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Social work in Philippine municipalities: A critical organizational study

This article examines the organizational context of social workers in Philippine municipal governments. Recognizing the influence of the organizational context on social work practice, the article analyzes the distribution of power in Philippine municipal bureaucracies and the extent of influence municipal mayors have over the administration of local social welfare programs and services and the social workers who manage them. The analysis explores how workers manage to thrive in the face of the highly unequal relationship they have with their superiors and considers the implications for social work practice.

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Philippines’ War on Drugs: Its Implications to Human Rights in Social Work Practice

• Published: 03 September 2018
• Volume 3 , pages 138–148, ( 2018 )

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• Gil Espenido   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-2846-8364 1  

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Since President Rodrigo Roa Duterte’s ascension to the presidency in July 2016, he weaves and pursues his own brand of authoritarianism. Riding on his popularity, he raises the issue of illegal drugs as a question of national survival for the nation. With this obsession, Duterte has unleashed the entire police force with the state’s resources on his war on drugs. In more than a year of its implementation, the war on drugs has created havoc in the lives of the Filipino people. Furthermore, it has promoted a culture of impunity, and fear has gripped the nation. With the worsening human rights situation, human rights in social work practice in the Philippines grapples with the multi-faceted effects of the war on drugs. Given the specificity of needs and circumstances of the violations, the social work profession can and should respond to the unfolding challenges through various interventions at the individual, family, and community levels.

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Espenido, G. Philippines’ War on Drugs: Its Implications to Human Rights in Social Work Practice. J. Hum. Rights Soc. Work 3 , 138–148 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41134-018-0071-6

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Published : 03 September 2018

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Philippine Association of Social Workers, Inc. (PASWI)

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Room 210 Philippine Social Science Council, Commonwealth Avenue, Quezon City, 1121 Metro Manila, Philippines

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• Number of members: Regular 6800
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About The Philippine Association of Social Workers

The Philippine Association of Social Workers (PASW) was founded on 12 November 1947, and incorporated on 18 April 1948.  It was re-incorporated with the Securities and Exchange Commission on 18 October 1988, changing its name to Philippine Association of Social Workers, Incorporated which is now famously known as PASWI.

  Vision. PASWI envisions a humane and just Filipino society that respects the dignity of the human person through the free and full exercise of her/his economic, social, political, and spiritual rights and responsibilities.

Mission. As a professional organization we commit ourselves to the following:

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January 14, 2010

History of social welfare/social work in the philippines.

• Assistance was given as material aid like food, financial aid, transportation aid, medical aid, institutional care,      and work relief.
• Service was rendered in the form of rehabilitation services and administration and supervision of rehabilitation projects and workshops.
• Casework and guidance services for children are under this unit.
• This was created by Administrative Order No. 7 on September 5, 1951.
• It deals with the mounting social problems in rural areas.
• “Self-Help” became the underlying philosophy for rural community development projects.

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• History of Social Welfare/Social Work in The Philippines THE PRE-HISTORIC PERIOD Social Welfare work in those times centered on mutual protection and economic survival . THE SPANISH PERI...
• Functions of Social Work 1. Restorative /curative/remedial/rehabilitative functions - to assist individuals and groups to identify and resolve or minimize problems...

Overseas Filipino Workers: The Modern-Day Heroes of the Philippines

Bayani is the Tagalog term for “hero.” In the Philippines, a bayani is someone who is courageous, humble, and selfless. They pursue causes that are greater than themselves, such as those impacting a community, a nation, or the environment. Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) is a term referring to Filipino migrant workers, individuals who have left their homes to work abroad and provide comfortable lives for their families. Referring to these workers, former President Corazon Aquino coined the phrase ‘Bagong-Bayani’ in 1988. OFWs are the country’s modern-day heroes because they not only boost the Philippines’ economy through remittances but are figures of resilience. OFWs endure homesickness, personal sacrifices, and horrible working conditions in order to support their families back home.

