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Gender Development

Learning Objectives: Gender Development

  • What is the difference between “sex” and “gender”?
  • Be able to define multiple facets of a society’s “gender curriculum,” including gender roles and gender stereotyping.
  • What is “psychological androgyny” and how is it connected to adjustment, flexibility, and well-being?
  • What meta-theory underlies each theory?
  • How does a dynamic systems approach incorporate all four of these theories?
  • What are the six major age-graded milestones in gender development?
  • Name the six areas in which gender differences in psychological functioning have typically been found. How big are these differences?

The task of gender development is a complex biopsychosocial process that takes place in concert with societal stereotypes and the local social contexts they shape. The empirical picture is not complete, but it seems that gender identities are complex internalized cognitive and emotional representations that children and youth construct for themselves over time, based on the biological and temperamental givens that each one comes with and their cumulative interactions with the social worlds of family, school, peers, and society. Much of gender development seems to reflect cognitive changes that allow children to successively realize and try to make sense of different aspects of gender identity, but the whole kit-n-caboodle seems to be built on a foundation created by biological or neurophysiological givens. We will trace the main age-graded milestones that children experience in constructing their own gender identities, in order to suggest ways in which parents (and other adults) can support children’s and adolescents’ healthy development.

Gender development is a fascinating process because it is deeply rooted in biology, profoundly shaped by societal expectations, and actively constructed by individuals over and over again at different developmental levels. All theories of gender identity posit that the processes shaping its development are both biological and societal, so it is important to get straight on those biological and social processes before we turn to development. This is also a fascinating historical moment to study gender development because science is revealing more and more about its biological and psychological complexity, just as society is undergoing a gender revolution in which people are questioning, exploring, and recognizing a much broader spectrum of gender and sexual identities.

Biopsychosocial Processes of Gender

The terms sex and gender are often used interchangeably, although they have different meanings. In this context, sex refers to biological categories (traditionally, either male or female) as defined by physical differences in genetic composition and in reproductive anatomy and function . On the other hand, gender refers to the cultural, social, and psychological meanings that are associated with particular biopsychosocial categories, like masculinity and femininity ( Wood & Eagly, 2002 ), which vary depending on other intersectional factors, like race, ethnicity, and culture.

Historically, the terms gender and sex have been used interchangeably. Because of this, gender is often viewed as a binary – a person is either male or female – and it is assumed that a person’s gender matches their biological sex. However, recent research challenges both of those assumptions. Although most people identify with the gender that matches their natal sex (cisgender), some of the population (estimates range from 0.6 to 3 percent) identify with a gender that does not match the sex they were assigned at birth (transgender; Flores, Herman, Gates, & Brown, 2016; see box). For example, an individual assigned as male based on biological characteristics may identify as female, or vice versa. Researchers have also been increasingly examining the long-held assumption that biological sex is binary (e.g., Carothers & Reis, 2013; Hyde, Bigler, Joel, Tate, & van Anders, 2019). Although it has always been clear that there are more than two biological sexes, for example individuals who are intersex (see box), more recently scientists have identified dozens of markers of sexuality outside of the reproductive system (e.g., genetic, epigenetic, hormonal, endocrine, neurophysiological, psychological, social). People have a range of different combinations of these characteristics, suggesting that biological sex is more complex and multifaceted than a binary category.

Beyond the Binary in Biological Sex Some individuals are intersex or sex diverse ; that is born with either an absence or some combination of male and female reproductive organs, sex hormones, or sex chromosomes (Jarne & Auld, 2006). In humans, intersex individuals make up a small but significant proportion of world’s population; with recent estimates ranging between .05 and 2 percent (Blackless et al., 2000). There are dozens of intersex conditions, and intersex individuals demonstrate some of the diverse variations of biological sex. Some examples of intersex conditions include:

• Turner syndrome or the absence of, or an imperfect, second X chromosome

• Congenital adrenal hyperplasia or a genetic disorder caused by an increased production of androgens

• Androgen insensitivity syndrome or when a person has one X and one Y chromosome, but is resistant to the male hormones or androgens

Greater attention to the rights of children born intersex is occurring in the medical field, and intersex children and their parents should work closely with specialists to ensure these children develop positive gender identities.

Research has also begun to conceptualize gender in ways beyond the gender binary. Genderqueer or gender nonbinary are umbrella terms used to describe a wide range of individuals who do not identify with and/or conform to the gender binary. These terms encompass a variety of more specific terms that individuals may use to describe themselves. Some common terms are genderfluid, agender, and bigender. An individual who is genderfluid may identify as male, female, both, or neither at different times and in different circumstances. An individual who is agender may have no gender or describe themselves as having a neutral gender, while bigender individuals identify as two genders.

It is important to remember that sex and gender do not always match and that gender is not always binary; however, a large majority of prior research examining gender has not made these distinctions. As such, many of the following sections will discuss gender as a binary. Throughout, we will consider the development of “gender-nonconforming” children. This is a broad and heterogeneous group of children and adults whose gender development does not fit within societal dictates. Because societal expectations are so narrow, there are many ways not to conform, and we mention a few here, just to give a flavor of these alternative pathways. All of them are healthy and positive, but children and adolescents who follow these pathways need social validation and protection from gender discrimination and bullying. Activists are leading global movements that will push society to reinvent its views of the wide variety of sexualities and gender identities that have always been with us.

Transgender Children

Many young children do not conform to the gender roles modeled by the culture and push back against assigned roles. However, a small percentage of children actively reject the toys, clothing, and anatomy of their assigned sex and state they prefer the toys, clothing, and anatomy of the opposite sex. A recent study suggests that approximately three  percent of youth identify as transgender or identifying with a gender different from their natal sex (Rider, McMorris, Gower, Coleman, & Eisenberg, 2018). Many transgender adults report that they identified with the opposite gender as soon as they began talking (Russo, 2016). Some of these children may experience gender dysphoria , or distress accompanying a mismatch between one’s gender identity and biological sex (APA, 2013), while other children do not experience discomfort regarding their gender identity.

As they grow up, some transgender individuals alter their bodies through medical interventions, such as surgery and hormonal therapy, so that their physical being is better aligned with their gender identity. However, not all transgender individuals choose to alter their bodies or physically transition. Many maintain their original anatomy but present themselves to society as a different gender, often by adopting the dress, hairstyle, mannerisms, or other characteristics typically assigned to a certain gender. It is important to note that people who cross-dress, or wear clothing that is traditionally assigned to the opposite gender, such as transvestites, drag kings, and drag queens, do not necessarily identify as transgender (although some do). People often confuse the term transvestite , which is the practice of dressing and acting in a style or manner traditionally associated with another sex (APA, 2013) with transgender. Cross-dressing is typically a form of self-expression, entertainment, or personal style, and not necessarily an expression of one’s gender identity.

Sexual Orientation

A person’s sexual orientation is their emotional and sexual attraction to a particular gender. It is a personal quality that inclines people to feel romantic or sexual attraction (or a combination of these) to persons of a given sex or gender. According to the American Psychological Association (APA) (2016), sexual orientation also refers to a person’s sense of identity based on those attractions, related behaviors, and membership in a community of others who share those attractions. Sexual orientation is independent of gender; for example, a transgender person may identify as heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, pansexual, polysexual, asexual, or any other kind of sexuality, just like a cisgender person.

Sexual Orientation on a Continuum.  Sexuality researcher Alfred Kinsey was among the first to conceptualize sexuality as a continuum rather than a strict dichotomy of gay or straight. To classify this continuum of heterosexuality and homosexuality, Kinsey et al. (1948) created a seven-point rating scale that ranged from exclusively heterosexual to exclusively homosexual. Research conducted over several decades has supported this idea that sexual orientation ranges along a continuum, from exclusive attraction to the opposite sex/gender to exclusive attraction to the same sex/gender (Carroll, 2016).

However, sexual orientation can be defined in many ways. Heterosexuality , which is often referred to as being straight, is attraction to individuals of the opposite sex/gender , while homosexuality , being gay or lesbian, is attraction to individuals of one’s own sex/gender. Bisexuality was a term traditionally used to refer to attraction to individuals of either male or female sex, but it has recently been used in nonbinary models of sex and gender (i.e., models that do not assume there are only two sexes or two genders) to refer to attraction to any sex or gender. Alternative terms such as pansexuality and polysexuality have also been developed, referring to attraction to all sexes/genders and attraction to multiple sexes/genders, respectively (Carroll, 2016).

Asexuality refers to having no sexual attraction to any sex/gender . According to Bogaert (2015) about one percent of the population is asexual. Being asexual is not due to any physical problems, and the lack of interest in sex does not necessarily cause the individual any distress. Asexuality is being researched as a distinct sexual orientation.

Societal Expectations about Gender: Gender Roles and Stereotypes

Children develop within cultures that have a “gender curriculum” that prescribes what it means to be male and female. These include gender roles and gender stereotypes. Gender roles are the expectations associated with being male or female . Children learn at a young age that there are distinct behaviors and activities deemed to be appropriate for boys and for girls. These roles are acquired through socialization, a process through which children learn to behave in a particular way as dictated by societal values, beliefs, and attitudes. Gender stereotyping goes one step further: it involves overgeneralizing about the attitudes, traits, or behavior patterns of women or men . For boys and men, expectations and stereotypes include characteristics like “tough” or “brave” or “assertive”, and for girls and women characteristics like “nice” and “nurturing” and “affectionate.”  You might be saying to yourself, “but I can be most of those things, sometimes”—and you are right. People of all genders frequently enact roles that are stereotypically assigned to only men or women.

Psychological androgyny . One area of research on gender expectations has examined differences between people who identify with typically masculine or feminine gender roles. Researchers gave men and women lists of positive masculine traits (emphasizing agency and assertiveness) and feminine traits (emphasizing gentleness, compassion, and awareness of others’ feelings), and asked them to rate the extent to which those traits applied to them. Some people reported identifying highly with mostly masculine traits or identifying highly with mostly feminine traits, but some people did not identify strongly with either (this group was called “undifferentiated”), and a final group identified strongly with both masculine and feminine traits; this last group was called “androgynous” (Bem, 1977).   Psychological androgyny is when people display both traditionally male and female gender role characteristics – people who are both strong and emotionally expressive, both caring and confident.

Which group reported the best psychological functioning? On the one hand, those with more “masculine” traits (the masculine and androgynous groups) tend to have higher self-esteem and lower internalizing symptoms (Boldizar, 1991; DiDonato & Berenbaum 2011). (This may be because “masculine” traits like being self-reliant, self-assured, and assertive are closely related to these outcomes.)  On the other hand, there is a cost to missing out on “feminine” traits as well, since things like relationships, emotions, and communication are central to human well-being. In general, studies find that psychologically androgynous people, who report high levels of both male and female characteristics are more adaptable and flexible (Huyck, 1996; Taylor & Hall, 1982), and seem to fare better in general, when considering many areas of adjustment (compared to those with masculine or feminine traits alone; Pauletti, et al. 2017).  It may be no surprise that, in general, it is most adaptive to be able to draw on the whole spectrum of human traits (Berk, 2014).

