essay on politics in tamil nadu

Politics & Governance

Inclusive growth in Tamil Nadu: The role of political leadership and governance

Briefing 20th January 2020

By multiple experts (2)

Although the culinary and linguistic differences between North and South India are widely known outside the country, less well understood abroad are the differences in how the two groupings of Indian states have fared on development. A comparison of Tamil Nadu, a southern state, and Uttar Pradesh, a northern state, is indicative of broader regional trends. In 1960-61, these two states were not so different across a number of measures related to development, albeit with Tamil Nadu achieving a generally higher performance. For instance, at that time, Tamil Nadu had a per capita income 51% higher than that of Uttar Pradesh—5,053 as compared to 3,338 Indian rupees. [_] This gap, however, narrowed to 39% by the early 1980s. The two states were even closer together when it came to poverty: from the early 1970s (and probably before) to the late 1980s, Tamil Nadu’s poverty rate was equal to or higher than that of Uttar Pradesh. In fact, in 1960, the rural poverty rate in Tamil Nadu checked in at just below 70%, much higher than Uttar Pradesh’s rate of 48%.

Decades later, we see a much different situation. By 2005, Tamil Nadu’s per capita income outpaced Uttar Pradesh’s by 128 percent—a gap more than twice as big as it was in the early 1960s. And in 2009-10, Tamil Nadu’s rural poverty rate dropped to nearly half that of Uttar Pradesh (21.2% vs. 39.4%), and its urban poverty rate was less than half of Uttar Pradesh’s (12.8% vs. 31.7%).

Today, Tamil Nadu is India’s second-largest economy despite being only its sixth most populous state, and among India’s 12 largest states, Tamil Nadu has the third-highest GDP per capita. [_] Located at the southernmost tip of the subcontinent with a population of more than 70 million, it is India’s most urbanised state and one of its most industrialised, with a strong manufacturing base and a large services sector. At the same time, it ranks second on the Human Development Index among India’s 13 largest states. [_] In other words, the state has achieved high growth rates and economic transformation in combination with significant progress on social outcomes, which has been key for enabling broad swathes of the state’s population to share in its growth.

How did Tamil Nadu do this? The state’s development path illuminates some key points regarding how governments can effectively promote inclusive development. Underlying the policies and investments that the Tamil Nadu state government has pursued are:

An inclusive vision traced out by widely popular Tamil cultural figures turned political leaders, such as former chief ministers (the top executive post at the state level) M. Karunanidhi and M.G. Ramachandran (widely known by his initials MGR), for whom social justice and uplifting disadvantaged groups were central concerns

Policy consistency and commitment of the state’s political leadership to industrial development, which cut across the administrations of Karunanidhi, MGR and their successor Jayalalithaa, as well as the predictability that this created over time for investors—despite power alternating between the state’s two primary parties on a regular basis

The effectiveness of the bureaucracy in policy implementation, due to the recruitment of socioeconomically diverse cadres who were attuned to local challenges; the ideological ties between bureaucrats and the regional political parties (and the competitive pressures to deliver that this created); and the establishment of specialised agencies, such as the Tamil Nadu Industrial Development Corporation (TIDCO) and the State Industries Promotion Corporation of Tamil Nadu (SIPCOT), to drive delivery of the state’s economic vision.

The state’s competitive, clientelist political system and history of towering political leaders are also common features of politics in many African countries. As a result, Tamil Nadu’s experience in channelling this system towards inclusive development holds important lessons about governance that can be instructive for African countries.

Tamil Nadu has been one of India’s best-performing states when it comes to inclusive development. Since 1994, poverty has declined steadily in the state, resulting in Tamil Nadu having lower levels of poverty than most other states in India. This trend has played out in both rural and urban areas of Tamil Nadu, the former seeing a 35-percentage point reduction in poverty between 1994 and 2012 and the latter seeing a 27-percentage point reduction during the same period. [_]

Population below poverty line across Indian states, 1994-2012

Rapid economic growth over the past several decades has played a major role in the state’s poverty reduction story. From 1991 to 2012, Tamil Nadu averaged 7% growth in GDP and approximately 6% growth in GDP per capita [_] —both clocking in above the all-India average. [_]

Average annual growth rate of per capita income in selected Indian states, by decade

Importantly, economic transformation has underpinned the state’s growth, as people in Tamil Nadu have moved off the farm and into other types of work over time. The state’s non-farm employment share in 2012 ranked fifth among all Indian states.

Employment share by sector in Tamil Nadu, 1994-2012

Services have led the way in terms of contributing to growth and employment, but industry has also played a critical role—accounting for approximately 30% of Tamil Nadu’s growth between 1991 and 2012. [_] The state ranks first among all Indian states in terms of number of factories and industrial workers, and has a diversified manufacturing sector. It is among the leading states in automobiles, components, textiles and garments, leather products, pharmaceuticals and other industries. [_] Major automobile manufacturers, such as Hyundai, Ford, Renault and BMW, have had production facilities in and around Chennai (the capital of Tamil Nadu) for years, and the Tiruppur-Coimbatore-Salem corridor has been dubbed the “Manchester of South India” due to its large cluster of textile firms.

This economic success has coincided with substantial progress on human development. Infant mortality has declined substantially and rates are now among the lowest in India. Malnutrition is also among the lowest in the country, and is below the national average for all income groups. [_] Across a range of health indicators, Tamil Nadu stacks up well against other high-growth, high-income states, such as Gujarat.

Table 4: Basic Health Indicators in Tamil Nadu and Gujarat, 2005-06

On education, children in Tamil Nadu are staying in school longer, and the share of adults with secondary schooling is above the national average. In terms of educational attainment across socioeconomic groups, Tamil Nadu again compares favourably with Gujarat. [_]

To be clear, Tamil Nadu still has much room for improvement: non-farm job growth has been slow in recent years, and is not keeping up with the expansion of the working-age population; women have dropped out of the labour force (mirroring a countrywide trend); open defecation remains commonplace among low-income households; and learning outcomes in primary school are no better than the all-India average. Nonetheless, the state’s significant economic and social progress both during and after economic liberalisation in 1991 should not be brushed off, as its experience demonstrates what can be achieved when political leadership and governance set out and follow through on a strong, inclusive development agenda.

Tamil Nadu has successfully combined a coherent industrial policy with social welfare programmes, which has generated a virtuous cycle of development. Industrialisation has provided the resources to invest in social policies, and these social policies have bolstered the health, productivity and skill base of the state’s population. [_] Higher skills among workers, in turn, have allowed the state to move into more complex economic activities, diversify its economy and thus sustain growth.

Industrial policy

Tamil Nadu’s industrial policy has focused on a few key elements. First, the state has invested in infrastructure—upgrading road, rail and port networks—to enhance connectivity between its hinterland, industrial clusters and urban markets. [_] For instance, major ports, such as Chennai, were essential in making the state an attractive location for export industries. Investments in communications infrastructure were also prioritised to enhance connectivity, enabling Tamil Nadu to become one of India’s major IT centres. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the government invested heavily in boosting the state’s electricity generation capacity, a critical input for manufacturing. These investments created suitable background conditions for foreign manufacturers—ranging from Standard Motors in the 1950s to Hyundai and Ford in the 1990s—and domestic business houses—such as the TVS Group, Rane and Amalgamations Group—alike to set up shop and to grow. [_]

Second, the state government emphasised the spatial dimension of industrial development, by promoting industrial parks and clustering. Industrial estates have been a part of Tamil Nadu’s economic landscape since India’s independence in 1947. The accession to power of Karunanidhi and his regional party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), in the late 1960s reinforced this trend by leveraging new state agencies—and capable Cabinet members, such as the Minister of Industry S. Madhavan—to accelerate industrial development. The Tamil Nadu Industrial Development Corporation (TIDCO), set up in 1965 by the previous Congress Party-led government, obtained many industrial licences and regularly partnered with the private sector to establish new industrial activities in the state, including various IT parks in the 1990s. [_] The State Industries Promotion Corporation of Tamil Nadu (SIPCOT) was established in 1971, and, through aggressive land acquisition, created land banks that enabled foreign investors to obtain land in a more streamlined fashion. These were used to successfully develop many industrial projects and complexes. [_] In particular, industrial clusters and Special Economic Zones (SEZs) have been set up in specific sectors, including in footwear, engineering products, automobiles and IT. Consequently, Tamil Nadu now has the most SEZs in the country and is among India’s highest recipients of FDI. [_] Another result of this spatial focus is that Tamil Nadu’s industrial development is spread out across the state (more so than in most other Indian states), and is diversified across a number of sectors. This has allowed both domestic SMEs and foreign investors to contribute to technological upgrading and the expansion of export capabilities. [_]