By the Numbers

The Philippine Statistic Authority estimates that about 1.83 million OFWs worked abroad from April to September 2021. The same data reveal that about “four in every ten” OFWs work low-status or ‘ elementary ’ jobs, such as street vendors, construction and factory workers, cleaners, domestic helpers, and agriculture laborers. A majority of OFWs work in Asia, specifically Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Hong Kong, Kuwait, Singapore, and Qatar.

Because of their major contribution to the growth and development of the Philippine economy, OFWs are revered as the nation's economic heroes. According to data released by the Central Bank of the Philippines, remittances from OFWs reached a record high in December of last year: from the previous all-time high of US$34.88 billion, it rose by 3.6 percent to a record high US$36.14 billion in 2022.

“OFW remittances, at new record highs on a monthly basis, are a bright spot for the Philippine economy in terms of spurring consumer spending, which accounts for at least 75 percent of the economy, and in turn, support faster economic growth,” Rizal Commercial Banking Corp. Chief economist Michael Ricafort said .

Furthermore, most OFWs are Filipina women. The numbers clearly show that women dominate the workforce, accounting for approximately 60 percent of OFWs. According to data from the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration, at least 18,002, or 75.05 percent of the 23,986 cases of abuse and other incidents involving workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council that were reported last year included female OFWs. On the other hand, male OFWs were involved in only 5,984 cases, or 24.95 percent of all cases.

These women are disproportionately more likely to suffer from terrible working conditions, as they are often subjected to abuse, excessive work, little pay, rape, or worse, being killed by their foreign employers. The International Labour Office published a working paper titled Philippines: Good Practices for the Protection of Filipino Women Migrant Workers in Vulnerable Jobs explaining that “Gender-based discrimination intersects with discrimination based on other forms of  ‘otherness’ – such as non-national status, race, ethnicity, religion, economic status – placing women migrants in situations of double, triple or even fourfold discrimination, disadvantage or vulnerability to exploitation and abuse.”

In 2020, there were 23,714 documented cases of contract violations involving the maltreatment of OFWs, according to data provided by the Philippine Overseas Labor Offices, and approximately 5,000 of these cases were reported from Middle Eastern countries. According to the Philippine Information Agency, Filipina women who work in the Middle East are subjected to the “ kafala ” system, which ties foreign workers to their employers. Under this framework, employers could easily lock domestic workers inside their houses and seize their phones, passports, and visas until the expiration of their contracts.

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) published a comprehensive report titled “ ‘I Already Bought You’ Abuse and Exploitation of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in the United Arab Emirates,” which explains real-world examples of how the UAE’s kafala system of visa sponsorship binds migrant employees to their employers and how the exclusion of domestic workers from labor law protections exposes them to abuse.

The report included interviews with 99 female domestic workers in the UAE between November and December 2013. 22 of the 99 domestic helpers questioned by HRW claimed to have experienced physical abuse at the hands of their sponsors.

“They slap me in the face and kick me. They have a stick for you. If I make a small mistake they would hit parts of my body—back legs, back, and head. Sir would slap or punch me in the face. If they come back from the mall and I am not finished they would beat me,” Shelly A., a 30-year-old Filipina worker said. “They would say, ‘If you had done work then we won’t hit you.’ ”

Injustices in Kuwait

Currently, there are over 268,000 OFWs who live and work in Kuwait with 88 percent of them working as domestic helpers and 73 percent of them being female. According to the Philippine Department of Migrant Workers (DMW), there were over 24,000 cases of abuse and violation against OFWs in 2022—a significant rise from 6,500 in 2016.

It is a significant sacrifice to work abroad. Being physically and emotionally thousands of miles away from one’s family for an indefinite period is challenging, isolating, and suffocating. Rowena, a 54-year-old Filipina worker in Bahrain found herself feeling “trapped” due to canceled flights to the Philippines because of the COVID-19 pandemic as well as being underpaid by her employer. “I don’t want to make trouble. I want to go home,” Rowena said .

Beyond this, many OFWs also work abroad without knowledge of the future or the dangers they may encounter in a foreign country. Even worse, a harsh truth of working abroad is that a number of OFWs return home as dead bodies.