Processes of Gender Development

Four major psychological theories highlight multiple explanatory processes through which children develop gender identities. Most of these theories focus on gender typing , which depicts the processes through which children become aware of their gender , and adopt the values, attributes, objects, and activities of members of the gender they identify as their own .

  • A primary perspective on gender development is provided by social learning theory . Consistent with mechanistic meta-theories, this theory argues that behavior is learned through observation, modeling, reinforcement, and punishment (Bandura, 1997). Each society has its own “gender curriculum,” which leads to differential expectations and treatment starting at birth. Children are rewarded and reinforced for behaving in concordance with gender roles and punished for breaking gender roles. Social learning theory also posits that children learn many of their gender roles by observing and modeling the behavior of older children and adults, and in doing so, learn the behaviors that are appropriate for each gender. In this process, fathers seem to play a particularly important role.
  • A second perspective, consistent with maturational meta-theories, focuses on biological and neurophysiological factors that are present at birth. This theory underscores the idea, present in research on gender expression, sexual orientation, and gender identity, that children come with a firm biological foundation for their gender and sexual preferences; these include genes, chromosomes, and hormones (Roselli, 2018). Like temperament, infants seem to come with “gender stuff” that, depending how well it matches current social categories, can influence how they respond to expectations and pressures for conformity.
  • A third perspective, consistent with organismic meta-theories, focuses on cognitive developmental theory. This approach holds that children’s understanding about gender and its meaning depend completely on their current stage of cognitive development. At birth, children have no idea that gender as a category even exists or that they may belong to one of them. As their developmental capacities grow, toddlers and then young children can successively represent and understand more and more complex aspects of gender-related identity. These cognitive stages provide some of the clearest age-graded milestones in the development of gender identity, such as the emergence of gender awareness (i.e., t he recognition of one’s own gender ) and gender constancy (i.e., the belief that gender is a fixed characteristic ), which are described in more detail below.
  • A fourth major theory, which emphasizes the active role of the child in constructing a gender identity, is called gender schema theory . Consistent with contextualist meta-theories, gender schema theory argues that children are active learners who essentially socialize themselves. In this case, children actively organize the behavior, activities, and attributes they observe into gender categories, which are known as schemas . These schemas then affect what children notice and remember later. People of all ages are more likely to remember schema-consistent behaviors and attributes than those that are schema-inconsistent. So, when they think of firefighters, people are more likely to remember men, and forget women. They also misremember schema-inconsistent information. If research participants are shown pictures of someone standing at the stove, they are more likely to remember the person to be cooking if depicted as a woman, and the person to be repairing the stove if depicted as a man. By remembering only schema-consistent information, gender schemas are strengthened over time.

All four processes highlighted in these theories play a role in gender development, which can be considered a biopsychosocial process: (1) as depicted by social learning theory, it is shaped by the society’s gender curriculum, through processes of observation, modeling, reinforcement, and punishment; (2) as depicted by biological theories, it is built on a strong neurophysiological foundation of preferences in gender expression, sexual orientation, and gender identity; (3) as explained by cognitive developmental theory, children’s understanding of gender shifts regularly as the complexity of their cognition grows; and (4) as explained by gender schema theory, a child’s gender identity is a work in progress, actively constructed through their own efforts and engagement with their social worlds.

Most recently, researchers have drawn on broader more integrative dynamic systems approaches to understand the development of gender identity (e.g., Fausto-Sterling, 2012; Martin & Ruble, 2010). These approaches attempt to explain how complex patterns of gender-related thought, behavior, and experience undergo qualitative shifts , including disruption, transformation, and reorganization, during different developmental windows. Researchers argue that “children’s ongoing physical interactions and psychological experiences with parents, peers, and culture fundamentally shape and reshape their experience of gender developmentally, as different brain and body systems couple and uncouple over time… In the end, gender is not a stable achievement, but rather ‘a pattern in time’ (Fausto-Sterling, 2012, p. 405) continually building on prior dynamics and adapting to current environments” (Diamond, p. 113).

Age-graded Milestones in Gender Development

1. Intrinsic gender and temperament. Research seems to suggest that newborns come with a neurophysiological package of “gender stuff” that provides an internal anchor for their preferences—including (at least) gender identity and sexual orientation, and perhaps temperamental characteristics, such as activity level, aggression, effortful control, and emotional reactivity. These internal anchors and expressive preferences seem to be part of an individual’s core identity . Scientists are not exactly sure what determines these intrinsic anchors; so far evidence suggests both genetic influences (e.g., as seen in twin studies, which find that sexual orientation and sexual non-conformity run in families; Van Beijsterveldt, Hudziak, & Boomsma, 2006) and the influence of the prenatal environment (e.g., maternal levels of androgens, antibodies to male hormones; Cohen-Bendahan, van de Beek, & Berenbaum, 2005).

Although each individual’s core identity likely exhibits some degree of malleability, which may make it easier for children to conform to society’s dictates, LGBTQ+ advocates and parents of gender-expansive children are rock-solid on one thing: These core identities are often clear to children and they cannot be ignored, subverted, or transformed through external pressures (Besser et al., 2006). Moreover, it violates children’s rights as humans , when parents or other members of society attempt to do so.

Development of Sexual Orientation

According to current scientific understanding, individuals are usually aware of their sexual orientation between middle childhood and early adolescence. However, this is not always the case, and some do not become aware of their sexual orientation until much later in life. It is not necessary to participate in sexual activity to be aware of these emotional, romantic, and physical attractions; people can be celibate and still recognize their sexual orientation. Some researchers argue that sexual orientation is not static and inborn but is instead fluid and changeable throughout the lifespan.

There is no scientific consensus regarding the exact reasons why an individual holds a particular sexual orientation. Research has examined possible biological, developmental, social, and cultural influences on sexual orientation, but there has been no evidence that links sexual orientation to only one factor (APA, 2016). However, evidence for biological explanations, including genetics, birth order, and hormones, will be summarized since many scientists argue that biological processes occurring during the embryonic and and early postnatal life play the central organizing role in sexual orientation (Balthazart, 2018).

Genetics.  Using both twin and familial studies, heredity provides one biological explanation for same-sex orientation. Bailey and Pillard (1991) studied pairs of male twins and found that the concordance rate for identical twins was 52%, while the rate for fraternal twins was only 22%. Bailey, Pillard, Neale, and Agyei (1993) studied female twins and found a similar difference with a concordance rate of 48% for identical twins and 16% for fraternal twins. Schwartz, Kim, Kolundzija, Rieger, & Sanders (2010) found that gay men had more gay male relatives than straight men, and sisters of gay men were more likely to be lesbians than sisters of straight men.

Fraternal Birth Order.  The fraternal birth order effect indicates that the probability of a boy identifying as gay increases for each older brother born to the same mother (Balthazart, 2018; Blanchard, 2001). According to Bogaret et al. “the increased incidence of homosexuality in males with older brothers results from a progressive immunization of the mother against a male specific cell-adhesion protein that plays a key role in cell-cell interactions, specifically in the process of synapse formation,” (as cited in Balthazart, 2018, p. 234). A meta-analysis indicated that the fraternal birth order effect explains the sexual orientation of between 15% and 29% of gay men.

Hormones.  Excess or deficient exposure to hormones during prenatal development has also been theorized as an explanation for sexual orientation. One-third of females exposed to abnormal amounts of prenatal androgens, a condition called congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), identify as bisexual or lesbian (Cohen-Bendahan, van de Beek, & Berenbaum, 2005). In contrast, too little exposure to prenatal androgens may affect male sexual orientation by not masculinizing the male brain (Carlson, 2011).

2. Gender awareness . At about age 2-3, toddlers’ cognitive development allows them to begin to create representational categories to organize their conceptual thinking about the world. Gender is one of these categories. The ability to classify oneself as male or female is called “ gender awareness .” Children’s biological and sexual profiles are built during conception and prenatal development, so they are typically assigned a biological sex at birth, but before toddlers develop the cognitive capacity to categorize, they are blissfully unaware of their gender. Although they have likely been receiving differential treatment from family members since they were born, it is not until they are able to recognize this category and apply it to themselves, that gender becomes psychologically real. Once small children become aware of gender categories, they begin taking notes about the differences between people in these two categories: names, colors, toys, jewelry, clothes, hair length, voices, behavior, and so on.

Baby X. It is important to note that, in a world without a gender curriculum, the list children would make of the differences between males and females would be very short: It would include only secondary sexual characteristics of adults and adolescents who are post-puberty. Babies and pre-pubescent children would not be distinguishable by gender– because they have no secondary sexual characteristics. We can imagine a thought experiment in which no one is subject to a gender curriculum. Imagine that each of us receives an envelope at birth with information about our biologically assigned sex inside, but we are not allowed to open it until it becomes relevant, that is, until we reach puberty. In this thought experiment, our parents and society would have to raise us so we would be ready to take on either gender role. They would have to select gender-neutral names, colors for the nursery and our clothes, toys, and so on. Many students find this idea intriguing but also a bit unsettling.

A similar thought experiment was described in an article in 1972 in Ms. Magazine entitled “The Story of X,” which describes parents who decided to raise their child without revealing its gender to the world (Gould, 1972). Several real parents, in Europe and the US, have also decided to raise their children without revealing their gender. It is fascinating to see how this kind of decision has been received by the media and by other parents. In each case, the firestorm of media attention was so dramatic that parents decided to withdraw their stories (and their children) from scrutiny by the press. Although developmentalists (and parents) can argue about the decision to shield children from society’s stereotypes as opposed to helping them recognize, counter, and transcend these stereotypes, the hysteria surrounding decisions to conceal a child’s gender are very telling about society’s view of the centrality of gender to every child’s identity, and society’s “right to know.”

Gender malleability . When “gender awareness” emerges during early childhood, a key part of the gender schema young children construct includes the notion that any gender categories that they observe are malleable . Because small children in the preoperational stage of cognitive development are not capable of inferring the essential underlying characteristics of gender (just as they cannot infer the defining characteristics of other categories, like animate objects), they see gender assignments as temporary and changeable . Most young children believe that a person can change from female to male (or vice versa) by cutting their hair or changing their clothes. Little boys often report that they will grow up to be Moms with babies in their tummies; little girls that they will grow up to be Dads. Many adults can remember this state of awareness. For example, one of our students told us about her preschool class in which all the 4-year-olds were boys; she thought that when she turned 4, she would also become a boy. She was looking forward to the transformation, the same way children look forward to getting taller or older or better at riding a bike.

Because many children discuss their desires (and plans) to cross gender lines, parents of gender-non-conforming or transgender children often see these kinds of declarations as a “phase” that children will get over. Parents cannot easily tell when children’s statements reflect real underlying convictions that they do not internally identify with the gender roles or expressions that have been assigned to them. However, some gender variant or transgender adults report that their real gender identity was already very clear to them at this age, and parents of such children also confirm that their children were letting them know through word and deed. In fact, the clarity and insistence on a gender variant identity at such a young age (and in the face of such enormous pressure to conform) provides some of the most convincing evidence that children come pre-loaded with their own gender and sexual orientation. At the same time, this narrative does not describe the only pathway. Some gender variant adults report that it was not until they were much older (and sometimes with the aid of therapeutic support) that they were able to understand what was/is happening to them in terms of gender identity and development.