Third, the state government pursued complementary policy measures prior to India’s liberalisation in 1991 that readied Tamil Nadu to grasp new opportunities as they arose in post-liberalisation India. [_] For instance, MGR opened new avenues for education, particularly geared towards industry. His administration expanded lower-level technical education by setting up a variety of industrial training institutes and polytechnic colleges all over the state—thereby laying the foundation for Tamil Nadu’s successful automobile industry. [_] Starting in the 1980s, he also allowed private groups to establish engineering and medical colleges. While this was a means to distribute patronage (e.g. land below market-value rates, privileged access to a lucrative business opportunity) in exchange for political support, it helped to create a pool of human capital that has effectively served the state’s fast-growing IT sector since the 1990s. [_] Forward-thinking policymaking in the state has continued long after liberalisation—for example, on the contentious issue of land acquisition, where Tamil Nadu amended the process at the state level in 2015 to make it less time-consuming while other states have yet to take such steps. [_]

Social Policies

While other Indian states have pursued similar industrial policies, Tamil Nadu stands out in its parallel focus on social welfare policies, in the areas of public education, social security and healthcare. In addition to technical education, MGR vastly increased the educational quota for disadvantaged communities, from 30% to 69%. [_] Successive governments have strongly supported public education, with concerted efforts aimed at expanding free education and developing a large network of schools and universities. [_] Since the 1970s, various initiatives have been designed to encourage school participation, including the provision of free uniforms, textbooks and laptops, as well as cash incentives to reduce dropout rates. Among these, MGR’s universalisation of the existing midday meal scheme is still widely seen as one of the state’s most noteworthy accomplishments. [_] As a result, Tamil Nadu today has universal primary school attendance, and the highest gross enrolment in higher education in India. [_] These advances have played a crucial role in equipping Tamil Nadu with an educated and technically skilled workforce, making it an attractive state for investment.

Midday Meal Scheme (MMS)

The launch of the universal midday meal scheme (MMS) in 1982 is widely seen as a pioneering idea that had a major impact on health and education outcomes in Tamil Nadu. While similar initiatives had been in place since independence, it was MGR, Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu from 1977 to 1987 and leader of the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (an offshoot of the DMK party), who universalised the idea. It initially served primary schoolchildren in rural areas, and within a few years, all children up to the age of 15 were entitled to a nutritious meal each day in school. [_] At the time of its implementation, the scheme was widely derided by economists as a “populist” programme and a waste of resources.

However, World Bank appraisals have shown that the MMS has curbed malnutrition, reduced infant mortality and lowered birth rates. [_] It has also driven school enrolment rates and led to greater classroom participation. In fact, various studies have found a dramatic positive effect on learning achievements, making the school meal programme a highly cost-effective way to improve skills among future workers. The extent of the MMS’s success can be seen in the fact that the central government adopted the Tamil Nadu model as a template for its own national scheme 20 years later. [_]

In the provision of essential public services, Tamil Nadu follows a universalistic principle, making services as broadly available as possible. [_] This approach has several advantages. Households below the poverty line can be difficult to identify, both conceptually and practically, meaning that targeting public services can lead to substantial exclusion errors. Moreover, when everyone has a stake in the system, its likelihood of working greatly increases. Otherwise, it is often the case that “services for the poor will always be poor services”. India’s public distribution system (PDS), designed to provide households with a minimum quota of subsidised food, is a case in point. From the late 1990s, many states targeted the PDS towards poor households, though Tamil Nadu continued with a universal approach. This is widely acknowledged as one of the primary reasons why Tamil Nadu is one of the states with the fewest leakages of funds in its PDS system. As a result, it has reduced the poverty gap in the state by up to 60%. [_] The experience of Gujarat, another high-growth state, contrasts sharply with this: leakages are as high as 63% and half of the state’s poorest people do not receive any subsidies due to poor coverage. [_]

A similar story can be told regarding healthcare. Unlike most of India’s large states, Tamil Nadu has a clear commitment to widespread access and affordability in healthcare. From the late 1980s, significant investments have transformed the state’s health infrastructure. Initiatives that were launched by the central government were vigorously implemented, such as the large-scale expansion of primary health centres. [_] Moreover, the state has launched its own schemes to complement these, such as the provision of around-the-clock services to improve women’s access to obstetric care or decentralised immunisation programmes. Overall, health outcomes have been transformed in Tamil Nadu. Today, it has the country’s second-lowest infant mortality rate and has achieved a 70% reduction in maternal mortality in the nearly 30 years since liberalisation, an area in which India as a whole is doing poorly. [_] It achieved the Millennium Development Goals far ahead of most states and is well on the way to achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. [_] This focus on healthcare has not only protected public health, but also helped to build the state’s developmental infrastructure, aiding rapid industrialisation. This is illustrated by the fact that areas like Hosur, which have long suffered from endemic plague and cholera, are now seeking to develop as industrial zones. [_]

Tamil Nadu’s state government has had a major influence on the state’s development trajectory. It has taken an open stance towards investment while simultaneously pursuing policies to ensure that broad swathes of the population could benefit; maintained policy consistency and commitment to industrialisation across changes in political leadership; and built up a bureaucracy that could implement its economic and social policies effectively. As many African countries are also seeking to achieve inclusive economic transformation, they can draw lessons about political leadership and governance from the Tamil Nadu experience.

Forward-thinking leadership married to social development

The political climate in Tamil Nadu has long been influenced by ideas of social justice. Dravidian social movements, representative of the indigenous ethnolinguistic group in Tamil Nadu, have historically been a key player in this regard. These movements, dating to the early 1900s, demanded social reforms and public benefits, particularly for disadvantaged (i.e. lower-caste) groups in society. The role that they have played not only in putting legitimate demands on the state government, but also in birthing the DMK and its offshoot the AIADMK, is frequently cited as a major pillar of the Tamil Nadu model. [_]

In response, Tamil Nadu’s political leadership was forward-thinking in pursuing an inclusive development agenda, particularly in the decades following India’s independence. Both the DMK and AIADMK not only responded to popular mobilisation and public pressure but, in many cases, they were at the forefront of it. Karunanidhi’s predecessor as Chief Minister and at the helm of the DMK, C.M. Annadurai (known as Anna, or “big brother” in Tamil), used theatre and cinema to advocate for anti-nationalist, anti-casteist and other progressive ideas, as he understood that focusing on uplifting disadvantaged groups was a key to progress. [_] Karunanidhi, a lauded screenwriter in Tamil cinema as well as a novelist, political commentator and orator, entered politics not only on the back of his popularity in these domains but also through his direct involvement in local political protests. His time as Chief Minister in the 1960s and 1970s saw a continued focus on the disadvantaged; he made education free, subsidised power and took various other measures aimed at reducing discrimination and supporting the welfare of marginalised groups. [_]

His supporter turned political rival MGR was a Tamil film star, and around this time starred in a number of films that promised that the state government would take care of the poor. [_] Indeed, MGR himself insisted on the MMS in the face of opposition, as he saw it as crucial to prevent hunger and improve learning. His leadership skills were critical in maintaining political support for the scheme and raising funding through tax increases. [_] Similarly, the state’s preventive approach to healthcare relied on a long-term perspective on the part of state leadership, particularly in the face of political pressures to “fight visible fires” that were more immediate. [_] Broadly speaking, social welfare policies in Tamil Nadu were designed to invest in the common man—with the recognition that these investments would drive further growth.