In January of 2023, Jullebee Ranara , a Filipina domestic helper living in Kuwait, confided in her family over the phone that she was terrified of her employer's 17-year-old son. The 35-year-old appeared to have vanished by the next day, which prompted her friends in the Gulf state to share their worries about her disappearance on social media.

Less than 24 hours later, on Jan. 21, 2023, her body was found dead, with burnt remains and a smashed skull found beside a desert near Al-Salmi Road.

Ranara was discovered to be pregnant after an autopsy, and DNA samples taken from the unborn child were confirmed to match the accused, who is the 17-year-old son of Ranara’s boss. After being apprehended, the 17-year-old perpetrator confessed to his crime.

Since 2018, there have been at least four murders of OFWs in Kuwait that have garnered national attention, including the case of 29-year-old Joanna Demafelis , whose body was kept secret in a freezer in an abandoned apartment for nearly two years. Her employers, a Syrian and a Lebanese couple, received death sentences for the murder of the victim.

In 2019, 47-year-old Constancia Lago Dayag was discovered dead after being sexually abused and beaten to death by her boss. The same year, 26-year-old Jeanelyn Villavende passed away from serious injuries inflicted by her boss, who was ultimately given a death sentence for the murder.

“These are only the high-profile ones,” Migrante International chairperson Joanna Concepcion told VICE World News. “There are other cases that are not visible. The public is not made aware of the real gravity of the rampant abuses faced by Filipino domestic helpers in Kuwait.”

Actions taken by the Philippine Government

A week after the discovery of Jullebee’s body, her remains were returned to her grieving family in Las Piñas, Philippines. Without delay, Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. attended Jullebee’s wake and promised to provide the deceased’s family with all aid possible.

“I just wanted to offer my sympathies to the family and to assure them that all the assistance that they might need for the family and for whatever else, that is my promise to them,” Marcos Jr. remarked . “Their child made that sacrifice to work abroad because she has dreams for her family here.”

Recently, the DMW issued a deployment ban on new and aspiring OFWs in Kuwait, following the increasing reports of work mistreatment, including the horrific murder of Ranara.

“In order to strengthen the protection of the rights of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Kuwait, particularly workers who are most vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, action on the applications of first-time agency-hire domestic workers bound for Kuwait is temporarily deferred effective immediately,” the DMWs said in a statement on Feb. 8, 2023.

Senator and Committee on Migrant Workers Chairperson Raffy Tulfo proposed a total deployment ban in Kuwait. “We can enter into bilateral agreements but our terms should be clear and unequivocal. If there are violators to such agreements, we have to prioritize the welfare of our overseas Filipino workers and act at the soonest possible time. Make these violators accountable and liable without concession and pursuant to our laws and international conventions,” Tulfo said in a senate inquiry.

The DMW was also tasked with working with the Department of Foreign Affairs to communicate to the Kuwaiti government the "sentiments and concerns" of the Filipino people regarding all recurrent incidents of physical and financial abuse, failure to pay monetary benefits, as well as murder committed against OFWs after the deployment ban went into effect.

The deployment ban was not well received by migrant advocacy groups, who claimed it would not provide a permanent solution to the issues surrounding labor migration. They claimed that placing bans for an extended period of time would encourage OFWs to turn to illicit means and consequently put themselves at risk for human trafficking in their desperation to find jobs abroad.

“What about the already-deployed Filipinos? Are there any steps being taken to protect them and make sure they do not suffer the same fate as Julleebee and the others?” Concepcion said to Maritime Fairtrade News. “These problems cannot be resolved with a deployment ban. The Philippine government has imposed bans many times before, but lifted them soon after when the particular cases of abuse or murder had been resolved by the courts and the perpetrators punished by death penalty or long-term imprisonment. When the deployment restarts, the abuses also start all over again.”

Much Needed Reform

OFWs often serve as the backbone of their families back home. Based on the results of a survey published by the Social Weather Stations , they found that 7 percent of Filipino households have an OFW who helps support the family. In addition, seventy-five percent of households frequently receive money from their OFW family members.

It would be difficult and inconsiderate to discourage or ban OFWs from going abroad for work. To promote a better quality of life for OFWs, the Philippine government must enact concrete policies aimed at protecting the welfare of Filipino workers. Advocacy groups, such as Migrante International are urging for reforms, including the abolition of the kafala system, which has resulted in complete employer control over domestic workers and OFWs.