Gender expression. The specific gender differences that show up in a child’s gender schema at this age depend on the local social context that the child experiences, which is why many parents decide to minimize young children’s exposure to gender-stereotypes . At the same time, for parents who do expect their children to conform to cultural prescriptions for gender-typical dress, toys, and activities, this is the age at which some parents of gender non-conforming or gender-variant children may begin to notice that their child has not gotten the cultural memo. Parents report unease about their boys’ exploration of female-stereotyped clothes (such as dresses, tutus, tiaras), accessories (such as high heels, purses, barrettes), toys (especially dolls and doll clothes), and colors—which is why these children have sometimes been dubbed “pink boys.”

Note that there has been no parallel study of “blue girls,” because tomboys do not as frequently alarm their parents at this age. Girls who play with masculine toys often do not face the same ridicule from adults or peers that boys face when they want to play with feminine toys (Leaper, 2015). Girls also face less ridicule when playing a masculine role (like doctor) as opposed to a boy who wants to take a feminine role (like caregiver). For an interesting segment on CNN, see “ Why girls can be boyish but boys can’t be girlish .” As explained by Padawer (2012), “That’s because girls gain status by moving into “boy” space, while boys are tainted by the slightest whiff of femininity. ‘There’s a lot more privilege to being a man in our society,’ says Diane Ehrensaft, a psychologist at the University of California, San Francisco, who supports allowing children to be what she calls gender creative. ‘When a boy wants to act like a girl, it subconsciously shakes our foundation, because why would someone want to be the lesser gender?’ Boys are up to seven times as likely as girls to be referred to gender clinics for psychological evaluations. Sometimes the boys’ violation is as mild as wanting a Barbie for Christmas. By comparison, most girls referred to gender clinics are far more extreme in their atypicality: they want boy names, boy pronouns and, sometimes, boy bodies.”

Creation of a “middle space .” One surprisingly simple rule for parents who wish to encourage gender exploration and expansion is that “Colors are just colors, clothes are just clothes, and toys are just toys,” meaning that these societal prescriptions are not developmentally real or meaningful. Researchers refer to the overlap between male and female expectations and stereotypes as “the middle space,” and suggest that an important role for adults to take on is the expansion of this “middle space.” With the sanctioning of the “tomboy” identity, society has begun to allow girls to take up residence in this middle space. Its expansion for girls and its creation for boys are next steps for all of us. In general, the wider the gender expression enjoyed by children of all genders (e.g., girls in sports, boys in cooking, and so on), the healthier everyone’s gender identity development is likely to be.

3. Gender constancy. When children reach the concrete operational stage of cognitive development (between ages 5 and 7), they are able to infer that, according to societal dictates, the essential defining feature of maleness and femaleness is, traditionally, based on genitalia. This is also the age at which children are able to infer the inverse principle: If genitalia dictate gender, then all males by necessity have penises and all females have vaginas–which they are often happy to announce at Kindergarten or in other public places. Following from this discovery, children also begin to grasp the fact that their assignment into gender categories is permanent, unchangeable, or constant.

The realization that one is a life-time member of the “boys club” or the “girls club” typically leads to greater interest and more focus on the membership requirements for their particular club. In stereotyped social contexts, children’s attitude toward conformity to “gender-appropriate” markers may shift from descriptive to prescriptive , in which children so highly identify with markers from their own club, that they begin to denigrate or become repelled by markers of the “wrong” club. These behaviors become visible in boy’s resistance to being asked to wear “girl colors” or play “girl games.” It is also noticeable in children’s attempts to enforce these categories on others—either directly through instructions (“you have to ride a girl’s bike”) and statements of fact (“this slide is only for boys,”), or indirectly through teasing, taunting, criticism, and ridicule towards any child who crosses the lines.

For gender-nonconforming children or transgender children, this is an age where the psychological costs of society’s gender boxes and lines can become apparent. At this age, children can start to sense (or clearly know) that they have been permanently assigned to a biological sex that comes with a narrow gender expression or an eventually gendered-body whose physicality is not consonant with their own internal needs or identity. If so, then confusion or (more or less strong) feelings of gender dissonance may emerge. In the clinical literature, these feelings are sometimes labeled “gender dysphoria” to indicate the sadness and desperation that children may feel when they realize that they have been permanently assigned to the “wrong” gender expression, gender identity, and/or biological sex.

The dangers of pushing children into boxes . LGBTQ advocates point out how crucial it is to create some space for children around these issues to allow them to figure out for themselves where they stand on the many dimensions of gender. For some children, exploring gender expression is just that—they need to spend time in the “middle space.” If we have to categorize, these children are gender non-conforming in expression, but gender-conforming in identity and sexual orientation. This can be seen in how annoyed some “pink boys” who wear dresses and long hair become when people mistake them for girls (Padawer, 2012). When asked why this was so annoying, one little guy named P.J. told the reporter about a boy in his third-grade class who is a soccer fanatic. “He comes to school every day in a soccer jersey and sweat pants,” P. J. said, “but that doesn’t make him a professional soccer player.” It’s as if these children need to remind adults about the essential defining features of male and female biological sex. P.J. could say, “Duh—I still have a penis, so I am still a boy.”

For other children, exploring gender expression is the beginning of the realization that their sexual orientation may not be heterosexual, that they may be gay, lesbian, and/or bisexual. Some writers have tried to quantify the numbers of gender-nonconforming boys, suggesting that 2-7% of boys display nonconforming gender behavior, and of these 60-80% grow up to be gay men (Padawer, 2012). The same tendency is suggested for lesbian women, most of whom identified as “tomboys.” It seems that these numbers would be very difficult to confirm, given that more than 75% of women identify as “tomboys” and most of them are heterosexual, and given the stringent attempts to shove gender nonconforming boys back into their boxes which means that we are only observing the most determined and tenacious nonconforming boys.

For some children, gender non-conforming behavior is the beginning of the realization that they are transgender. Some children are very clear on this early on, and insist on names, pronouns, and gender expressions that are consonant with their own internal convictions about their actual gender. Other children need the opportunity to explore and question, and they may not become clear on their sexual orientation or transgender status until they reach puberty or later.

Parents of gender non-conforming children . Gender non-conforming children may be more or less clear about why they need to explore the “middle space,” but some parents are just confused. Most of us have been fully socialized in the current gender curriculum and so any activity outside those lines and boxes may seem deeply “wrong” or even “unnatural.” That is always the way with strong societal norms. In the 1800s, if a woman showed a glimpse of ankle, she was considered to be immoral; in the 1920s, women wearing pants and short hair were seen as “unnatural;” in the 1960s, boys whose hair touched their collars were suspended from school.

  “It’s not their job to make sure we’re all comfortable.” — Parent of a gender non-conforming child.

Gender non-conforming children provide their adults with the opportunity and motivation to improve society in ways that are more positive for everyone. The need that all children have for their parents’ full love and support encourages adults to grow outside of their comfort zones, and to develop into better parents. As Brill and Pepper (2008) point out, “It takes courage to follow the path of love.” They provide many good strategies and resources for parents who are trying to follow this path. They point out that some of parents’ reluctance can be based on their fear of others looking down on them and criticizing their parenting. We think that many parents can relate to this fear—even in little ways, such as when a child throws a fit in the store or we are called into school for a child’s infraction. We are worried that our parenting is inadequate or that others will think we are inferior parents. That is one important reason why Brill and Pepper (2008) insist that parents get support for themselves (from therapists or groups of like-minded parents) so the they will be able in turn  to provide acceptance and support for their children.

Some of the reluctance of parents of transgender children can be based in grief over the loss of their previous child. We think that many parents can also relate to this feeling—when we look at photos of our children as babies and young children, we miss those darling little versions of our children. At the same time, we know that they are still there in the core identity of our older children. And parents of gender variant children can be comforted with the idea that the essence of their child, their child’s core, is still there, and still intact. Most parents also feel vindicated when they see their child’s distress and depression lift (some children are actually suicidal), and watch them bloom in their new affirmed identity, showing joy and delight in the free expression of their authentic selves.

Dealing with discrimination and bullying . An important part of parents’ reluctance to support gender variant children can be based on fears about the reactions their children may encounter in school, church, or other public places. Parents are not wrong about these reactions, and their desire to protect their children is understandable. These same issues have been faced by parents of children who belong to racial, ethnic, and cultural minorities—who also have to face messages of hate, discrimination, and oppression. One difference may be that some parents feel that their gender variant child could avoid all these upsetting experiences if only they would conform, whereas most Black parents do not see the solution to racism as encouraging their children to “pass” as white. Research on parenting children from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds suggests that the most helpful approach involves proud support for a child’s minority status and engaged participation with minority communities, combined with realistic training about how to deal constructively with incidents of intolerance. Some parenting guides suggest strategies organized around the notions of: (1) Talk: speak up for what you believe; (2) Walk: find a safe space; and (3) Squawk: find someone who will support you.

At the same time, many parents may surprise themselves by becoming staunch advocates for their children’s rights and activists in the larger societal movement for gender respect and equality. Luckily, as parents work hard to see that their children are treated fairly everywhere they go, there are good programs that can be used to improve schools. These programs train teachers, administrators, and staff how to celebrate and support gender diversity. The good news is that such trainings can have positive effects for everyone involved.

4. Gender latency. A fourth major developmental milestone takes place during middle childhood, sometimes referred to as the “latency” stage or phase, and loosely modeled after Freud’s description of children’s psychosexual stages. During this period (about ages 8 or 9 until puberty), children seem to be less active in working out issues explicitly connected to gender or sexual identity. In general, children seem to be more mellow or laid back about the whole “gender thing,” largely recognizing that scripts about gender-appropriate signifiers (like colors, behaviors, or activities) are societal conventions and not true moral issues. At this age, children seem to relax their enforcement of gender rules and the “yuckiness” of the opposite sex begins to fade. Many gender variant children, during this period, also seem to relax, maybe deciding that non-conformity is more trouble than it is worth, and so (at least temporarily) adopting conventional signifiers that are more aligned with their biological sex.

For parents who are worried about the effects of hetero-normative gender stereotypes, it can feel like your child has made it safely through the gender curriculum and come out whole on the other side. For parents who are worried about their gender-nonconforming children, it can also feel like the “problem” has been solved and it was (after all) just a phase.

5. Puberty and the gender police. A fifth major milestone in gender development is ushered in by puberty, which usually starts between ages 10-12 for girls and between ages 12-14 for boys. The reality of biological changes in both primary and secondary sexual characteristics seems to trigger a major shift, not only in children’s neurophysiology, but also in their psychological systems and social relationships. When puberty strikes, the issue of what it means to be male and female in this historical moment seems to come to center stage, and teenagers in middle school and early high school seem to be trying to enact and rigidly enforce all of society’s current stereotypes about gender . This process is labeled “ gender intensification ” and it will be more or less “intense” depending on the local culture, their stereotypes, and the rigidity with which they are viewed.