The inclusive ideals of these political leaders have also been reflected in Tamil Nadu’s industrial schemes, particularly regarding land acquisition. The state’s approach includes offering generous compensation packages to the dispossessed, employment and training opportunities, and land redistribution. In other words, “land acquisition in Tamil Nadu is accomplished more through consent than coercion”. [_] Tamil Nadu’s experience contrasts sharply with that of other states, as the establishment of SEZs in the state has encountered no systematic resistance or major confrontation. [_]

Commitment to industrialisation and policy consistency

Since the 1960s, Tamil Nadu’s main political parties have been politically committed to industrialisation. State agencies such as TIDCO and SIPCOT were set up to advance industrial development (see below). From Karunanidhi on through Jayalalithaa, successive chief ministers provided strong political support, in terms of funding and in backing contentious actions such as land acquisition. [_] This political support, in turn, enabled consistent goal-setting at the highest levels of government. With a clear direction from the top, the state bureaucracy was then given space to figure out how to deliver on the industrial development agenda. [_]

Political commitment to industrialisation in Tamil Nadu manifested in at least two important ways. First, political leaders such as Jayalalithaa and their top bureaucrats made hands-on, tailored efforts to attract specific companies and sectors. The automotive industry during the mid-1990s is a notable example. Despite Maharashtra’s existing strengths in the sector, Ford decided to set up its first factory in India in Chennai in 1995. In addition to the facilitation role that the bureaucracy played, Jayalalithaa herself was instrumental in bringing the investment to the state. She made a sizeable chunk of land available to Ford to set up its plant, and offered incentives related to infrastructure, sales and output tax exemptions, and capital and power subsidies. [_] It was also rumoured that Jayalalithaa spoke to senior officials in the US government to encourage them to persuade Ford to invest in Tamil Nadu. [_] Ford’s entry played a catalytic role in developing the sector: Hyundai soon followed Ford’s lead in investing in Tamil Nadu, and the Hyundai plant near Chennai is now the company’s global export base for small cars. [_] The snowball effect has carried on even in recent years, as Jayalalithaa’s most recent administration signed MoUs in 2012 with five global automobile manufacturers, including Daimler, Nissan and Yamaha. [_] Today, Tamil Nadu is one of the top automobile hubs in the world, with a world-class ecosystem centred around Chennai, the “Detroit of India”. [_]

Another example is the IT sector, which was beginning to boom in the 1990s, in Chennai among other Indian cities. Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), an Indian software engineering firm, became a key private-sector partner in this process, in part by establishing their own IT campus in a Chennai suburb in 1999. Jayalalithaa aided TCS immensely: a company representative has stated that, “We had to build the roads. We had to buy land from government and private parties. When we had a problem with some clearance, the then Chief Minister Jayalalithaa stepped in and sorted it out.” [_]

The second way in which political commitment to industrial development manifested in Tamil Nadu was through the policy consistency that successive, opposing administrations maintained over time. Though the DMK and AIADMK have frequently swapped places in power, the state’s approach to investment has remained relatively stable and predictable. As certainty in contracts and property rights are critical to attract and retain investors, the fact that neither party has reneged on major investments negotiated by the other since 1989 has significantly strengthened Tamil Nadu’s ability to attract investment. [_]

Policy consistency has been an enduring feature of Tamil Nadu’s politics not despite but because of the political competition and rivalry between the DMK and AIADMK. Neither party could wipe out the other on ideological grounds, since as discussed previously, they shared a range of positions. Their similar viewpoints translated into overlapping constituencies, for whom they had to compete intensely and deliver tangible benefits. In addition, ideological closeness increased the chances that power would alternate between the two parties regularly, as they had little policy basis on which to differentiate themselves from one another. As a result, it was not in the interest of any given administration to reverse successful policies or block investments secured by the previous administration; doing so would likely go against their own ideology and the preferences of their own constituents. In fact, as a senior ex-bureaucrat in Tamil Nadu said, “If one party’s policies worked earlier the newly elected party would have no hesitation in adopting and improving upon it.” [_] This policy stability was a boon to productive industrial sectors, and even lured those investing in technology-intensive businesses despite their longer timelines for learning and pay-offs.

Again, the automotive industry provides an interesting example. A change in the investment climate following an Enron scandal and state elections in Maharashtra in 1995 influenced Hyundai’s decision to locate in Chennai. Before Hyundai’s operations had been established there, Jayalalithaa and her party, the AIADMK, were trounced in state elections in 1996 by the DMK, again headed by Karunanidhi. Yet his administration lived up to previously agreed government commitments, enabling Hyundai to roll out the first car from their operations in Tamil Nadu in September 1998. [_]

Summing up both these points, a former executive vice-chairman at TIDCO cited the strong support from the state government and the coherent ideas of political leaders from the different ruling parties as the most important factor in boosting FDI inflows, stating: “Government support is very important to promote investments. The commitment of the government to creating relevant policies and incentives is necessary. In the system of democracy, the government (ruling party) keeps changing. An election keeps coming and after five years the government changes. But an industrial development plan needs 40 or 50 years, it does not respect this change of governments. A successful government should keep the promises of the previous government in pursuing such investment projects continuously. This is business, not politics [for economic growth]. Both the DMK and the AIADMK governments consider investment projects as significant for the industry, so the successive government[s have] honoured such industrial promises of the previous government[s].” [_]

Competent and effective administration

Tamil Nadu has a reputation for innovative design and effective implementation of its economic and social welfare policies, which has proven instrumental for the state’s development. [_] This has enabled the state government to translate its lofty ideals into tangible progress on industrial development, education and health (while also reducing leakages of public funds). Indeed, Tamil Nadu’s overall governance is ranked as the second most effective among Indian states. [_]

A variety of factors have made Tamil Nadu’s bureaucracy strong. During the tenures of Anna and Karunanidhi as Chief Minister in the 1960s and 1970s, the state government actively sought to recruit from lower-caste groups, many of whom were from rural areas and thus could better understand rural conditions and issues. [_] As the civil service became more representative of the population, it became more attuned to the expectations and aspirations of the state’s main political parties, the DMK and AIADMK. As a result, civil servants could play a bridging role between these aspirations at the political level and the realities at the community level, which proved useful in delivering tangible social benefits to the state’s residents. [_]

Interestingly, the competition between the two main political parties also served as an impetus to drive implementation. Given the depth of the competition between the DMK and AIADMK, bureaucrats were forced to choose which party to support; remaining neutral was not a viable option. Committing to and openly identifying with a particular party meant that, when that party was in power, civil servants faced pressure from party officials to execute their development agenda as effectively as possible. At the same time, both parties had similar agendas across several dimensions—for instance, both sought to encourage industrial investments and develop links with the private sector. Hence, despite political divisions spanning not only electoral politics but also the bureaucracy, bureaucrats of either political leaning continued to implement policy effectively even if their party of choice was not in power; after all, they were unlikely to have major differences of opinion on policy with the party that they opposed. [_]

The establishment of TIDCO and SIPCOT, nodal agencies for industrial development, also positioned the bureaucracy to follow through on the state government’s economic vision. The focused mandate of these agencies, combined with the prioritisation of industrialisation at the political level, made clear the task of bureaucrats in these agencies—to facilitate between investors and the state government—and, in turn, empowered them to play this role effectively.

For example, with the limited but critical mission of acquiring and managing industrial land, SIPCOT has developed, maintained and managed industrial complexes and SEZs in 12 districts across Tamil Nadu. Commenting on SIPCOT’s performance in 2012, a former Finance Minister of the state, said: “I think our state does not need to worry about land acquisition for the next 15 years as we have already acquired enough land for building various industrial complexes.” [_] SIPCOT’s ability to execute this mandate has served as a foundation for the state to attract domestic and foreign investment alike.