For Concepcion, the country’s over-reliance on OFWs remittances is equivalent to the perpetuation of the violation and murder of Filipino workers. She believes that a viable solution to this issue involves ending the government’s labor export program and creating decent jobs domestically through meaningful land reform and national industrialization.

“The government’s determination to continue its labor export policy is totally misguided. What it should do is implement immediate measures to protect our domestic workers and OFWs abroad and long-term measures to generate decent jobs in the Philippines,” Concepcion said . “We need to end the government’s Labor Export Program and instead ensure that more jobs are created at home. Filipinos won’t have to leave the country and their families to risk their lives abroad if they have gainful and secure employment here.”

It is clear that OFWs live up to the definition of a bayani and are now considered heroes of the Philippines. However, under the shiny title of ‘bagong bayani’ lies a dark and unfortunate reality. Numerous Filipino workers suffer from various injustices including being overworked, underpaid, abused, raped, and even worse, murdered. The only way OFWs can truly be safeguarded is if the Philippine government enforces concrete and actionable policies. With this, OFWs could avoid the potential death sentence of working abroad and have the chance to be treated as they deserve to be: as modern-day heroes.

Laurinne Jamie Eugenio

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Essay on Social Change In The Philippines

Students are often asked to write an essay on Social Change In The Philippines in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Social Change In The Philippines

Understanding social change.

Social change is the process by which societies transform over time. It involves changes in values, norms, beliefs, and institutions.

Social Change in the Philippines

The Philippines has experienced significant social change in recent decades. This change has been driven by a number of factors, including:

Rapid Economic Growth:

The Philippines has experienced rapid economic growth in recent years. This has led to an increase in incomes and living standards, as well as changes in the structure of the economy.

Globalization:

The Philippines has become increasingly integrated with the global economy. This has led to changes in the way that people work, live, and interact with each other.

There has been a significant increase in the number of people migrating to and from the Philippines. This has led to changes in the composition of the population and the culture of the country.

Social Change and Its Impact

Social change has had a profound impact on the Philippines. It has led to changes in the way that people live, work, and interact with each other. It has also led to changes in the values, norms, and beliefs of the people.

250 Words Essay on Social Change In The Philippines

Social change in the philippines: a journey of transformation.

The Philippines, a nation of vibrant culture and rich history, has undergone a remarkable journey of social change over the years. From the depths of colonization to the heights of independence, the Filipino people have navigated tumultuous waters, leaving an enduring imprint on their society.

The Winds of Independence: Embracing Autonomy

The Philippines’ struggle for independence from Spanish colonial rule was a defining moment in shaping the nation’s social fabric. The quest for self-determination sparked a wave of nationalism, uniting Filipinos from all walks of life in their fight for freedom. The country’s eventual independence in 1946 marked a turning point, ushering in an era of self-governance and laying the foundation for a new social order.

The Dance of Democracy: Power to the People

The establishment of a democratic system of government in the Philippines empowered citizens with the right to choose their leaders and shape their destiny. The democratic transition brought about a shift in the power dynamics, as the voices of the people gained prominence in shaping policies and decisions.

The Voices of the Marginalized: Breaking Barriers

Social change in the Philippines has also been marked by the rise of movements advocating for the rights of marginalized groups. Indigenous communities, women, and LGBTQ+ individuals have fought for recognition, equality, and justice, challenging traditional norms and structures that perpetuated discrimination. These movements have played a pivotal role in creating a more inclusive society that embraces diversity and celebrates the uniqueness of all Filipinos.

The Symphony of Progress: Embracing Technology

The Philippines has witnessed rapid technological advancements, transforming the way people live, work, and communicate. From the proliferation of smartphones to the expansion of internet connectivity, technology has become an integral part of everyday life, bridging geographical divides and fostering connections across the nation.