Gender intensification. This is the moment at which adolescents seem to want to wring any gender variation out of themselves and their peers, and this goes for kids who vary on expression, identity, sexual orientation, and transgender status—which basically includes everyone. So pressure is exerted on girls to look and act more like girls—and we see girls try to bring themselves into line with cultural stereotypes about the value of beauty through increased use of make-up, clothes, and hairstyles as well as through a focus on diet, exercise, and eating disorders; we also see normative losses in self-esteem as girls find themselves unable to reach these idealized female appearances and increasingly internalize a negative body image. The pressure that is exerted on boys to look and act like boys can be observed as boys try to bring themselves into line with cultural stereotypes about the value of power, through adolescents’ increased use of aggression and bullying, boys’ frequent lapses into silence, as well as increased focus on body building and the abuse of steroids. Both genders are at risk for commodifying the opposite sex—girls can regard “boyfriends” as status objects just as boys can regard girls as sexual targets. Perhaps surprisingly, the local external pressures to adhere to societal gender stereotypes seem to originate largely within gender, in that girls tighten the screws on other girls to conform whereas boys are the ones who are pressuring other boys. During early adolescence, some researchers refer to the phase of gender intensification as a period that is run by the “gender police.”

It is important to note that the gender harassment and bullying that is still so common in schools and neighborhoods is often aimed at heterosexual youth who do not conform to societal boxes and lines, such as late-maturing boys who are small, slight, and shy. Of course, the further that a child strays over gender lines, the more they are likely to become targets of harassment and bullying, not only by peers but also by parents, teachers, and societal institutions.

Gender contraction. In a way this phase could also be referred to as a period of “gender contraction,” in that some adolescents fall over themselves to jump back into the boxes and over the lines prescribed by society, especially in terms of gender expression. However, the onset of puberty also brings additional biological information to some adolescents, indicating (or verifying) that they may be (or definitely are) gay, lesbian, bisexual, queer, or transgender. This new information (or clarity) comes at exactly the same time that the external world brings increased pressure for them to conform. Such social pressures (and the internal pressures they can create) can collide with adolescents’ natural sexual urges to create confusion and internal gridlock. For some youth, when their internal states (biological urges, gender identity, and sexual orientation) are aligned, they may achieve internal clarity—“Ah-ha, I’m gay (or lesbian or bisexual)!” Some adults describe this process as “coming out to oneself.” But for many gender variant youth, external pressure and homophobia can make this process feel very confusing and dangerous. For these children, their adolescent peers (and often parents, siblings, and teachers) feel more like “gender Nazis.”

Pause on puberty . For some youth, the beginnings of puberty may trigger an awareness of (or verify) their transgender status—“My body is going the wrong direction here—wait!” In fact, one cutting edge strategy for children who may be transgender is to stop the transformation—literally using hormone blockers that halt the onset of puberty. This strategy creates a space that preserves children’s options. It is much easier physiologically to transition to another gender before puberty has been completed. This allows for a transition that is more complete and requires fewer surgeries. For parents of transgender children who want to give their child the opportunity to make an autonomous informed decision, the use of hormone blockers allows children to continue developing cognitively so that their decision can be made using all the capacities of formal operations. Families also benefit from the participation of experienced therapists and physicians, who can help guide them in the sequence and timing of each step.

LGBTQ advocates also insist that it is important to follow the child’s lead, and not to get ahead of them. Some families can be so confused by a child’s non-conforming gender expression that they pressure the child to change their biological sex in order to produce a child who is culturally “aligned” in expression, identity, and biology. In fact, as previously mentioned, many transgender individuals do not choose to make a physical transition at all.

In every case, children need full family support in order to negotiate the external pressures they will likely experience and otherwise internalize. If transgender teens decide to transition during high school, some experts recommend allowing the child to take a year off from school or be home-schooled for a year, so that they are sheltered from external scrutiny. Some families also decide that the child should then return with their new identity to a different school, but other transgender teens report that an important part of the process of self-acceptance is the experience of winning over support from their current peers. In their stories of transition (Kuklin, 2014), some teens seem remarkably understanding of the reluctance and flak they experience in forging a new identity, even though all of them make clear that such resistance (and in many cases overt hostility) causes real pain and suffering.

6. Identity development during college and the freedom to explore and expand. For many youth, the full development of an authentic gender identity doesn’t take place until after high school, which is why the college years are such a common time for gender confirming and non-conforming youth to be working on issues of gender identity and sexual orientation. Developmentally, these are good years for many reasons. In most strata of society, the “gender police” start to fade during mid-adolescence and, by emerging adulthood, most forms of gender expression are again viewed as conventions and not as moral prescriptions, so the previously intense external pressures are often more relaxed (again—depending on local geographical and religious perspectives).

Youth themselves have newly emerging meta-cognitive capacities to reflect on their own internalized stereotypes and shame, allowing them to be able to rework for themselves their own attitudes about gender and sexuality. Because many students are working on these issues, college is also a place where questioning youth can more easily find open and understanding social and sexual partners with whom they can safely explore these issues. Moreover, college campuses can be places that provide formal resources (e.g., Queer Resource Center, LGBTQ groups) and informal role models, that encourage youth to discover, liberate, and celebrate their authentic selves.

Exploration and commitment . During the years of emerging adulthood, many youth are figuring out that they can create their own narratives about what it means to be male and female in society. Many will affirm a positive appraisal of their assigned sex as an anchor of their gender identity, but at the same time accept and enjoy a wide-ranging set of expressions, activities, and roles that are vastly expanded compared to societal stereotypes. In fact, increasingly, many will come to view the “middle space” as occupying pretty much all the space depicting gender roles, so much so that for many young adults, the issues surrounding biological sex, that is, being male or female, begin to shrink until gender is a very small, almost incidental, part of their identity. Of course, young adults often return to these issues and what they mean as they approach the developmental task of “intimacy,” which is often worked on in the context of sexual relationships.

Some LGBTQ youth report that emerging adulthood was a good time for them to deal with these issues because they needed to wait until they had worked out other less-contested aspects of their identity so they could be strong and self-confident enough to face and explore issues of sexual orientation and gender identity in a society that is so openly hostile to gender expansion. For example, some youth reported feeling mixed up about gender identity and sexual orientation. Some transgender youth felt that they were not allowed to be sexually attracted to people who were of the sex opposite to their original biological sex. For example, if I am assigned a female biological sex at birth and later realize that I am an affirmed (transgender) male, what does it mean if I am attracted to biological males? Does that threaten my identity as an affirmed male? During early adulthood, transgender youth can come to accept what LGBTQ experts confirm—that transgender status and sexual orientation are separate issues. An affirmed male who is attracted to other men is a gay transgender male person. All combinations are possible.

Sex/Gender Differences

As part of the study of gender development, researchers are also interested in examining sex/gender differences in psychological characteristics and behaviors. Researchers who favor different meta-theoretical perspectives often assume that gender differences are due to underlying differences in biology (consistent with maturational metatheories) or differences in socialization (consistent with mechanistic meta-theories). However, consistent with contextualist meta-theories, to date most of the differences that have been found have turned out to be a complex combination of neurophysiological sex differences (e.g. the effects of sex hormones on behavior), gender roles (i.e., differences in how men and women are supposed to act), gender stereotypes (i.e., differences in how we think men and women are), and gender socialization.

What are these gender differences? Research suggests that they are concentrated in six areas.

  • Activity level . In terms of temperament, boys show higher activity levels starting at birth, as seen in differences in muscle tone, muscle mass, and movement; as they get older, boys remain somewhat more active and have more difficulty in activities that require holding still. Some of the biggest differences involve the play styles of children. Boys frequently play organized rough-and-tumble games in large groups, while girls often play less-physical activities in much smaller groups (Maccoby, 1998).
  • Verbal ability . Girls develop language skills earlier and know more words than boys. They show slightly higher verbal abilities, including reading and writing, all throughout school, and are somewhat more emotionally expressive (of fear and sadness, but not anger).
  • Visuo-spatial ability . Boys perform slightly better than girls on tests of visuo-spatial ability (e.g., tests of mentally rotating 3-D objects), differences which can later be seen in activities like map reading or sports that require spatial orientation.
  • Verbal and physical aggression . Starting at about the age of 2, boys exhibit higher rates of unprovoked physical aggression than girls, although no gender differences have been found in provoked aggression (Hyde, 2005). At every age, boys show higher levels of physical aggression, but starting in adolescence, girls show higher levels of relational aggression (e.g., social shunning, gossiping, power exertion).
  • Self-regulation and prosocial behavior . At about the same age that gender differences in aggression emerge (approximately age 2), gender differences also emerge in levels of self-regulation, compliance, empathy, and prosocial behavior. Girls show better behavioral and emotional self-regulation, whereas boys have more trouble minding and following rules and routines. As they get older boys are also slightly less able to suppress inappropriate responses and slightly more likely to blurt things out than girls (Else-Quest, Hyde, Goldsmith, & Van Hulle, 2006). At the same time, girls are also more likely to offer praise, to agree with the person they’re talking to, and to elaborate on the other person’s comments; boys, in contrast, are more likely to assert their opinion and offer criticisms (Leaper & Smith, 2004). The combination of higher levels of aggression and lower levels of self-regulation is a primary reason why, compared to girls, boys at every age are more likely to be disciplined (as well as suspended and expelled) in school.
  • Developmental vulnerability . One of the biggest and most consistent set of sex/gender differences between girls and boys is found in the area of developmental vulnerability. Boys are more likely than girls to show markers of a wide range of biological and psychological vulnerabilities, including prenatal and perinatal stress and disease (e.g., lower survival rates in premature birth, higher rates of infant mortality and death from SIDS), learning disabilities (e.g., dyslexia, speech defects, mental retardation), neurological conditions (e.g., autism, attention deficit disorder, hyperactivity), and mental health conditions (e.g., opposition/defiant disorder, schizophrenia). Starting in early adolescence, compared to girls, boys are more likely to be involved in acts of anti-social behavior, delinquency, and violent crime, and to be incarcerated. Unlike differences in psychological characteristics, which tend to be small and inconsistent, gender differences in these markers of vulnerability tend to be large and robust. For example,  rates of ADHD and autism are 3-5 times higher in boys, and over 90% of inmates are male. Differences in diagnosis may represent actual differences in incidence, or conditions may present differently in girls than in boys.

The only mental health conditions more prevalent in girls are internalizing disorders (i.e., depression and anxiety) but boys have higher rates of completed suicide at every age, with an increasing gap over adulthood, until by age 65 over 70% of suicides are committed by men. https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20190313-why-more-men-kill-themselves-than-women

Magnitude of gender differences . It is important to note that, with the exception of sex/gender differences in physical characteristics (e.g., height and muscle mass) and developmental vulnerability, sex/gender differences in psychological characteristics and behaviors tend to be quite small, inconsistent, and change over historical time. Even where sex/gender differences are found, there is a great deal of variation among females and among males, meaning that individual boys are very different from one another as are individual girls. As a result, knowing someone’s gender does not help much in predicting their actual attributes or behaviors. For example, in terms of activity level, boys are considered more active than girls. However, 42% of girls are more active than the average boy (but so are 50% of boys). Figure 1 depicts this phenomenon in a comparison of male and female self-esteem. The two bell-curves show the range in self-esteem scores within boys and within girls, and there is enormous overlap. The average gender difference, shown by the arrow at the top of the figure, is tiny compared to the variation within gender.