Likewise, TIDCO has played a key role in promoting the state for investment and in getting the state government to meet investor requirements in order to secure their investment. For example, Chennai was initially Ford’s last choice, behind two other potential investment destinations in India. In response, the Tamil Nadu Export Promotion and Guidance Bureau, set up in 1992 under the oversight of TIDCO, “put together a highly professional multi-media presentation on the state which left a very favourable initial impression”. [_] In further discussions, Ford raised hundreds of detailed queries for TIDCO to respond to. As the TIDCO chairman at the time put it, “they were so particular. They wanted us to make sure that there was no other industry within twenty kilometres which will create dust pollution because of their ultra-modern paint shop.” In fact, TIDCO and the state government went beyond this: they guaranteed uninterrupted power and water supply, and immediately started work on an international school for the children of Ford’s staff. [_] Today, TIDCO has institutionalised its investment facilitation efforts, by creating a thorough monitoring system to attract investment projects and regular meetings to push forward the implementation of investment policies. [_]

Like many African countries, Tamil Nadu’s government and political system has been characterised by intense competition between political parties; networks of patronage encompassing politicians, voters and businesses; and political leaders with big personalities and ambitions. What Tamil Nadu’s development experience in the last several decades illustrates is that these characteristics do not have to render a government completely ineffective in promoting inclusive growth. Indeed, the Tamil Nadu state government, like all governments, has had some degrees of freedom to promote development that improves the lives of a wide range of people in the state. Rather than attempting to detail all of the various elements that have contributed to Tamil Nadu’s development story, the focus of this case study has been on the role that political leadership and administrative capability have played. In particular:

Successive chief ministers of Tamil Nadu in the second half of the 20th century, from Anna all the way through to Jayalalithaa, crafted visions for development in the state that aimed to include disadvantaged groups in the economy and society through job-creating investment/industrial development and broad-based social programmes.

These same chief ministers maintained a commitment to industrial investment and development, as well as a consistent policy approach to encourage them—despite alternating power with opposition parties.

Tamil Nadu’s bureaucracy developed capabilities to effectively implement the state’s inclusive development agenda, as the state’s leadership diversified recruitment along socioeconomic lines; set out clear ideological foundations that bureaucrats associated with them could work from; and established nodal agencies to drive industrial development, such as TIDCO and SIPCOT.

The takeaways for many African countries are simple but important. The economic vision should be geared toward the needs and aspirations of society at large, and should be clear to all parts of government, the private sector and citizens. Economic transformation takes time and thus requires policy consistency and sustained commitment spanning changes in political leadership across multiple decades. And implementation of the vision is just as critical as the vision itself, and calls for the bureaucracy to improve its ability to deliver over time—even if the starting point is a handful of specialised agencies that function as “pockets of effectiveness”. Tamil Nadu is still in the middle of its development journey, but its experience thus far underscores how political leadership and state capability can be leveraged in African countries that seek to follow a similar path.

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Importantly, women, lower castes, minority religions and rural areas have particularly benefitted from growth in Tamil Nadu; see A. Kalaiyarasan, “A Comparison of Developmental Outcomes”.

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Sushila Ravindranath, Surge: Tamil Nadu’s Growth Story (Chennai: Westland, 2016).

Sojin Shin, “Land Management and Industrial Development in Tamil Nadu”, Institute of Asian Studies Working Paper, 2016, https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/papers/233-land-management-and-industrial-development-in-tamil-nadu1/.

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Pallavi Roy, “The Political Economy of Growth under Clientelism: An Analysis of Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Pakistan”, PhD thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013, http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18261.

Paul and Sridhar, “The Paradox of India’s North-South Divide”.

A.R. Venkatachalapathy, Tamil Characters: Personalities, Politics, Culture (New Delhi: Pan Macmillan India, 2018).

Roy, “The Political Economy of Growth”.

Ravindranath, Surge.

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Populist Cultural Politics of Dravidianism

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Dravidian electoral parties have established populist governments in Tamil Nadu since 1967, navigating across E.V. Ramasamy Periyar’s progressive social reform discourses; patriarchal cultures – sustained and preserved in Dravidian electoral cinema – and non-Brahmin resistance centrally manifested through caste-based affirmative action.

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Anandhi S (1991) Women’s question in the Dravidian movement c. 1925–1948. Soc Sci 19:24–41. https://doi.org/10.2307/3517871

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Veeramani K (2022) November 20 (1916) the birth of justice party! Viduthalai, Nov 20. https://www.viduthalai.page/2022/11/20-1916.html

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Divya, A. (2024). Populist Cultural Politics of Dravidianism. In: Chacko Chennattuserry, J., Deshpande, M., Hong, P. (eds) Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9859-0_403-1

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Tamil Nadu Election Campaigns: Political Maneuvering And Strategic Image Building

In the run-up to the Tamil Nadu state elections, the political landscape has been buzzing with activity as leaders from Chief Minister MK Stalin's Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and former Chief Minister Edappadi K. Palaniswami's All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) engage in a battle of wits and strategies.

During a recent election campaign event, AIADMK's Edappadi Palaniswami took to showcasing a photo featuring Stalin and Udhayanidhi Stalin alongside Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This move, seemingly aimed at highlighting perceived inconsistencies in the DMK's stance towards the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), sparked immediate controversy. Palaniswami's remarks, pointing to Udhayanidhi Stalin's photograph with PM Modi, raised questions about the DMK's purported ties with the BJP, setting the stage for a heated exchange of accusations between the two parties.

Palaniswami's jibe at Udhayanidhi Stalin's continued use of a symbolic prop—a brick representing the delayed AIIMS Madurai project—added another layer of complexity to the discourse. This brick, which Udhayanidhi has been using for years to underscore the sluggish progress of the AIIMS Madurai initiative under the central government, became a focal point of contention. Palaniswami's challenge to Udhayanidhi to change his narrative and discard the brick symbolizes the AIADMK's attempt to shift the narrative and redirect focus towards perceived shortcomings of the opposition.

In response to Palaniswami's remarks, Udhayanidhi Stalin countered with strategic imagery of his own. Displaying a photograph capturing Palaniswami in a jovial moment alongside PM Modi during the foundation stone-laying ceremony for AIIMS Madurai, Udhayanidhi sought to turn the tables on his opponent. By juxtaposing Palaniswami's smiling visage with Modi against the backdrop of the AIIMS project, Udhayanidhi aimed to highlight what he perceived as the AIADMK's complicity in the delayed implementation of crucial projects.

The exchange between the two leaders encapsulates the intricacies of political campaigning in Tamil Nadu, where rhetoric, symbolism, and strategic image-building play pivotal roles. Beyond the verbal sparring, these incidents underscore deeper ideological fault lines and political calculations at play. The use of photographs featuring prominent leaders in conjunction with key issues reflects an evolving campaign landscape where visual communication and narrative framing are central to shaping public perception.

As the election date draws nearer, it is evident that both the DMK and AIADMK are leaving no stone unturned in their quest for electoral victory. The strategic deployment of imagery and rhetoric underscores the high stakes involved and the fierce competition for voter attention. In this charged atmosphere, the electorate finds itself inundated with competing narratives and promises, tasked with deciphering the truth amidst the cacophony of political discourse. Ultimately, it is the voters who hold the power to shape the future trajectory of Tamil Nadu's political landscape through their choices at the ballot box.

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Nuances Of Tamil Politics and Culture

Rethinking Social Justice was published earlier this year in honour of MSS Pandian, the late historian of South India. The volume comprises an array of essays on a wide range of topics that are thematically organized into five sections: ‘Politics of Culture and Identity’, ‘Critical Social History’, ‘Nation and Region’, ‘Political Economy’ and ‘Cinema and Society’. The thematic organization of the book is representative of the range of Pandian’s intellectual interests: the political and social history of Tamil Nadu, caste and agrarian politics, the intimate nexus between cinema and politics in Tamil Nadu and so on. Some of the essays are co-authored by Pandian himself. The main challenge before the reviewer of such a rich and diverse volume is doing justice to unfamiliar terrains of scholarship. As a scholar of modern Tamil literature, reading the book expanded my own knowledge of the nuances of Tamil politics and culture. For the purposes of this review, I provide a broad overview of some of the essays of the book and pose questions that bear significance to some of the essays.

