Performative Consumption, Leisure, Pleasure and Religiosity ………………………………………………………………………………………245 Ethical Issues Concern: Critical Analysis of Stanley Milgram‘s Obedience Research …248 Chapter 33: Social Housing Issue for Low-income Familie…………………………250 Chapter 34: Remove Foreign Credentials Barriers for Newcomers……………..255 Chapter 35: Situational Assessment…………………………………………………………258 Chapter 36: Death Penalty: Right or Wrong …………..………………………………..261 Chapter 37: Alcohol and Other Drugs Survey …………………………………………..263 Chapter 38: My Portfolio of Social Work………………….………………………………267 Chapter 39: Vocational Learning Outcomes …………..………………………………..274 Chapter 40: The Jane and Finch: The Gosford Community ……………………..285 Chapter 41: ―Whispers of Love ―Program Assessment……………………………287 Chapter 42: Journal Assessments…………………………………………………………………………………….291 Journal 1# The Case of Racial Discrimination and the Hatred Crime …..291 Journal 2# Jeopardizing the Integrity of the Live-in Caregiver Program …292 Journal 3# Immigrants‘ Past Educations and Experiences, Wasted ………….293 Chapter 43: Social Programs ………………………………………………………………….294 Intercultural Dialogue Institute (IDI): Hope Muslim-Jewish Dialogue Program (HMJP)………………………………………… ………………………………………………………296 Canadian Turkish Friendship Community (CTFC): Hope Youth Centre (HYC) Project………………………………………… ………………………………………………………304 The Toronto Turkish Festival Project ………………………………………………………314 Chapter 44: Creating the Public Museum was a Revolution ………..……………317 Chapter 45: Breaking the Wall for Refugees …………………………………………….323 Chapter 46: Advertisings: Brain Washing System ………..………………………….334 Chapter 47: My Journal Writings ……………………….…………………………………..338 Journal# 1 June 22, 2010 ………………………………..……………………………………..339 Journal# 2 June 24, 2010 ……………………………….……………………………………..340 Journal#3 June 28, 2010 ………………………………………………………………………..341 Journal# 4 June 30, 2010 …………………….………………………………………………..342 Journal# 5 July 2, 2010 ………………………………………………………………………..343 Journal# 6 July 5, 2010 ………………………….……………………………………………..344 Journal# 7 July 12, 2010 ………………………………………………………………………345 Journal# 8 July 14, 2010 ………………………………………………………………………346 Journal# 9 July 17, 2010 ……………………………………………………………………….347 Journal# 10 July 21, 2010 ……………………………………………………………………348 Journal# 11 July 20, 2011 ……………………………………………………………………350 Journal # 12 July 25, 2010 ………………………………………………………………….351 Chapter 48: Reflections on Immigration Issues and Migrants………………..352 Reflection#1 The Feminization of Migration ……………………………………….353 Reflection#2 Diaspora Remittances …………………………………………………..353 Reflection#3 The Peruvian Diaspora of Canada ………………………………….354 Reflection#4 Why do Neo-liberalists Support Transnationalism? …………355 Reflection#5 Immigrants‘ past educations and experiences are wasted ….356 Reflection# 6 The Borderless …………………………………………………………………357 Reflection #7 A Social Virus: Racially Superiority …………………………………..358 Reflection# 8 Migrant Workers Exploitation …………………………………………..361 Reflection# 9 Chinese Head Tax and other discriminations …………………….362 Chapter 49: Social Movement of Political Economy Reflections………………….365 Reflection#1 The Manifesto of Communist and Unite of Workers ……………..365 Reflection#2 China in Crisis ………………………………………………………………….368 Reflection#3 Solidarity in Action …………………………………………………………..369 Reflection# 4 War on Terror and Human Rights ……………………………………370 Reflection#5 Cultural Jamming and Boycott Culture ……………………………..372 Reflection# 6 Seeking Commonalities …………………………………………………….373 Reflection#7 Stephen Lewis- Race Against Time ……………………………………375 Reflection#8 A Peasant Movement: La Campesina …………………………………376 Reflection#9 Manfred Steger‘s Globalism ………………………………………………378 Reflection#10 The State and the Global City …………………………………………..380 Reflection #11 Etnie and Colonial Memories of Korean ……………………………383 Reflection#12 Cultural Trauma ……………………………………………………………..384 Reflection# 13 A National Crime: The Canadian Residential School System ……………385 Reflection# 14 The Redress Movements …………………………………………………386 Reflection# 15 The Utilitarian Morality in Modernity ………………………………391 Chapter 50: My Letter Writings ………..……………………………………………………393 Letter 1: Asking to get a grant ……………………………………………………………….393 Letter 2: Asking to propose a petition…….………………………………………………394 Letter 3: Asking to get the support letter from a politicians……………………….396 Letter 4: Incident Report ……………………………………………..…………………………397 Letter 5: Fundraising letter to parents ……………………………………………………398 Chapter 51: My Cover and Reference Letter Writings …………………………….399 Cover Letter 1 ………………………………………………………………………………………399 Cover Letter 2 ………………………………………………………………………………………400 Reference Letter 1 …………………………………………………………………………………401 Reference Letter 2 ………………………………………………………………………………402 Reference Letter 3 ………………………………………………………………………………403 Chapter 52: My Resume, CV ……………………………………………………………….404 Statement of Interest …………………………………………………………………………..408

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Home Essay Samples Education Inequality in Education

The Roots of Education Inequality in the Philippines and Its Outcomes

Table of contents

Geographic root, socioeconomic root, corruption root, class inequality as the root of education inequality.

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