Two bell curves that mostly overlap, with females on the left and males on the right.

Furthermore, few gender differences reflect innate biological differences, but instead reflect complex mixtures of neurophysiological and social factors, with a special emphasis on the specific societal and familial gender curriculum that creates sets of differential opportunities, treatment, and experiences for girls and boys. For example, one small gender difference is that boys show better spatial abilities than girls. However, Tzuriel and Egozi (2010) gave girls the chance to practice their spatial skills (by imagining a line drawing was different shapes) and discovered that, with practice, this gender difference completely disappeared. Likewise, those differences also disappear in groups of girls who are involved in sports which require spatial practice. The fact that gender differences that previously were significant (e.g., boys performed better on math achievement tests during early adolescence) have disappeared over time suggests that they are largely a function of environmental differences (in this case, the number of math classes taken).

Some of the most interesting research on sex/gender differences today critiques this entire area of work and argues that many domains that we assume differ across genders, including some described here in your textbook, are really based on gender stereotypes and not actual differences. Researchers conducted large meta-analyses (statistical analyses that allow researchers to systematically combine findings across an entire body of studies) of thousands of studies across more than a million participants, and concluded that: Girls are not more fearful, shy, or scared of new things than boys; boys are not more angry than girls and girls are not more emotional than boys; boys do not perform better at math than girls; and girls are not more talkative than boys (Hyde, 2005). These meta-analyses have also been conducted on studies involving adults, with much the same conclusion (Carothers & Reis, 2013; Hyde, Bigler, Joel, Tate, & van Anders, 2019).

Liberating Society from Status Hierarchies of Gender and Sexuality

Societies play a crucial role in gender development by trying to dictate hierarchies of human worth based on gender and sexuality. Gender is multi-faceted and so status hierarchies cover biological sex, gender expression, sexual orientation, and identity. Hierarchies are apparent in the relative value placed on males versus females, on people who are heterosexual versus lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, and transgender, and on people who conform to the gender binary versus people who do not. Some of these hierarchies are enshrined in law, for example, when women were not allowed to vote, or homosexuality was illegal, or laws refuse to recognize the legitimacy of transgender sexual identities.

These status hierarchies are enforced in all the ways we discussed in previous readings on higher-order contexts of development, including implicit bias, prejudice, stereotypes, segregation, exclusion, and discrimination. Discrimination persists throughout the lifespan in the form of obstacles to education, or lack of access to political, financial, and social power. Status hierarchies also involve entrenched myths about subgroups who fall into different rungs of the societal ladders of these hierarchies, and cover stories that membership in some of these groups is voluntary and something youth should “get over.” The negative stories society tells are hurtful, especially if children and youth internalize them. At the same time, the development of people at the top of these hierarchies can also be adversely affected, as when narrow definitions of masculinity can impede the development of boys and men, and narrow definitions of heterosexuality can interfere with the sexual exploration of youth.

Societal myths about gender minorities are especially harmful when they infect parents and families who are supposed to be protecting children and promoting their development. For children from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds, their staunchest supporters typically are parents, extended family, and racial and ethnic communities, who counteract these myths and provide counter-narratives of positivity, pride, and cultural heritage. However, for children from gender minorities, parents and families may not serve this vital role. Because parents often do not share their child’s gender identity, and may sometimes even harbor entrenched myths of revulsion, children from gender minorities do not always have the layers of protection provided by extended family, that serve to buffer them from the worst of society’s prejudices. In fact, some of the most hurtful messages may come from family and friends. These status hierarchies and the entrenched myths used to enforce them create hazardous conditions for the development of children and youth. A growing realization of their extent and severity should create an even greater sense urgency for taking collective action to abolish them. In the meantime women’s groups and the LGBTQ+ community are creating safe spaces where their members can experience the support and validation they deserve and develop strategies for resistance and resilience.

These issues are of global concern (WHO, 2011). Although we are rightfully worried about status hierarchies in the US, many countries around the world have much worse (and sometimes life-threatening) conditions for women and girls, LGBTQ+ youth and adults, and gender minorities. For example, in some countries where gender preferences are pronounced, it is no longer legal to give parents information on the sex of their fetus because selective abortion of females has created a gender imbalance that is noticeable at the national level.  In many cultures, women do not have access to basic rights (e.g., to education, freedom of movement, choice of spouses and sexual partners, etc.), and sexual minorities who express their preferences openly do so at risk of imprisonment and death.

What are the impacts of enforcing gender stereotypes and valuing or devaluing particular gender identities?

Like all status hierarchies, these societal conditions exert a downward pressure on healthy development. In the United States, the stereotypes that boys should be strong, forceful, active, dominant, and rational, and that girls should be pretty, subordinate, unintelligent, emotional, and talkative are portrayed in children’s toys, books, commercials, video games, movies, television shows, and music. These messages dictate not only how people should act, but also the opportunities they are given, how they are treated, and the extent to which they can grow into their full potential. Even into college and professional school, women are less vocal in class and much more at risk for sexual harassment from teachers, coaches, classmates, and professors. These patterns are also found in social interactions and in media messages. In adulthood, these differences are reflected in income gaps between men and women (women working full-time earn about 74 percent the income of men), in higher rates of women targeted for rape and domestic violence, higher rates of eating disorders for females, and in higher rates of violent death for men in young adulthood.

The effects of discrimination and bullying can also be seen in disparities in physical and mental health for youth who belong to minority gender identities and sexual orientations (see boxes). Although researchers and other adults are rightfully concerned about these disparities, it is important not to buy into deficit assumptions , where researchers assume that children and youth at the bottom of these status hierarchies (i.e., females and those with minority gender identities and sexual orientations) are somehow “at risk,” “vulnerable,” or “less than.” We need to protect all children and youth from social contextual conditions that are dangerous for their development, but just like youth from ethnic and racial minorities, youth from sexual and gender minorities generally grow up whole, healthy, and resilient.

Optional Reading:

In this brief article, authors Leaper and Brown (2018) summarize findings on the impact that gender–and specifically gender roles, stereotypes, and discrimination–have on children’s development. In three sections (beginning on page 2), their paper reviews recent research on how these factors impact development in areas of gender identity and expression, academic achievement, and harassment, respectively.

Click here to read: Leaper, C., & Brown, C. S. (2018). Sexism in childhood and adolescence: Recent trends and advances in research. Child development perspectives , 12 (1), 10-15.

Note: There is some disagreement among researchers on the exact meaning of the term “sexism.” The authors of this paper use the term “sexism” to refer to gender roles, stereotypes, discrimination, biases (positive and negative), and gender differences, as well as general beliefs, cognitions, and expectations about gender. We prefer the more-common usage of “sexism” as referring to gender discrimination in line with the status hierarchy defined above (i.e. with women and LGBTQ individuals at the bottom), that gender discrimination refers to any discrimination on the basis of gender (e.g. against men or women), and although concepts such as gender roles and gender cognitions are related to sexism, they are distinct ideas and better referred to with more precise terms.

Discrimination based on Sexual Orientation.  The United States is heteronormative , meaning that society supports heterosexuality as the norm. Consider, for example, that homosexuals are often asked, “When did you know you were gay?” but heterosexuals are rarely asked, “When did you know you were straight?” (Ryle, 2011). Living in a culture that privileges heterosexuality has a significant impact on the ways in which non-heterosexual people are able to develop and express their sexuality.

Open identification of one’s sexual orientation may be hindered by homophobia which encompasses a range of negative attitudes and stereotypes toward homosexuality or people who are identified or perceived as being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT). It can be expressed as antipathy, contempt, prejudice, aversion, or hatred; it may be based on irrational fear and is sometimes related to religious beliefs (Carroll, 2016). Homophobia is observable in critical and hostile behavior, such as discrimination and violence on the basis of sexual orientations that are non-heterosexual. Recognized types of homophobia include institutionalized homophobia, such as religious and state-sponsored homophobia , and internalized homophobia in which people with same-sex attractions internalize, or believe, society’s negative views and/or hatred of themselves.

Sexual minorities regularly experience stigma, harassment, discrimination, and violence based on their sexual orientation (Carroll, 2016). Research has shown that gay, lesbian, and bisexual teenagers are at a higher risk of depression and suicide due to exclusion from social groups, rejection from peers and family, and negative media portrayals of homosexuals (Bauermeister et al., 2010). Discrimination can occur in the workplace, in housing, at schools, and in numerous public settings. Major policies to prevent discrimination based on sexual orientation have only come into effect in the United States in the last few years.

The majority of empirical and clinical research on LGBT populations are done with largely white, middle-class, well-educated samples. This demographic limits our understanding of more marginalized sub-populations that are also affected by racism, classism, and other forms of oppression. In the United States, non-Caucasian LGBT individuals may find themselves in a double minority, in which they are not fully accepted or understood by Caucasian LGBT communities and are also not accepted by their own ethnic group (Tye, 2006). Many people experience racism in in the dominant LGBT community where racial stereotypes merge with gender stereotypes.

Discrimination based on Gender Minority status.  Gender nonconforming people are much more likely to experience harassment, bullying, and violence based on their gender identity; they also experience much higher rates of discrimination in housing, employment, healthcare, and education (Borgogna, McDermott, Aita, & Kridel, 2019; National Center for Transgender Equality, 2015). Transgender individuals of color face additional financial, social, and interpersonal challenges, in comparison to the transgender community as a whole, as a result of structural racism. Black transgender people reported the highest level of discrimination among all transgender individuals of color. As members of several intersecting minority groups, transgender people of color, and transgender women of color in particular, are especially vulnerable to employment discrimination, health disparities, harassment, and violence. Consequently, they face even greater obstacles than white transgender individuals and cisgender members of their own race.

Effects of Gender Minority Discrimination on Mental Health.  Using data from over 43,000 college students, Borgona et al. (2019) examined mental health disparities among several gender groups, including those identifying as cisgender, transgender, and gender nonconforming. Results indicated that participants who identified as transgender and gender nonconforming had significantly higher levels of anxiety and depression than those identifying as cisgender. Bargona et al. explained the higher rates of anxiety and depression using the minority stress model , which holds that an unaccepting social environment results in both external and internal stress which can take a toll on mental health . External stressors include discrimination, harassment, and prejudice, while internal stressors include negative thoughts, feelings and emotions resulting from societal messages about one’s identity. Borgona et al. recommend that mental health services be made accessible that are sensitive to both gender minority and sexual minority status.

How do we create gender-affirming social contexts for children and youth?