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Panels, Politics, and Penn (Women) In The Land Of Tamil Nadu

A report by Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and UN Women titled Women In Politics (2017) states, “As on October 2016, out of the total 4,118 MLAs across the country, only 9 per cent were women.” India ranks 151 th among the 190 countries and 5 th among the 8 South-Asian countries.

Equality in Politics – A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments explains various aspects relating to women’s political representation and parliamentary governance. Overall disparities follow the same trend with the lack of confidence and finance being the major deterrent that prevented women from entering politics. These stats along with the recently released ‘manel’ report by the Network of Women in Medi a (NWMI) 2019 sheds light on the ingrained prejudice against women within the Indian news media.

Panel discussions occupy prime time viewership in the TV news universe, irrespective of the language. The manel report extensively described the biased pattern in prime-time debate shows. While the outright ‘gender imbalance’ was sort of given, one statistic in the report was surprising. It states that the representation of women in prime-time panels was 5% in Tamil and Punjabi channels – the lowest average among the states.

With better literacy, health and other human development indices, the state of Tamil Nadu has often revelled in the numbers that made it a ‘class apart’ within the country. The low score is telling of the accepted model of toxic masculinity and cultural patriarchy, that encompasses Tamil society.

While the male-led leadership fight amongst themselves, to claim the ‘true’ Tamil identity, women get the short end of the stick.

This media representation, however, explains the deeper hypocrisy that is imbibed in the Tamil society. Tamil pride has often been a merger of distinct linguistic and cultural identity. The yesteryear values based on ancient Tamil texts, glorify chastity, virginity, and a submissive female who happily lays down independence for the family or her man’s wishes.

Also read: Women and Politics: Women Voters Are Higher Than Men But Why Is Female Representation In Politics Still Low

Simply put, the ideal Tamil female is the virtue of chastity and the Tamil man, an epitome of virility. The proponents of this identity beginning with the speakers of Dravidian movement to many of the modern-day political stalwarts stick to this image adherently. This so-called ‘Tamil’ identity has sexist undertones, “middle-class morality” which are often glorified to forge a partnership among the common people. 

In Tamil Nadu, feminism is often angled with the words of two very distinct personalities, the poet Subramanian Bharati, and Periyar (the founder of Dravian Kazhagam ). The two men are often identified as radical feminist thinkers who articulated thoughts that has shaped feminist thinking in the state. Additionally, the angle of caste forged by the self-respect movement as a common cause for unity has splintered parties along the same lines it sought to diminish. While their commendable efforts have survived, it’s a sad reality that their values have not. They have simply become a poster for others to claim one thing – the women’s vote.

According to the election commission report, in 2016, more women turned up to vote when compared to men. While the vote matters, women as leaders, candidates do not get the encouragement or support. This is in line with the superficial streak of female empowerment practised by regional politics.

• In the last state assembly elections in 2016, the AIADMK and CPI(M) fielded 12% and DMK, 10%. The Congress fielded three of the 41 candidates (7%) the party.
• Women MLAs accounted for 3% to 10% of the Tamil Nadu state Assembly.

Stage culture of Tamil oratory can be an empowering platform for aspiring female leaders but ‘a handful representation’ of female speakers are pigeonholed to score political points. The point of female empowerment or representation gets lost in the wider politics between the parties. This spills into the outrage drama that follows shouting-matches linked to ‘controversial’ statements.

While this passes for prime-time journalism, diversity and representation in these panels are more than often absent. In between film trailers and other product placements, the debate is usually carried on by the same set of women, handpicked by the channels for their political leanings. While representation by women in various issues lack numbers, a handful representing the whole of the state is an acknowledgement of this gender bias.

The whole concept of language bonded nationalism has been the cornerstone of Dravidian politics. While the male-led leadership fight amongst themselves, to claim the ‘true’ T amil identity, women get the short end of the stick.

The state has long had an authoritarian female leadership by the late CM Jayalalitha. As a head of a Dravidian party, unapologetic of her caste, religion, she had a distinctive governance style. Absolute subservience with her central authority was ubiquitous throughout her tenure. This level of internalised patriarchy is common in the toxic world of Tamil Nadu’s politics. 

Also read: Dalit Women in Media and Politics Conference: When #DalitWomenSpeakOut, Revolution Beckons

Though the state has very good indicators with regard to literacy, women still face challenges because of the patriarchal mindset that pervades daily life in Tamil Nadu.

• Total literacy rate in Tamil Nadu has shown an increasing trend over the years, increasing from 62.66% in 1991 to 80.33% in 2011.
• 14 districts have female literacy rates above the State average that is, above 73.86%.

Women leaders of the state have in the recent years have only been meme topics and insults on-stage by politicians. Even insults hurled between men on-stage bear references to their mothers, often demeaning them. This downgrade in stage decorum is a far cry from the flowing Tamil language used to garner public support for the party, during earlier times. This also goes hand in hand with that way political parties slowly ease out women from active participation.

Only 5% of the professional and independent analysts featured on panels were women

Politics has become a man’s domain and women mostly get typecast as symbols for virtue, chastity or as whores. The latter word had caused quite a stir in the state earlier last year, when nuanced argument ceased and war of words flowed defending the chastity of a goddess. This added leverage in the #Metoo debates that followed, as well. While the caste angle was apparent, since its Tamil Nadu, there was a strange backlash and role reversal. During the same time, the murder of a Dalit woman did not garner this support but remained an isolated issue to be handled solely by Dalit activists. This caste schism affects women, and issues of real concern get buried in the 24-hour news cycle.

While systemic patriarchy and caste deter women as political candidates, grassroots are an active platform to inculcate female leadership. In this intrusive social media age and the social reality of “ TV culture is Tamil culture ”, media can be effective to provide role-models.

Gender bias, in the panel discussions, the conspicuous absence of women’s point of view, and the lack of diversity among the women represented are serious causes for concern. The explicit lack of role-models, female leadership continues to manifest as an ineffective debate of issues.

Only 5% of the professional and independent analysts featured on panels were women; the corresponding figures for party spokespersons and subject experts were 8% and 11% respectively. Politics dominate these prime-time debates and by extension our daily lives. On the other hand, in discussions on politics, which constituted nearly half (45%) of all panel discussions on news television, only 8% of the panellists were women.

In a 2015 survey on media and gender in India by the International Federation of Journalists (focusing primarily on patterns of employment and working conditions), only 6.34% of the respondents felt that women were shown as ‘experts/leaders’ in the news. A miniscule 2.17% thought women were depicted as ‘equal citizens’. In contrast, many more respondents said women were generally depicted as ‘victims’, ‘sexual objects’, ‘family figures’ or ‘negative’ stereotypes.

The early gains of the Dravidian party and the popularity of the Congress-old guard in the state was mainly due to active women participation. The shelving of female participation and leadership is not the true essence of democracy. Media shapes the way we think, and when we don’t see representation and assume it is okay, the consequence is a broken democratic setup.

1. Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments 2. Panels or Manels ? The Network of Women in Media, India, February 2019 3. Election Commission Of India reports for Tamil Nadu assembly elections 1996 ,  2001 ,  2006 ,  2011  and  2016 4. Tamil Nadu Human Development 2017

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A homemaker trying to wedge feminism into daily life. Ambica enjoys reading and is a news junkie. She loves political satire, especially by female comedians. Her other interests are films and plays.

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4 Tamils in the Nation: Post-Independence India

• Published: August 2016
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This chapter analyzes the post-independence political competition between the Tamil revivalist Dravidian movement and the pan-Indian Congress in Tamil Nadu and explains how the once separatist Dravidian movement was peaceably accommodated within the Indian nation-state framework. It argues that the competition between the Dravidian movement and the Congress was bounded by overlapping commitments to cultivating Tamil identity and interest that were in turn compatible with the pan-ethnic conception of national identity associated with the Congress party and contained in the Indian constitution. It shows that the peaceable accommodation of Tamil Nadu in post-independence India rests on an inclusive conception of Indian identity rather than the federal provisions of the Indian constitution or the moderation of the Dravidian parties.