Conclusion: A Dynamic Tapestry of Change

Social change in the Philippines continues to unfold, as the nation navigates the tides of globalization, economic shifts, and evolving cultural norms. The journey of transformation is ongoing, with new challenges and opportunities emerging on the horizon. The resilience and adaptability of the Filipino people will undoubtedly guide them through these uncharted waters, shaping the future of their nation.

500 Words Essay on Social Change In The Philippines

Social change in the philippines: a transformation journey.

The Philippines has undergone significant social changes over the years, shaping its culture, economy, and way of life. These changes have been influenced by various factors, including globalization, technological advancements, and cultural shifts.

Globalization and Economic Shifts:

Globalization has had a profound impact on the Philippines. It has facilitated increased trade, foreign investment, and cultural exchange. The country has seen rapid economic growth, urbanization, and a growing middle class. However, this economic transformation has also brought challenges, such as income inequality and environmental degradation.

Technological Advancements:

Technological advancements have transformed the way Filipinos live and work. The widespread use of smartphones, social media, and the internet has improved access to information, communication, and entertainment. E-commerce and digital payments have also gained popularity, making it easier for people to conduct business and manage their finances.

Changing Cultural and Social Norms:

Social and cultural norms have also undergone significant changes in the Philippines. Traditional family structures are evolving, with an increasing number of women pursuing higher education and careers. Attitudes towards gender roles, sexuality, and relationships are becoming more progressive. These shifts reflect the growing influence of Western culture and the evolving aspirations of the Filipino people.

Social Activism and Advocacy:

The Philippines has a strong tradition of social activism and advocacy. Citizens have taken to the streets to express their concerns and push for change. The country has seen successful movements for environmental protection, human rights, and political reforms. These movements have influenced government policies and contributed to a more just and progressive society.

Challenges and Opportunities:

While these social changes have brought about many positive developments, they have also presented challenges. The Philippines continues to grapple with issues such as poverty, corruption, and inequality. These challenges require sustained efforts from the government, civil society, and the private sector to address and overcome.

Despite the challenges, the Philippines has a strong foundation for continued social progress. The country’s vibrant civil society, engaged citizenry, and commitment to democratic values provide a strong basis for addressing these issues and building a more equitable and prosperous society for all Filipinos.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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• Essay on Social Change
• Essay on Social Behaviour
• Essay on Social Anxiety

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The Fried Chicken Is in New York. The Cashier Is in the Philippines.

A few New York City restaurants are experimenting with virtual staff members, who greet customers onscreen via Zoom from the Philippines.

By Stefanos Chen

At Sansan Chicken in Long Island City, Queens, the cashier beamed a wide smile and recommended the fried chicken sandwich.

Or maybe she suggested the tonkatsu — it was hard to tell, because the internet connection from her home in the Philippines was spotty.

Romy, who declined to give her last name, is one of 12 virtual assistants greeting customers at a handful of restaurants in New York City, from halfway across the world.

The virtual hosts could be the vanguard of a rapidly changing restaurant industry, as small-business owners seek relief from rising commercial rents and high inflation. Others see a model ripe for abuse: The remote workers are paid $3 an hour, according to their management company, while the minimum wage in the city is $16.

The workers, all based in the Philippines and projected onto flat-screen monitors via Zoom, are summoned when an often unwitting customer approaches. Despite a 12-hour time difference with the New York lunch crowd, they offer warm greetings, explain the menu and beckon guests inside.

But skeptical customers said they were not eager to join this particular Zoom meeting.

“You hear ‘hello’ and you say, ‘What the hell is that?’” Shania Ortiz, 25, recalled of a recent trip to Sansan Ramen, a neighboring Japanese restaurant that had a gold-framed, flat-screen monitor set up in the foyer with a surveillance camera trained on guests. “I never engage,” she said.

The service is the brainchild of Chi Zhang, 34, the founder of Happy Cashier, a virtual-assistant company that was thrust into the spotlight last week, when a social media post about the overseas workers went viral.

He was caught off guard. The program has been quietly tested since October, but the company’s website has not yet been set up. The technology is already available in stores in Queens, Manhattan and Jersey City, N.J., including at Sansan Ramen, its sister store, Sansan Chicken, and Yaso Kitchen, a Chinese soup dumpling spot. Two other Chinese restaurants using the service on Long Island asked not to be named, he said.