Starting at birth, children learn the social meanings of gender from their society and culture. Gender roles and expectations are especially portrayed in children’s toys, books, commercials, video games, movies, television shows and music (Knorr, 2017). Therefore, when children make choices regarding their gender identification, expression, or behavior that do not conform to gender stereotypes, it is important that they feel supported by the caring adults in their lives. This support allows children to feel valued, resilient, and develop a secure sense of self (American Academy of Pediatricians, 2015). People who care about the healthy gender development of children and youth, like their parents, families, friends, classmates, schools, and communities, can create local contexts of celebration and validation that allow all children to form complex and multifaceted gender identities. Collective social movements around LGBTQ+ and women’s rights are having many positive effects in changing current status hierarchies, which will result in social contextual conditions that are better for all our development.

Developmental psychologists, psychiatrists, and pediatricians can play important roles in creating gender-affirming support for children, youth, and families. For example, in a recent paper on the development of transgender youth, Diamond (2020) points out that, “physicians’ and psychologists’ lack of knowledge about transgender and nonbinary identities can be a significant barrier to competent care (American Psychological Association, 2015). Current practice guidelines for both the medical and psychological treatment of transgender youth adopt a gender-affirmative model of care, which views gender variation as a basic form of human diversity rather than an inherent pathology, and which takes a multifaceted approach to supporting and affirming youth’s experienced gender identity and reducing psychological distress… Providing youth—and parents—with more time, support, and information about the full range of gender diversity, and the fact that gender expressions and identities may change dynamically across different stages of development, may help facilitate more effective decisions about social and medical transitions” (p.112).

Developmental researchers can also make contributions by continuing to explore these complex issues. For example, few studies have been conducted to date, and so more research is needed, on the development of ingroup/outgroup biases (preferences for one’s own gender), reactions to gender norm violations, awareness of preferential treatment, gender prejudice and discrimination, and bullying based on gender variation (Martin & Ruble, 2010). Interventionists can work to identify the conditions that promote healthy gender and sexual development. Such studies have shown, for example, the beneficial effects of inclusive sex education programs in school that foster awareness and acceptance of gender diversity. As Diamond (2020) concludes, “studies suggest that the most beneficial intervention approaches involve creating safe and supportive spaces for all youth to give voice to diverse experiences of gender identity and expression; educating peers, schools, communities, and families about the validity of transgender and nonbinary identities; and providing youth with access to supportive and informed care… In light of the complexity of adolescent gender variation, the best course of action for all youth might involve expanding the gender-affirmative model beyond the conventional gender binary, thereby providing a broader range of options for identity and expression, and affirming and supporting the experiences of youth with complex, nonbinary identities… Whether a child identifies as male, female, transgender, gender fluid, or nonbinary, environments that foster self-acceptance, validation, openness, broadmindedness, and support regarding gender expression will yield lasting benefits.” (p. 113)

Current research is now looking at those young children who identify as transgender and have socially transitioned. In 2013, a longitudinal study following 300 socially transitioned transgender children between the ages of 3 and 12 began (Olson & Gülgöz, 2018). Socially transitioned transgender children identify with the gender opposite to the one they were assigned at birth, and they change their appearance and pronouns to reflect their gender identity. Findings from the study indicated that the gender development of these socially transitioned children looked similar to the gender development of cisgender children, or those whose gender is aligned to the sex they were assigned at birth . These socially transitioned transgender children exhibited similar gender preferences and gender identities as their gender matched peers. Further, these children, who were living every day according to their gender identity and were supported by their families, exhibited positive mental health.

Click here to read: Olson, K. R., & Gülgöz, S. (2018). Early findings from the Transyouth Project: Gender development in transgender children. Child Development Perspectives ,  12 (2), 93-97.

Olson and Gülgöz’ study not only echoes an increasing consensus among pediatricians and other experts in child development that affirming non-conforming children in their own felt sense of gender seems to be the best course for promoting children’s development (e.g. Rafferty, Donaldson, & Forcier, 2020) and also underlines an important takeaway lesson : Increasingly, it seems that it is possible to reduce the negative outcomes reported previously for gender non-conforming children if children are supported by their families, schools, and societies in developing into their authentic selves.

Complexity, Truth, and Beauty

Gender development is inherently complex, involving many dimensions of biological sex, gender expression and identity, as well as temperament, intrinsic interests, cognitive constructions, social relationships, and changing historical and societal frames. Together, these forces create an infinite number of unique and individual pathways, which cannot be captured by two boxes and cannot be nurtured by drawing and enforcing arbitrary lines. Notions like gender expansion, creativity, and fluidity can become  goals that we both support and strive for in our own development and in the development of all those whose nurturance has been entrusted to us.

Supplemental Materials

  • Learn about GLSEN, whose mission is to create safe and gender-inclusive schools for LGBTQ+ youth.

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The Latest Evidence on Gender and Development

David evans.

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  • 06 September 2023

Gender equality: the route to a better world

You have full access to this article via your institution.

The Mosuo People lives in China and they are the last matriarchy society. Lugu, Sichuan, China.

The Mosuo people of China include sub-communities in which inheritance passes down either the male or the female line. Credit: TPG/Getty

The fight for global gender equality is nowhere close to being won. Take education: in 87 countries, less than half of women and girls complete secondary schooling, according to 2023 data. Afghanistan’s Taliban continues to ban women and girls from secondary schools and universities . Or take reproductive health: abortion rights have been curtailed in 22 US states since the Supreme Court struck down federal protections, depriving women and girls of autonomy and restricting access to sexual and reproductive health care .

SDG 5, whose stated aim is to “achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”, is the fifth of the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, all of which Nature is examining in a series of editorials. SDG 5 includes targets for ending discrimination and violence against women and girls in both public and private spheres, eradicating child marriage and female genital mutilation, ensuring sexual and reproductive rights, achieving equal representation of women in leadership positions and granting equal rights to economic resources. Globally, the goal is not on track to being achieved, and just a handful of countries have hit all the targets.

essay about gender development

How the world should oppose the Taliban’s war on women and girls

In July, the UN introduced two new indices (see go.nature.com/3eus9ue ), the Women’s Empowerment Index (WEI) and the Global Gender Parity Index (GGPI). The WEI measures women’s ability and freedoms to make their own choices; the GGPI describes the gap between women and men in areas such as health, education, inclusion and decision making. The indices reveal, depressingly, that even achieving a small gender gap does not automatically translate to high levels of women’s empowerment: 114 countries feature in both indices, but countries that do well on both scores cover fewer than 1% of all girls and women.

The COVID-19 pandemic has made things worse, with women bearing the highest burden of extra unpaid childcare when schools needed to close, and subjected to intensified domestic violence. Although child marriages declined from 21% of all marriages in 2016 to 19% in 2022, the pandemic threatened even this incremental progress, pushing up to 10 million more girls into risk of child marriage over the next decade, in addition to the 100 million girls who were at risk before the pandemic.

Of the 14 indicators for SDG 5, only one or two are close to being met by the 2030 deadline. As of 1 January 2023, women occupied 35.4% of seats in local-government assemblies, an increase from 33.9% in 2020 (the target is gender parity by 2030). In 115 countries for which data were available, around three-quarters, on average, of the necessary laws guaranteeing full and equal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights had been enacted. But the UN estimates that worldwide, only 57% of women who are married or in a union make their own decisions regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights.

Systemic discrimination against girls and women by men, in many contexts, remains a colossal barrier to achieving gender equality. But patriarchy is not some “natural order of things” , argues Ruth Mace, an anthropologist at University College London. Hundreds of women-centred societies exist around the world. As the science writer Angela Saini describes in her latest book, The Patriarchs , these are often not the polar opposite of male-dominated systems, but societies in which men and women share decision making .

essay about gender development

After Roe v. Wade: dwindling US abortion access is harming health a year later

One example comes from the Mosuo people in China, who have both ‘matrilineal’ and ‘patrilineal’ communities, with rights such as inheritance passing down either the male or female line. Researchers compared outcomes for inflammation and hypertension in men and women in these communities, and found that women in matrilineal societies, in which they have greater autonomy and control over resources, experienced better health outcomes. The researchers found no significant negative effect of matriliny on health outcomes for men ( A.  Z. Reynolds et al. Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA 117 , 30324–30327; 2020 ).

When it comes to the SDGs, evidence is emerging that a more gender-equal approach to politics and power benefits many goals. In a study published in May, Nobue Amanuma, deputy director of the Integrated Sustainability Centre at the Institute for Global Environmental Strategies in Hayama, Japan, and two of her colleagues tested whether countries with more women legislators, and more younger legislators, are performing better in the SDGs ( N. Amanuma et al. Environ. Res. Lett. 18 , 054018; 2023 ). They found it was so, with the effect more marked for socio-economic goals such as ending poverty and hunger, than for environmental ones such as climate action or preserving life on land. The researchers recommend further qualitative and quantitative studies to better understand the reasons.

The reality that gender equality leads to better outcomes across other SDGs is not factored, however, into most of the goals themselves. Of the 230 unique indicators of the SDGs, 51 explicitly reference women, girls, gender or sex, including the 14 indicators in SDG 5. But there is not enough collaboration between organizations responsible for the different SDGs to ensure that sex and gender are taken into account. The indicator for the sanitation target (SDG 6) does not include data disaggregated by sex or gender ( Nature 620 , 7; 2023 ). Unless we have this knowledge, it will be hard to track improvements in this and other SDGs.

The road to a gender-equal world is long, and women’s power and freedom to make choices is still very constrained. But the evidence from science is getting stronger: distributing power between genders creates the kind of world we all need and want to be living in.

Nature 621 , 8 (2023)

doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-023-02745-9

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The World Bank In Gender

The World Bank takes as its starting point that no country, community, or economy can achieve its potential or meet the challenges of the 21st century without the full and equal participation of women and men, girls and boys.

Gender equality is a fundamental human right and essential for a more peaceful, prosperous, and livable world.

  • Gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls are central to addressing the world’s unprecedented intertwined global crises  from food insecurity and climate change to conflict, fragility, and violence, to sluggish economic growth.
  • Urgent action is needed to  address gender-based violence (GBV) .  One in three women worldwide has experienced violence. Gender-based violence hurts not only the individual survivors, but their families, communities, and entire societies – often across generations, undermining a women’s quality of life, and access to paid work and employment.
  • Expanding economic opportunities for women can drive inclusive growth. Low female labor force participation and occupational segregation lead to inefficiencies and misallocation of talent that, if addressed, would boost incomes, and stimulate growth.  On average across countries, long-run GDP per capita would be  almost 20% higher  if gender employment gaps were closed.
  • Women’s leadership enhances long-term economic, environmental, and social outcomes, and strengthens institutions .  Research has correlated  higher net profit margins  for firms and  lower CO2 emissions  with more women in decision-making roles.

The World Bank has committed to accelerate gender equality.  In 2022, the Bank launched a year-long  #AccelerateEquality  initiative, to explore progress made and lessons learned over the last 10 years in closing gender gaps and promoting girls’ and women's empowerment. 

A series of  thematic policy notes  and  causal evidence briefs , along with  data , research, global knowledge, and lessons from experience has informed the forthcoming World Bank Gender Strategy  2024-30 to be launched in 2024.