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‘Thalapathy’ Vijay launches political party: A history of film stars’ entry into Tamil Nadu politics

Vijay is not the first, and probably won’t be the last Tamil superstar to embark on a political career. Five Chief Ministers from the state have had links to the film industry. We take a look at the decades-long tradition.

With the launch of his political party Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam earlier this week, ‘Thalapathy’ Vijay has joined the long list of Tamil actors joining politics. In a letter, he said that the party would contest the 2026 Tamil Nadu State Assembly elections.

He said, “As far as I am concerned, politics is not just another profession; it is a sacred service to the people… I wish to fully immerse myself in politics for public service after completing my commitments to another film I have already committed to, without causing any disruption to party activities. This is what I consider my gratitude and duty to the people of Tamil Nadu .”

Annadurai and cinema as the medium of propagation

Annadurai, Tamil Nadu’s first CM from a Dravidian party, belonged to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). He was also the first to utilise the accessible and ‘mass’ medium of movies to promote the anti-caste, anti-religion ‘Self-respect Movement’ associated with the party. Writing scripts for films such as Nallathambi (1948) and Vellaikaari (1949), he critiqued Brahminism.

Annadurai’s cinematic legacy had its roots in theatre. In his essay, ‘Politics and the Film in Tamil Nadu’, Robert L Hardgrave Jr writes: “As a young lieutenant of the Dravida Kazhagam, Annadurai had written a number of dramas as vehicles for social reform and non-Brahmin self-respect. After the DMK was founded, Annadurai, E V K Sampath, and K R Ramaswamy, then Tamil Nadu’s most popular actor and film star, staged dramas in benefit performances for the party.”

Hardgrave also writes that in terms of the language being spoken, Dravidians’ Tamil was “purged of Sanskritic elements” as an assertion of self-respect – a linguistic trend that would continue for decades. Through these films, the golden age of Tamil kingdoms (the Cholas in particular) saw a resurrection on the silver screen. Also, Brahmins were often depicted as villains or foolish characters.

Karunanidhi continues the legacy

M Karunanidhi succeeded Annadurai as DMK chief and Tamil Nadu CM. He wrote the screenplay for the Sivaji Ganesan-starrer Parasakthi (1952), termed “one of the most controversial films in the history of Tamil cinema” in S Theodore Baskaran’s book The Eye of the Serpent: An Introduction to Tamil Cinema (1996).

One of the most controversial and enduring dialogues of the film is delivered by the protagonist after a priest attempts to rape a woman in a temple. When he sees someone praying to the temple idol, he questions, “Just because you came around chanting names and offered flowers to the stone, would it become a god?”

Sections of society reportedly took great offence at the film, and it was even banned initially. In an interview, Karunanidhi said, “My intention was to introduce the ideas and policies of social reform and justice in the films and bring up the status of the Tamil language as they were called for in DMK policies… We say that art should be for propaganda, for the people and for society”.

Parasakthi ’s lead actor Ganesan, also a founding member of the DMK, left the party around 1956 after being criticised for a visit to the temple town Tirupathi. His critics said this went “against the stated ideals of rationalism” – a core tenet of Dravidian ideology. Later joining the Congress and the Janata Dal , and even forming his party, he was unable to replicate his film career’s success. He eventually left politics in 1993.

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MGR, Jayalalithaa and AIADMK

M G Ramachandran (MGR) was one of the biggest stars of Tamil cinema. He was also the DMK party treasurer and his legions of fans factored in the party’s electoral success. Offscreen, MGR undertook activities like financing orphanages and participating in disaster relief measures.

Hardgrave writes of his films: “MGR sees himself as the “protector” of the common man and is convinced of the moral purpose of his films. ‘My roles have been to show how a man should live and believe.’ (quoting MGR)”. In 1967, MGR said, “Art and politics are the two sides of the same coin”, showing a continuity of the DMK belief that cinema can and will influence socio-political developments in society.

After his expulsion from DMK in 1972, due to differences with his one-time friend Karunanidhi, MGR formed the All India Anna Munnetra Dravida Kazhagam (AIADMK). He then starred in films like Netru Indru Naalai (1974) and Idhayakkani (1975) to spread the party message. In the 1977 elections, he came to power as the CM. He would continue in the post till his demise in 1987.

A succession struggle ensued between his wife V N Janaki Ramachandran and his protege J Jayalalithaa , who was a popular actress and his co-star in several career-defining films. Her faction emerged as the “real” AIADMK. She became the CM after winning a comfortable majority in the 1991 State Assembly elections and would serve five more terms.

While Jayalalithaa did not actively seek political/ideological support through cinema, her popularity was impacted by MGR’s on-screen success. She starred in several influential films with him, including Aayirathil Oruvan (1965) and Nam Naadu (1969).

Vijayakanth and Kamal Haasan

In 2005, after nearly three decades in the film industry, ‘Captain’ Vijayakanth started his political party Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK).

Right from the launch, Vijayakanth made his ambitions clear. He arrived at the rally in a blue van once used by MGR for his campaigns and was dubbed “Karuppu MGR (Dark MGR)”. His roles, especially where he portrayed people from marginalised communities, and his philanthropic efforts helped portray him as a ‘people’s leader’.

The DMDK earned 8% of the vote share in its very first Assembly election in 2006, despite only Vijayakanth becoming an MLA. In the 2011 Assembly elections, the party won an impressive 29 of the 41 seats contested.

Next came actor-director Kamal Haasan , who launched his Makkal Needhi Maiam in 2018. “I never used to act for free. You paid money to watch the films I acted in, and that became my salary. But what did I do in return?…. That is why a feeling of guilt started (taking shape inside). I decided to live for you – hereon. That is why I am in hurry (and) I decided to launch a political party and see it before my time ends,” he said at the launch event.

The party contested 37 seats in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and lost all of them. This was repeated in the 2021 TN Assembly elections, where Kamal also lost the constituency he contested from (Coimbatore South).

And now, Thalapathy Vijay

‘Thalapathy’ (meaning commander in Tamil) Vijay has been hinting at this entry into politics for many years. Some Vijay films, like Atlee’s Mersal (2017), have contained references to MGR. The two have been compared in terms of popularity and massive fanbases.

Vijay said his party will focus on a commitment to transparency and non-partisan governance, and adhere to the values of Tamil culture and the Indian Constitution. His words seem carefully chosen to carve a distinct path for himself in the political arena. “On one side, there is a culture of politics tainted with corruption and administrative malpractices, while on the other, there is a divisive political culture striving to fragment our people through caste and religious differences,” his letter said.

Members of his fan club, the Thalapathy Vijay Makkal Iyakkam (TVMI), have previously tasted some success in electoral politics. In 2021, members across the state won over 100 seats in the rural local body polls.

Arushi works with the online desk at The Indian Express. She writes on entertainment, culture, women's issues, and sometimes a mix of all three. She regularly contributes to the Explained and Opinion sections and is also responsible for curating the daily newsletter, Morning Expresso. She studied English literature at Miranda House, University of Delhi, along with a minor in Sociology. Later, she earned a post-graduate diploma in Integrated Journalism from the Asian College of Journalism, where she learnt the basics of print, digital and broadcast journalism. Write to her at [email protected]. You can follow her on LinkedIn and Instagram. ... Read More

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Vijay Enters Politics: A New Chapter in Tamil Nadu's Political Landscape

Popular actor vijay takes a plunge into politics in tamil nadu.

Popular actor Vijay has begun the process of launching his own political party in Tamil Nadu. According to sources, Vijay has been elected as the leader of his newly formed party, Tamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam. The actor, affectionately called 'Thalapathy' (commander in Tamil), announced the launch of his political party, marking a significant shift in his career.

Vijay's decision to enter politics follows the footsteps of Kamal Haasan, who also made a foray into the political arena. Ajith and Rajinikanth, however, refrained from entering Tamil politics. Despite an initial stint, Haasan later shifted his focus back to his acting career. It remains to be seen whether Vijay's venture into politics will be a long-term commitment or a temporary detour.