Mr. Zhang is a former owner of Yaso Tangbao , a Shanghainese restaurant in Downtown Brooklyn that closed during the coronavirus pandemic. He said the experience reinforced the idea that restaurants were being squeezed by high rents and inflation, and that a virtual-assistant model, somewhat akin to that employed by overseas call centers, could help maximize small retail spaces and improve store efficiency.

When the virtual assistants are not helping customers, they coordinate food delivery orders, take phone calls and oversee the restaurants’ online review pages, Mr. Zhang said. They can take food orders, but they can’t manage cash transactions.

The workers are employees of Happy Cashier, not the restaurants. And Mr. Zhang said that their $3-an-hour wage was roughly double what similar roles paid in the Philippines.

Tipping policy is set by the restaurants, he said, with one giving its virtual greeters 30 percent of the pooled total each day.

The restaurant industry has long been an entry point for immigrants, and a hotbed for labor violations like wage theft.

But the Happy Cashier model is legal and minimum wage laws extend only to workers “who are physically present within the state’s geographical limits,” according to a spokesman for the New York State Department of Labor.

Mr. Zhang said he expected to quickly scale up by placing virtual assistants in more than 100 restaurants in the state by the end of the year.

The prospect is alarming, said Teófilo Reyes, the chief of staff at Restaurant Opportunities Centers United, a nonprofit labor group that has pushed for a higher minimum wage in New York.

“The fact that they have found a way to outsource work to another country is extremely troubling, because it’s going to dramatically put downward pressure on wages in the industry,” he said.

The fast-food work force is already shrinking, and new technology could further transform the industry, said Jonathan Bowles, the executive director of the Center for an Urban Future, a public policy think tank.

Fast-food restaurants in New York City had an average of 8.5 employees in 2022, he said, down from 9.23 in 2019, before the pandemic.

Virtual assistants have become common in customer service and corporate settings, but are rare in the hands-on restaurant business.

One recent exception came from Freshii, a Canadian restaurant brand that faced a backlash in 2022 over claims of outsourcing jobs, after partnering with a virtual cashier business called Percy.

Mr. Zhang said his business was different. “It’s a service, we are providing a tool. It’s up to them how to use this,” he said of his restaurant clients.

Brett Goldstein, 33, a founder of an artificial intelligence company who made the viral post about the virtual workers, said some commenters had described the model as dystopian while many others had been intrigued.

At the Sansan Chicken in Manhattan’s East Village, Rosy Tang, 30, a manager, praised the service.

“This is a way for small businesses to survive,” she said, adding that the cost and space savings it provided could allow her to add a small coffee stall to the store.

In practice, however, quirks with the model abound.

At the Sansan Chicken in Queens, the virtual assistant couldn’t help a reporter order a sandwich without cheese on a touch pad menu. The assistant said the reporter should order from the in-person staff members at the Sansan Ramen next door, which shares a kitchen with the chicken restaurant.

Will Jang, 30, an associate at Goldman Sachs, had lunch on Wednesday at the Yaso Kitchen in Jersey City — and completely ignored his virtual hostess, Amber.

“I thought it was some advertisement,” like the prerecorded videos in taxi cabs, he said.

Amber, who did not give her last name, took it in stride. After studying business administration in college, she said she worked in-person at a fast-food restaurant. She started this virtual job three months ago.

“It’s my first time to work in a work-from-home setup,” she said in front of a virtual backdrop emblazoned with mustachioed cartoon dumplings.

When asked where home was, she demurred.

“I’m sorry, I cannot share any more personal details with you,” she said. “Can I take your order?”

Nate Schweber contributed reporting.

Stefanos Chen is a Times reporter covering New York City’s economy. He previously covered real estate in the city for over a decade. More about Stefanos Chen

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This essay intends to analyze how Ethiopianism (Synthesis) is impossible without the ideological, philosophical, and practical struggle between Amhara (thesis) and anti-Amhara (anti-thesis). 