Last Updated: Apr 05, 2024

Gender equality is an urgent moral and economic imperative. Yet achieving gender equality is uniquely challenging and complex.

The draft  World Bank Gender Strategy 2024–30  puts forward a bold ambition to accelerate gender equality to end poverty on a livable planet in alignment with the  World Bank’s evolution process .

Building on implementation of the  World Bank Gender Strategy 2016-23 , the new strategy proposes to engage with greater ambition—approaching gender equality for all as essential for global development—and to engage differently.

The WB  Gender Strategy 2024-30  includes three strategic objectives to:

  • End gender-based violence and elevate human capital;
  • Expand and enable economic opportunities; and
  • Engage women as leaders. 

The Strategy has been shaped by  extensive and inclusive engagement  with public and private sector clients, development partners, civil society, and other key stakeholders through  formal consultations , and will be formally launched in 2024. 

A series of  thematic policy notes  and  causal evidence briefs , along with  data , research, global knowledge, and lessons from experience has informed the strategy.

The World Bank’s key corporate targets on gender equality are on track.  Looking forward there is increasing emphasis on replicating and expanding evidence-informed approaches to deliver outcomes at scale.  Three recently published retrospectives feature lessons learned from the World Bank’s work on gender equality:

Gender Equality in Development: A Ten-Year Retrospective

Retrospective of IFC’s Implementation of the World Bank Gender Strategy 2016- 2023

Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response in World Bank Operations: Taking Stock After a Decade of Engagement (2012-2022)

The World Bank uses a “ gender tag ” to track Bank operations that use gender analysis to design actions to advance gender equality and include indicators to measure results. There has been a dramatic rise in the share of operations that are gender tagged, from 50% in 2017 to 92% in 2022.

Gender Innovation Labs (GILs)  in  Africa ,  East Asia and the Pacific ,  Latin America and the Caribbean , the  Middle East and North Africa , and  South Asia , generate public goods to promote gender equality. GILs conduct impact evaluations of development interventions seeking to generate evidence on how to close gender gaps in human capital, earnings, productivity, assets, voice, and agency. The GIL research supports evidence-based policy making for governments, development organizations, and the private sector to address the underlying causes of gender inequality.

The WB also curates data through the  Gender Data Portal , which is a comprehensive source for the latest sex-disaggregated gender statistics providing open access to over 900 indicators compiled from officially recognized international sources covering demography, education, health, economic activities, assets, leadership, gender-based violence, and more. This Portal allows users of all technical backgrounds to easily access and explore the data through interactive data visualizations and compelling narratives with the goal of influencing policy and decision-making.

Results Highlights:

Ending gender-based violence and elevating human capital:.

By 2023, the World Bank had increased the percentage of operations that incorporated GBV prevention or response from 38 in 2012 to 390 . These operations exist in every sector, every region, and at every level of country income in 97 countries.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a $100 million GBV Prevention and Response Project, was made possible through World Bank support. It sought to boost participation in programs that prevent GBV and to improve access to quality services for GBV survivors across different sectors. Implemented through non-governmental and civil society organizations, the project has reached 7 million people.

The Girls Empowerment and Learning for All Project in Angola aims to empower youth, particularly girls, by improving access to education and health services. With support from the World Bank, the project supports NGOs delivering sexual and reproductive health services in safe spaces, including sessions for boys emphasizing positive masculinity. Community leaders support girls to stay in school, delay marriage and pregnancy. Second Chance programs provide opportunities to return to education and acquire basic and life skills with about 250,000 additional physical spaces created. Additionally, the program finances scholarships for 900,000 students and supports the creation of additional physical schooling infrastructure with WASH facilities, improved school management and quality.

Expanding and Enabling Economic Opportunities:

In Zambia, the World Bank is putting more cash directly into the hands of women through cash transfer programs. These programs help women take control of their own, and their families’ economic destinies. They have helped more than 973,000 families, and sent livelihood packages, including, life and business skills training, mentorship, and support through savings groups, to 75,000 women.

In South Asia, the World Bank supports WePOWER, a professional network for women that supports women's participation in energy projects and institutions and promotes normative change regarding women in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) education. By 2021, WePOWER had completed 1,400+ gender focused activities, benefitting more than 28,000 women. T hese initiatives included STEM awareness sessions, study tours, internships, hirings, technical trainings, and building female-friendly facilities.

The Takaful and Karama Cash Transfer Program , supported by the World Bank, has rapidly scaled, and expanded since its launch in 2015. With a budget increase from $116 million to $1.2 billion by 2023, mainly funded by the Egyptian government, the program now reaches 5.2 million households, benefitting approximately 22 million individuals.  Notably, 75% of beneficiaries are women, receiving smart cards to enhance financial inclusion and decision-making. Participation in the Takaful program promotes 80% school attendance and health visits for mother and child, as well as avoiding early marriage. Evaluations show significant impacts on women's autonomy and household welfare, while incentives for education and healthcare have also been effective.

The Sahel Women’s Empowerment and Economic Dividend (SWEDD ) project series tests, adapts, and scales innovations with the support of IDA and the Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality. It addresses the root causes of child marriage, teenage pregnancy, and early school drop-out among adolescent girls, and promotes young women’s economic empowerment. With the involvement of governments, civil society organizations, and international partners such as the United Nations Population Fund, SWEDD mobilizes a wide range of allies, including teachers, religious and community leaders, future husbands, husbands, and fathers, to facilitate change on the ground. It deploys a comprehensive set of activities, such as ‘safe space’ clubs and reproductive health services for girls, community schools for husbands, and vocational training for women to enter male-dominated jobs.

Engaging Women as Leaders:

In Panama, the World Bank support the National Indigenous Peoples Development Plan Project. This project has helped increase the participation of indigenous women in decision-making spaces such as the National Council for the Integral Development of Indigenous Peoples (CONDIPI). In 2018, only 8% of CONDIPI participants were Indigenous women. In 2023, more than 35% were women, marking a 27% increase in women’s participation over just 5 years.

As well, the Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative (“We-Fi”): has shown the essential role of women entrepreneurs. Since 2018, We-Fi has worked with hundreds of partners in over 60 countries to support women entrepreneurs, catalyzing billions in funding to provide finance and training, and address systemic data & policy gaps.

Women running bussinnesses

Challenges for Women Opening and Running Businesses in Cambodia & Vietnam

  • >' class='hor-card-link ' href='https://www.worldbank.org/en/who-we-are/news/multimedia/all?lang_exact=English&subject_exact=Gender' target=''>MORE MULTIMEDIA >>

Nigeria for Women Project

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Why gender equality is key to sustainable development

essay about gender development

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essay about gender development

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Stay up to date:, future of the environment.

Twenty years ago, the adoption by 189 governments of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action marked a turning point in the history of women’s rights. This progressive blueprint remains a powerful source of inspiration in the effort to realize equal opportunities for women and girls.

But while much progress has been made in the intervening decades, much more remains to be done to ensure that women and children are guaranteed healthy lives, education, and full social inclusion. In just 42 countries do women hold more than 30% of seats in the national legislature , and girls still do not have the same educational opportunities as boys in Sub-Saharan Africa, Oceania, and western Asia.

Gender equality is not just the concern of half of the world’s population; it is a human right, a concern for us all, because no society can develop – economically, politically, or socially – when half of its population is marginalized. We must leave no one behind.

This is a year of global action. Governments will adopt a new set of Sustainable Development Goals, work together to draft a meaningful climate agreement, and craft a framework to provide the financial resources needed to deliver on a global sustainable development agenda. Those participating would be wise to remember that inclusive sustainable development can be realized only when all human rights – including gender equality – are protected, respected, and fulfilled.

The three of us – each from different continents – support these international processes. We share a common motivation for our work: protecting our planet for our children and grandchildren, and ensuring the development of a world where all people – regardless of their gender, race, religion, age, disability, or sexual orientation – have an equal opportunity to achieve their aspirations.

It is critical that we continue to engage men and boys actively in the fight against gender-based discrimination and violence. We have an opportunity to secure a better future and raise a new generation of girls and boys who respect one another and work together to protect the rights of all people.

The implications of not providing girls with equal voices, choices, and opportunities affect not just their lives, but the future of the planet. Efforts to promote inclusive sustainable development and fight climate change are inextricably linked. If we care about development, we must care about the consequences our greenhouse-gas emissions are having around the world. And if we do not take urgent action, we will irreparably damage the natural systems on which life depends.

This is not a threat that we can set aside until we have eradicated poverty worldwide. Nor is it a problem that we can leave to future generations to address. Left unchecked, climate change – along with other unsustainable patterns of development – could wipe out the gains of recent decades. All countries – developed and developing – have a role to play in ensuring a stable world for our children.

Women are among those most vulnerable to the impacts of unsustainable practices and climate change, because they often have no independent income or land rights. In many countries, women are responsible for the provision of water and food for their families. And when the usual sources of these resources are disrupted, women are forced to travel farther and spend more time working for less return. Scarcity requires them to make difficult choices like pulling children out of school or deciding which family member can afford to skip a meal.

In many homes around the world, women are at the heart of the household’s nexus of water, food, and energy – and thus often know firsthand about the challenges and potential solutions in these areas. In our conversations with women around the world, we hear about their struggles, but also their ideas, many of which, if applied, could facilitate change. Women are the most convincing advocates for the solutions that they need, so they should be at the forefront of decision-making on sustainable development and climate-change mitigation.

Over the coming weeks, during the 59th session of the Commission on the Status of Women in New York, the international community will take stock of the progress that has been made toward achieving what was pledged 20 years ago in Beijing and assess where more efforts are needed.

This year will be crucial. With the Financing for Development conference in July, the Special Summit on Sustainable Development Goals in September, and the UN Climate Change Conference in December, we have the opportunity to integrate gender equality and women’s empowerment fully into the effort to promote sustainable development and fight climate change.

The three of us wake up every morning thinking about how to make this happen. Everyone should. We call on all women and men to join us in making their voices heard loudly and in seizing this opportunity for a just and equitable future for all.

This article is published in collaboration with Project Syndicate . Publication does not imply endorsement of views by the World Economic Forum.

To keep up with the Agenda  subscribe to our weekly newsletter .

Author: Mary Robinson, a former President of Ireland and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, is President of the Mary Robinson Foundation and the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy on Climate Change. Christiana Figueres is Executive Secretary of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Amina J. Mohammed is the UN Secretary-General’s Special Adviser and the Assistant-Secretary-General on Post-2015 Development Planning since 2012.

Image: A girl selling apples by the roadside waits for customers just outside the Angolan city of Lubango. REUTERS/Finbarr O’Reilly 

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What does gender equality look like today?

Date: Wednesday, 6 October 2021

Progress towards gender equality is looking bleak. But it doesn’t need to.

A new global analysis of progress on gender equality and women’s rights shows women and girls remain disproportionately affected by the socioeconomic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic, struggling with disproportionately high job and livelihood losses, education disruptions and increased burdens of unpaid care work. Women’s health services, poorly funded even before the pandemic, faced major disruptions, undermining women’s sexual and reproductive health. And despite women’s central role in responding to COVID-19, including as front-line health workers, they are still largely bypassed for leadership positions they deserve.