The announcement of Vijay's political party has generated a mixed response among the people of Tamil Nadu. While some have welcomed his decision, others remain skeptical about the actor's ability to navigate the complexities of politics. Tamil Nadu BJP vice president Narayanan Thirupathy has stated that everyone has the right to start a political party, highlighting the democratic nature of Vijay's entry into politics.

Vijay's popularity and status as the highest-paid actor in Kollywood have brought significant attention to his political aspirations. The actor's immense fan base has eagerly awaited this moment, and they have been vocal in their support for his political journey. As Thalapathy Vijay officially announces his entry into Tamil Nadu politics, let's take a look at how fans of the actor have reacted to this news.

Vijay's entry into politics marks a new chapter in Tamil Nadu's political landscape. With his massive popularity and influence, he has the potential to attract a significant following. However, he will face challenges in establishing his party's credibility and gaining the trust of the electorate.

The entry of filmstars into politics is not a new phenomenon in Tamil Nadu. Vijay follows a long line of actors who have ventured into the political arena, including MGR, Jayalalithaa, and Karunanidhi. The state's strong connection to cinema and its influence on politics make it an intriguing and dynamic environment for actors turned politicians.

Vijay's political plunge also raises questions about the impact he will have on the existing political landscape. Will he align with established parties or emerge as a formidable third force? The coming months and years will provide answers to these questions as Vijay navigates the intricacies of Tamil Nadu's political scene.

In conclusion, Vijay's entry into politics has stirred up excitement and curiosity among the people of Tamil Nadu. As he launches his political party, all eyes will be on him to see how he shapes his political agenda and mobilizes his supporters. Whether he can successfully transition from being a popular actor to a successful politician remains to be seen. However, one thing is certain – Vijay's entry into politics has added a new dimension to Tamil Nadu's political landscape.

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Identity Politics and Social Pluralism: Political Sociology and Political Change in Tamil Nadu

2002, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics

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SSRN Electronic Journal

Kunal Debnath

This paper attempts to revisit the populist politics of Tamil Nadu. Tamil politics in India has an enduring characteristic of a sub-nationalist orientation which, sometimes, bares with the populist mobilization by the political parties of Tamil Nadu. Recently, the working president of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), one of the prominent political parties of Tamil Nadu, recycles the issue of Dravida Nadu, a hypothetical land for the Tamils own based on their ethnonational identity, which had been dropped almost fifty-five years ago. Dravida Nadu highlights the linguistic, cultural and ethnonational resistance against north-India dominated pan-Indian nationalism. Cauvery water dispute, debate over jallikattu, anti-Hindi stance, and protest against the terms of reference of the Fifteenth Finance Commission are the signs of anticentre campaign in Tamil politics. These are being used not only for safeguarding the Tamil cultural nationalism but for mobilizing the people in electoral combat zone in Tamil Nadu.

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Politics aside, why Katchatheevu matters

Katchatheevu island is back in the headlines ahead of the lok sabha election. india ceded claims to the island when indira gandhi was the prime minister. the island is of importance as china looks to expand its footprint in the indian ocean region and for thousands of indian fishermen..

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Katchatheevu means 'barren island' in Tamil. Though barren in geographical terms, it is fertile in political terms. The 1.15-square-kilometre uninhabited island located in the Palk Strait between India and Sri Lanka keeps returning to India's political discourse.

It has made a comeback again just weeks ahead of the Lok Sabha election.

At a time when China is looking to expand its presence in the Indian Ocean Region, Katchatheevu assumes great strategic significance for India. It also impacts the lives of thousands of fishermen from India, especially those from Tamil Nadu.

An RTI query about Katchatheevu filed by Tamil Nadu BJP chief Annamalai and a response to it has stirred the hornets' nest yet again. Experts say the BJP is using the Katchatheevu issue to make inroads in Tamil Nadu, where the party has minimal presence.

Katchatheevu's significance to India extends beyond politics and involves various aspects such as religion, livelihood, and geopolitics.

Indian civilians are reportedly allowed onto the island, which is controlled by Sri Lanka, for just two days and a night every year. That is during the festival at St Antony's shrine, the only structure on the island.

The minister also added that in the last five years, the Katchatheevu issue and the fisherman's issue have been repeatedly raised by various parties in Parliament.

The Chinese threat was also raised by AIADMK M P KN Ramachandran in Parliament too.

"...Only when Katchatheevu is retrieved will we be able to stop the threat from China which is expanding its tentacles all around India? the Sriperumbudur MP asked in 2016.

That fear was expressed by Tamil politician Vaiko of the MDMK in March 2021.

In a question in the Rajya Sabha, Vaiko asked if the "Government has registered any protest against windmill projects being given to a Chinese company by Sri Lanka on the strategic Katchatheevu, Palk Strait".

The government denied that any project on the strategic island was being given to any Chinese company by the Sri Lankan government.

"There is no information about windmill projects being given to a Chinese company by Sri Lanka on Katchatheevu Island," S Jaishankar replied.

"According to reports, the Cabinet of Ministers of Sri Lanka has approved a proposal to award the contract for installing hybrid renewable energy systems on the islands of Delft, Nainativu and Analaitivu near Jaffna to a joint venture of Chinese companies, as part of a project funded by the Asian Development Bank," he added.

However, the threat was stalled as an Indian company grabbed the deal along with a Sri Lankan company to harness energy in the strategic Palk Strait.

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What 10 Years of Modi Rule Has Meant for India’s Economy

Narendra Modi has kept India on its swift upward path among the world’s largest economies. Many Indians are better off, though wealth gaps have widened.

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By Alex Travelli

Alex Travelli, the South Asia business correspondent, has reported from New Delhi since 2013.

As Narendra Modi was storming to victory in the election of 2014, he said that “ acchhe din aane waale hain” — good times are coming.

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Open this article in the New York Times Audio app on iOS.

Now as Mr. Modi stands set to secure another term as prime minister in elections starting on April 19 , the value of India’s stock market has grown threefold since he first took office. India’s economy is almost twice as big as it was.

Stocks have risen so much because the number of Indians with enough wealth and appetite for investment risk has jumped — to nearly 5 percent of the population from barely 2 percent.

But the economic gains have been widely unequal. The bulk of India’s growth depends on those at the top of the income ladder, including a coterie of huge and tightly controlled businesses.

Ninety percent of India’s population of 1.4 billion is estimated to subsist on less than $3,500 a year . Yet in the poorest rural districts, life has been made more bearable by welfare programs that have expanded under Mr. Modi. Many of the benefits are solid and visible: sacks of free grain, toilets, gas cylinders and housing materials. Purely commercial developments have transformed village life: LED lights, cheap smartphones and nearly free mobile data have changed the nature of idle time.

While America was experiencing a “ vibecession ,” feeling glum despite upbeat economic news, India has been doing the opposite. Here many of the signals are mixed — but the vibes are fantastic. International surveys show India’s consumers have become the most upbeat anywhere.

Foreigners are also feeling good about the Modi economy. Banks like Morgan Stanley and JPMorgan Chase are rushing to upgrade India’s weighting in their global stock and bond indexes. Chris Wood, one of the best-regarded market strategists in Asia, warned that if Mr. Modi were not re-elected this year, Indian markets could crash by 25 percent or more.

A strange thing about the spirit of optimism about the Modi economy is that India’s rates of growth over the past 10 years have been very similar to those of the decade that preceded it, under a government that Mr. Modi often blames for wrecking the country.

As real as it is, the Indian economic success story is also an attribute of what could be the singular characteristic of Mr. Modi’s years in the top job: his ability to control all levers of power, with showmanship as the first priority .

Mr. Modi’s face is everywhere, perhaps more present in New Delhi than that of any democratically elected leader in any other capital. In the run-up to the Group of 20 summit last September, his slogans took credit for virtually every positive development that could be found in this inexorably emerging economy.

In the bullish climate surrounding the Indian economy, even the pessimists are optimistic. While official statistics anticipate growth of 7.3 percent in the current fiscal year, most finance professionals in Mumbai peg the figure at 6 to 6.5 percent. The lowest estimate touches 4.5 percent, which would still beat the United States and possibly China.