Concerning this, by borrowing the ideas of dialectical idealism from George Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) and dialectical materialism from Karl Marx (1818–1833) , this essay argues that the dialectical struggle for the march to Ethiopianism has been getting ethnic rather than spiritual and economic base. 

Ethiopia has been operating under an ethnic federalist political system since 1991. Article 39 of the 1995 FDRE constitution  grants ethnic groups the right to self-determination, including the ability to secede. After this, there are doubts about Ethiopia’s stability as an integrated state. Ethnicity turns into a battleground for Ethiopia’s integration or disintegration.  

Relating to that, Ethiopian ethnic groups and ethnic elites have been in condemnation and quarrel. Ethnic groups and any ethnic elites who have been condemning ethnic federalism , anti-ethnic narration, and the continuity of the Ethiopian state can be enunciated under the Amhara thesis. 

Ethnic groups and any ethnic elites who portray Amhara as dominant in politics, economy, or culture and wish the disintegration of the old, civilized state Ethiopia   and wait for the political landscape to open up in order to form their sovereign states are stated under anti-Amhara anti-thesis. 

Thus, the Ethiopian movement is unyielding on its own and requires Amhara as a thesis and anti-Amhara as an antithesis for realization. However, if the Amhara thesis has been growing weaker to prevail over the anti-Amhara thesis, the conflict between thesis and antithesis may fail to bring Ethiopianism back and would result in long-lasting material and humanitarian losses. 

This essay contends that in the current situation, the march to reach Ethiopiansim has been facing barriers since there have been more than a century of conspiracy and ahistorical narration against the North Ethiopian ethnic groups (Tigray and Amhara-Agaw), more specifically Amhara, which take charge of crafting a civilized Ethiopia. 

Thereby, the anti-Amhara thesis has been defusing in the minds of Ethiopian peoples for an extended period of time, and this has caused a number of Ethiopian peoples to be reluctant and cowardly to defend Ethiopia from European colonial thinking . 

Concerning this, since the 1960s , most Ethiopian elites have been starting to accept colonial thinking and developing anti-Amhara theories. Sharing of the advanced living style, culture, literature, and arts from the North Ethiopian ethnic groups was taken as oppressive and assimilation, although ruling elites had the opportunity to manipulate the Northern culture for their political gain. 

Anyway, such a phenomenon can be supported by Althusser’s idea. As Louis Althusser (1918–1990) , a French Marxist philosopher, argued in his essay “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses: Notes towards an Investigation,” capitalists use education as ideological state apparatuses to generate Marxist ideology-oriented generations. 

This Althusser’s statement can be applied to the Ethiopian case. During the end of the monarchy political system and after the fall of the regime of Emperor Haile Selassie, Western educated Ethiopian elites with the left-wing military of the emperor have been starting to implement anti-Amhara thesis as ideology in the education sector and political apparatus to dismantle Ethiopia through process by taking the state craft of Ethiopia as architected by Northern and Southern-exclusive. 

Ethiopia has been on the verge of fragility. Existing anti-Amhara and fake historical narratives will inevitably lead Ethiopia to collapse and the halt of Ethiopianism. There is no time to fix the current political crisis through national reconciliation and education. National reconciliation and education take a long time, although the country has had time to survive. 

To save the country, the following short-range plan must be practical. Power balance is in need. For the anti-thesis of Amhara, the country needs to adopt the thesis of Amhara as a defense mechanism. For the purpose of this writing, the Amhara thesis or thesis of Amhara refers to thinking and ideology that lead to the continuity of the Ethiopian state  with ethnic equality, equal and equitable distribution of resources, and political position for all ethnic groups rather than the hegemony or domination of Amhara ethnic groups and Amhara elites in the political and economic arena of Ethiopia. 

Ethiopians who value their country must embrace the Amhara thesis and participate in all political, social, and intellectual battles in order to remake Ethiopia’s history—that is, to reconstruct Ethiopia for all. However, achieving the ideological superiority of “all to one Ethiopia” is necessary to ensure thesis hegemony over antithesis since it enables the transition to Ethiopiansm (synthesis). 

For this, a good reference is Gramsci. Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) , who was a leader of the Italian Communist Party, stated that to be a hegemon, ideological superiority must prevail. Accordingly, the ideology of “all to one Ethiopia” should be described on earth. 