Expressing even mild skepticism is avoided. Economists who depend on government work must be careful not to speak frankly. Economists who do not work with the government are becoming scarce, as independent think tanks are raided and shuttered.

Message control is much more pronounced than it was under Mr. Modi’s predecessor, the award-winning economist Manmohan Singh. India became known as a “ flailing state ” during Mr. Singh’s time in office, even with growth occasionally hitting the 10 percent mark.

Mr. Modi has been busy remaking the institutions of Indian governance. Political competition has been all but eliminated at the national level, and he has exploited animosity against the country’s Muslim minority of 200 million.

Mr. Modi has also used state power to make things happen in strictly economic affairs, mostly for better though sometimes for worse. Infrastructure is on a tear. There is some overbuilding, but the fact that building gets done is a welcome relief. Welfare programs have become more responsive.

India — especially in banking and business transactions — has made a widespread digital leap . The push began during the previous management of Mr. Singh, but Mr. Modi has run with it. The “India Stack,” a suite of software platforms that runs on the base of Aadhaar, a biometric identification system, means that Indians now have access to faster and cheaper peer-to-peer transactions than Americans.

Taxes have been overhauled. India has driven more of the economy into the formal sector, for instance by enacting a Goods and Services Tax like Europe’s value-added tax, allowing more revenue to be extracted from more people and businesses. That has freed up money for public spending and, by lowering corporate tax rates, private financing.

One minus on the digitization ledger came on Nov. 8, 2016, when at 8 p.m. Mr. Modi abruptly declared that all large currency notes were suddenly worthless. That was supposed to deprive criminals of “black money.” Instead, it crippled economic activity.

There are other ways the Indian government’s power to act decisively and usually without check has created distortions and inequalities. The biggest companies have profited wildly. Of the $1.4 trillion in wealth created by the most prestigious stock index from 2012 to 2022, 80 percent went to 20 companies, Marcellus Investment Managers in Mumbai estimated in 2022. Those companies are the ones that can talk directly to the government.

No one better illustrates the concentration of corporate wealth, and the risks associated with it, than Gautam Adani . Outside India, few knew his name until 2022, when he suddenly appeared on lists as the world’s second-richest person, after Elon Musk.

The flagship stock of Mr. Adani’s conglomerate nearly doubled in the year after Mr. Modi was elected and grew eight times larger after he was re-elected in 2019. The Adani Group became, in effect, a logistics arm of the government, building up ports, highways, bridges and solar farms at speeds never before seen.

Then last year Mr. Adani’s empire was accused of fraud by a New York short-seller, costing Mr. Adani $150 billion on paper. Though Mr. Adani, who denied the claims, has recouped most of the money he lost, the episode exposed a risk in the Modi strategy of allowing the few at the tippy top to amass enormous clout.

Companies aside, on an individual level, India’s recent growth has been uncomfortably unequal. Having the world’s biggest population explains why so many foreign investors are attracted to its consumer market. Most Indians are rural, and 75 percent of them are by most measures poor, qualifying for free food rations intended to prevent malnutrition. Though that warrants some caution, it leaves room for growth.

Sales of luxury goods have been booming, especially since the pandemic, generating yearslong waiting lists for vehicles like the Mercedes G 63. Sales of motorbikes and scooters, which transport far more Indians than all the four-wheeled cars combined, have been stagnant.

The most painful aspect of the economy is the jobs situation. Officially about 7 percent of Indians are unemployed. Vastly more are underemployed. In the past month, Indians desperate to find better incomes abroad have died trying: while crossing the United States’ borders, fighting as underequipped mercenaries for Russia in Ukraine and filling positions left empty by Palestinians forced to stop working in Israel.

And yet, the ascent of India in the world economy seems preordained. It has moved ahead of Britain to become the world’s fifth-largest economy, and it is expected to surpass Japan and Germany to become the world’s third largest within the next few years.

More multinational businesses are expected to flock to India, creating opportunities for Indians. Only a small proportion of consumers can expect to enjoy living standards taken for granted in the United States, but they are becoming more numerous by the year, and can now be found even in small cities.

Red tape remains to impede businesses without connections to the top of government. But the direction of movement is promising: Projects that used to require two years of permission-seeking can now be completed in 15 days.

Along with the acchhe din he promised in 2014, Mr. Modi pledged “minimum government, maximum governance,” sounding like a 1980s America free marketeer. In practice, his economic approach has not been defined by theory or ideology. He has thrown everything against the wall to see what sticks. He has thrown persistently, and with force. When economists talk about India, they have stopped talking about the “flailing state.”

Read by Alex Travelli

Audio produced by Parin Behrooz .

Alex Travelli is a correspondent for The Times based in New Delhi, covering business and economic matters in India and the rest of South Asia. He previously worked as an editor and correspondent for The Economist. More about Alex Travelli

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OPS Vs OPS Vs OPS Vs OPS Vs OPS in Tamil Nadu's Ramanathapuram Lok Sabha seat?

Lok sabha elections 2024: there are a total of five people named o panneerselvam who want to fight for the ramanathapuram lok sabha seat in tamil nadu. one of them is former tamil nadu and expelled aiadmk leader ops..

Former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister O Panneerselvam, known as OPS, has been caught up in a rare situation in the run up to the Lok Sabha Elections 2024. He is contesting from Ramanathapuram Lok Sabha constituency, where four candidates with the same name as his — O Panneerselvam — have filed nominations.

There are a total of five O Panneerselvams who want to fight for the Ramanathapuram seat. All of them, including the former Tamil Nadu CM and expelled AIADMK leader OPS , have filed nominations as independent candidates.

Those having the same name and initial as the former chief minister OPS are Ochappan Panneerselvam, Oyya Thevar Panneerselvam, Ocha Thevar Panneerselvam, Oyyaram Panneerselvam, as per the Election Commission's data.

The four namesakes filed nominations on March 26, a day after the expelled AIADMK leader submitted his papers . While Oyyaram Pannerselvam hails from the Ramanathapuram district, three others belong to the Madurai district.

Meanwhile, the information uploaded on the Elections Commission's 'Know Your Candidate' app shows the nomination status of at least three O Panneerselvams as rejected. That of the former CM was rejected twice.

ALSO READ: AIADMK Live: EPS-OPS faction removes Sasikala as general secretary, Dhinakaran questions move

Move to confuse voters?

Four namesakes of O Panneerselvam contesting against him is feared to confuse voters.

Supporters of the former CM said it was the 'ploy' of the betrayers, apparently referring to AIADMK led by its chief Edappadi K Palaniswami , news agency PTI reported.

In the official list of candidates, only the letter 'O' will be prefixed to the names of candidates as is the practice. Only the photograph of the candidates and the individual symbol allotted to them will help voters differentiate between them.

Panneerselvam's power struggle

O Panneerselvam, who is an MLA from the Bodinayakanur constituency , banks heavily on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to bail him out of the political quagmire. He had announced to contest as an independent with the support of the BJP for the April 19 polls.

O Panneerselvam had been in a power tussle against AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami. In the process, Panneerselvam and his supporters were expelled by a party general council in July 2022. The courts also upheld the decision .

Recently, the Madras High Court restrained him from using the party's symbol two Leaves, the official flag and letterhead. Later, he formed the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhaga Cadres Right Retrieval Organisation.

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Lok Sabha Election 2024 | Nail-Biting Contest In Coimbatore | Tamil Nadu Politics News | N18V

Last Updated: March 30, 2024, 08:24 IST

Lok Sabha Election 2024 | Nail-Biting Contest In Coimbatore | Tamil Nadu Politics News | N18VElection officials on Thursday accepted state BJP president K Annamalai’s nomination for the Coimbatore Lok Sabha constituency, despite objections from the DMK, AIADMK and the Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK).Annamalai had submitted two nomination papers for consideration. While members of the DMK, AIADMK and the NTK argued with district collector cum election officer Kranthi Kumar Pati seeking to reject his nomination, stating they were not properly filled in, the officer accepted one of the nomination papers.