The Amhara elites and other ethnic group elites who need Ethiopia to survive must work together with an inclusive, democratic, and humanitarian political base . Ethnic groups who have been affected and victimized by political groups that have been under the category of antithesis and disintegration need to be represented in politics, and their rights need to be of great concern. 

In addition to this, Ethiopian elites and politicians who have been on the side of this thesis have to work to foster positive diplomatic relations and political alliances for mutual benefit with the sovereign countries of all Horn of Africa countries . Related to this, elites should take care to not fail in conspiracy by interfering with the political issues of countries in the Horn of Africa and pronouncing the issue of port early, since this can cut off alliances and leave synthesis in danger. 

In Ethiopian political history, the source of problems and solutions is the elite . It is the elite who developed anti-thesis and tried to create the sovereign state of Tigray and the sovereign state of Oromia in disintegrated Ethiopia. Similar, it is elites who can mobilize peoples to unite on the thesis for the journey to Ethiopanism. Accordingly, it is time to fill the playing field of the thesis, even though it is a complication to be sure, as if the Prosperity Party, rebel groups, or this and that ethnic groups have stood on the thesis for Ethiopian achievement. 

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‘Inmates can sign legal papers, complaints’: Tihar’s clarification amid row over Kejriwal issuing orders

Documents signed should not be political in nature

With the AAP maintaining that Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal is running his government from Tihar jail, Director General (prisons) Sanjay Baniwal on Monday said an inmate can sign legal papers and personal complaints during his judicial custody but underlined that documents signed should not be political in nature.

In an interaction with PTI editors at its headquarters here, Baniwal also said no distinction is made in the treatment meted out to the inmates and it is ensured they get the same basic right.

Earlier in the day, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann met Kejriwal in jail and alleged that he was not getting the amenities even a hardcore criminal is allowed in Tihar.

Responding to this, Baniwal said, "There is no distinction between a hardcore or a normal criminal. In the jail manual, there is no distinction between the inmates. Every inmate has basic rights and it is my duty to ensure that. These are being ensured to everyone."

Nobody is accorded special treatment and there is no such provision, he said.

"I have 20,000 inmates and there are thousands of people coming to meet them every day. There is never a single complaint. So, I don't see any reason to be different with A and B," the DG (prisons) said.

During a press conference, AAP general secretary (organisation) Sandeep Pathak said that Chief Minister Kejriwal, arrested in the Delhi excise policy scam case, will call two ministers to jail each week and review the progress of the work in their departments.

In his response to a question on this, Baniwal said, "Only two things a person is allowed to sign. One is his legal papers or a complaint but those should be non-political in nature and the other is about his situation, or letters to family members or property papers."

Elaborating on whether Kejriwal can add the names of his cabinet ministers to the list of visitors, he said, "I can not stop (him). Who am I to decide, who is your friend or who is your family?"

"He can give 10 names. Out of these 10 names, two family meetings are allowed and each time two people can come. So, in a week, four people can meet him and in a month, 16 people can meet him," he said and added, "You can meet him in person or through video conferencing."

Asked about the AAP's claims that the chief minister has been losing weight since his arrest on March 21, he replied, "Don't ask me the number as these are the personal details, but he looks healthier."

Baniwal also said the chief minister's health parameters are becoming better, adding that it is getting stable. "I believe whatever exercise he is doing, it is working for him," he said.

On April 3, Delhi Minister Atishi alleged that Kejriwal has been rapidly losing weight since his arrest on March 21 and accused the BJP of putting his health at risk by keeping him in jail.

Tihar Jail has a capacity for around 10,000 inmates, but there are currently 20,000 prisoners lodged there.

"I have 20,000 people and of them, five to six per cent will always remain affected with some ailments such as hypertension, diabetes, heart issues, asthma and drug issues. We have fantastic drug de-addiction centres, dispensaries, and psychologists.

"So, we do take care of everyone... I have to work for them and I have to set up a system which is accessible in the same manner to everyone," Baniwal added. 

• Arvind Kejriwal

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