UN Women’s latest report, together with UN DESA, Progress on the Sustainable Development Goals: The Gender Snapshot 2021 presents the latest data on gender equality across all 17 Sustainable Development Goals. The report highlights the progress made since 2015 but also the continued alarm over the COVID-19 pandemic, its immediate effect on women’s well-being and the threat it poses to future generations.

We’re breaking down some of the findings from the report, and calling for the action needed to accelerate progress.

The pandemic is making matters worse

One and a half years since the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 a global pandemic, the toll on the poorest and most vulnerable people remains devastating and disproportionate. The combined impact of conflict, extreme weather events and COVID-19 has deprived women and girls of even basic needs such as food security. Without urgent action to stem rising poverty, hunger and inequality, especially in countries affected by conflict and other acute forms of crisis, millions will continue to suffer.

A global goal by global goal reality check:

Goal 1. Poverty

Globally, 1 in 5 girls under 15 are growing up in extreme poverty.

In 2021, extreme poverty is on the rise and progress towards its elimination has reversed. An estimated 435 million women and girls globally are living in extreme poverty.

And yet we can change this .

Over 150 million women and girls could emerge from poverty by 2030 if governments implement a comprehensive strategy to improve access to education and family planning, achieve equal wages and extend social transfers.

Goal 2. Zero hunger

Small-scale farmer households headed by women earn on average 30% less than those headed by men.

The global gender gap in food security has risen dramatically during the pandemic, with more women and girls going hungry. Women’s food insecurity levels were 10 per cent higher than men’s in 2020, compared with 6 per cent higher in 2019.

This trend can be reversed , including by supporting women small-scale producers, who typically earn far less than men, through increased funding, training and land rights reforms.

Goal 3. Good health and well-being

In the first year of the pandemic, there were an estimated additional 1.4 million additional unintended pregnancies in lower- and middle-income countries.

Disruptions in essential health services due to COVID-19 are taking a tragic toll on women and girls. In the first year of the pandemic, there were an estimated 1.4 million additional unintended pregnancies in lower and middle-income countries.

We need to do better .

Response to the pandemic must include prioritizing sexual and reproductive health services, ensuring they continue to operate safely now and after the pandemic is long over. In addition, more support is needed to ensure life-saving personal protection equipment, tests, oxygen and especially vaccines are available in rich and poor countries alike as well as to vulnerable population within countries.

Goal 4. Quality education

Half of all refugee girls enrolled in secondary school before the pandemic will not return to school.

A year and a half into the pandemic, schools remain partially or fully closed in 42 per cent of the world’s countries and territories. School closures spell lost opportunities for girls and an increased risk of violence, exploitation and early marriage .

Governments can do more to protect girls education .

Measures focused specifically on supporting girls returning to school are urgently needed, including measures focused on girls from marginalized communities who are most at risk.

Goal 5. Gender equality

Women are restricted from working in certain jobs or industries in almost 50% of countries.

The pandemic has tested and even reversed progress in expanding women’s rights and opportunities. Reports of violence against women and girls, a “shadow” pandemic to COVID-19, are increasing in many parts of the world. COVID-19 is also intensifying women’s workload at home, forcing many to leave the labour force altogether.

Building forward differently and better will hinge on placing women and girls at the centre of all aspects of response and recovery, including through gender-responsive laws, policies and budgeting.

Goal 6. Clean water and sanitation

Only 26% of countries are actively working on gender mainstreaming in water management.

In 2018, nearly 2.3 billion people lived in water-stressed countries. Without safe drinking water, adequate sanitation and menstrual hygiene facilities, women and girls find it harder to lead safe, productive and healthy lives.

Change is possible .

Involve those most impacted in water management processes, including women. Women’s voices are often missing in water management processes. 

Goal 7. Affordable and clean energy

Only about 1 in 10 senior managers in the rapidly growing renewable energy industry is a woman.

Increased demand for clean energy and low-carbon solutions is driving an unprecedented transformation of the energy sector. But women are being left out. Women hold only 32 per cent of renewable energy jobs.

We can do better .

Expose girls early on to STEM education, provide training and support to women entering the energy field, close the pay gap and increase women’s leadership in the energy sector.

Goal 8. Decent work and economic growth

In 2020 employed women fell by 54 million. Women out of the labour force rose by 45 million.

The number of employed women declined by 54 million in 2020 and 45 million women left the labour market altogether. Women have suffered steeper job losses than men, along with increased unpaid care burdens at home.

We must do more to support women in the workforce .

Guarantee decent work for all, introduce labour laws/reforms, removing legal barriers for married women entering the workforce, support access to affordable/quality childcare.

Goal 9. Industry, innovation and infrastructure

Just 4% of clinical studies on COVID-19 treatments considered sex and/or gender in their research

The COVID-19 crisis has spurred striking achievements in medical research and innovation. Women’s contribution has been profound. But still only a little over a third of graduates in the science, technology, engineering and mathematics field are female.

We can take action today.

 Quotas mandating that a proportion of research grants are awarded to women-led teams or teams that include women is one concrete way to support women researchers. 

Goal 10. Reduced inequalities

While in transit to their new destination, 53% of migrant women report experiencing or witnessing violence, compared to 19% of men.

Limited progress for women is being eroded by the pandemic. Women facing multiple forms of discrimination, including women and girls with disabilities, migrant women, women discriminated against because of their race/ethnicity are especially affected.

Commit to end racism and discrimination in all its forms, invest in inclusive, universal, gender responsive social protection systems that support all women. 

Goal 11. Sustainable cities and communities

Slum residents are at an elevated risk of COVID-19 infection and fatality rates. In many countries, women are overrepresented in urban slums.

Globally, more than 1 billion people live in informal settlements and slums. Women and girls, often overrepresented in these densely populated areas, suffer from lack of access to basic water and sanitation, health care and transportation.

The needs of urban poor women must be prioritized .

Increase the provision of durable and adequate housing and equitable access to land; included women in urban planning and development processes.

Goal 12. Sustainable consumption and production; Goal 13. Climate action; Goal 14. Life below water; and Goal 15. Life on land

Women are finding solutions for our ailing planet, but are not given the platforms they deserve. Only 29% of featured speakers at international ocean science conferences are women.

Women activists, scientists and researchers are working hard to solve the climate crisis but often without the same platforms as men to share their knowledge and skills. Only 29 per cent of featured speakers at international ocean science conferences are women.

 And yet we can change this .

Ensure women activists, scientists and researchers have equal voice, representation and access to forums where these issues are being discussed and debated. 

Goal 16. Peace, justice and strong institutions

Women's unequal decision-making power undermines development at every level. Women only chair 18% of government committees on foreign affairs, defence and human rights.

The lack of women in decision-making limits the reach and impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and other emergency recovery efforts. In conflict-affected countries, 18.9 per cent of parliamentary seats are held by women, much lower than the global average of 25.6 per cent.

This is unacceptable .

It's time for women to have an equal share of power and decision-making at all levels.

Goal 17. Global partnerships for the goals

Women are not being sufficiently prioritized in country commitments to achieving the SDGs, including on Climate Action. Only 64 out of 190 of nationally determined contributions to climate goals referred to women.

There are just 9 years left to achieve the Global Goals by 2030, and gender equality cuts across all 17 of them. With COVID-19 slowing progress on women's rights, the time to act is now.

Looking ahead

As it stands today, only one indicator under the global goal for gender equality (SDG5) is ‘close to target’: proportion of seats held by women in local government. In other areas critical to women’s empowerment, equality in time spent on unpaid care and domestic work and decision making regarding sexual and reproductive health the world is far from target. Without a bold commitment to accelerate progress, the global community will fail to achieve gender equality. Building forward differently and better will require placing women and girls at the centre of all aspects of response and recovery, including through gender-responsive laws, policies and budgeting.

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15.4: Development of Gender Identity

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From birth, children are assigned a gender and are socialized to conform to certain gender roles based on their biological sex. “ Sex ,” refers to physical or physiological differences between males, females, and intersex persons, including both their primary and secondary sex characteristics. “ Gender ,” on the other hand, refers to social or cultural distinctions associated with a given sex.

When babies are born, they are assigned a gender based on their biological sex—male babies are assigned as boys, female babies are assigned as girls, and intersex babies are born with sex characteristics that do not fit the typical definitions for male or female bodies, and are usually relegated into one gender category or another. Scholars generally regard gender as a social construct , meaning that it doesn’t exist naturally but is instead a concept that is created by cultural and societal norms. From birth, children are socialized to conform to certain gender roles based on their biological sex and the gender to which they are assigned.22

A person’s subjective experience of their own gender and how it develops, or gender identity , is a topic of much debate. It is the extent to which one identifies with a particular gender; it is a person’s individual sense and subjective experience of being a man, a woman, or other gender. It is often shaped early in life and consists primarily of the acceptance (or non-acceptance) of one’s membership into a gender category. In most societies, there is a basic division between gender attributes assigned to males and females. In all societies, however, some individuals do not identify with some (or all) of the aspects of gender that are assigned to their biological sex.

Those that identify with the gender that corresponds to the sex assigned to them at birth (for example, they are assigned female at birth and continue to identify as a girl, and later a woman) are called cisgender . In many Western cultures, individuals who identify with a gender that is different from their biological sex (for example, they are assigned female at birth but feel inwardly that they are a boy or a gender other than a girl) are called transgender . Some transgender individuals, if they have access to resources and medical care, choose to alter their bodies through medical interventions such as surgery and hormonal therapy so that their physical being is better aligned with their gender identity.

clipboard_e14e3bdcd6668fbc1ec4799bc338d075d.png

Recent terms such as “genderqueer,” “genderfluid,” “gender variant,” “androgynous,” “agender,” and “gender nonconforming” are used by individuals who do not identify within the gender binary as either a man or a woman. Instead they identify as existing somewhere along a spectrum or continuum of genders, or outside of the spectrum altogether, often in a way that is continuously evolving.

The Gender Continuum

Viewing gender as a continuum allows us to perceive the rich diversity of genders, from trans-and cisgender to gender queer and agender. Most Western societies operate on the idea that gender is a binary , that there are essentially only two genders (men and women) based on two sexes (male and female), and that everyone must fit one or the other. This social dichotomy enforces conformance to the ideals of masculinity and femininity in all aspects of gender and sex—gender identity, gender expression, and biological sex.

According to supporters of queer theory , gender identity is not a rigid or static identity but can continue to evolve and change over time. Queer theory developed in response to the perceived limitations of the way in which identities are thought to become consolidated or stabilized (for instance, gay or straight) and theorists constructed queerness in an attempt to resist this. In this way, the theory attempts to maintain a critique rather than define a specific identity. While “queer” defies a simple definition, the term is often used to convey an identity that is not rigidly developed but is instead fluid and changing. 24

The Genderbread Person

In 2012, Sam Killerman created the Genderbread Person as an infographic to break down gender identity, gender expression, biological sex, and sexual orientation. 25 In 2018, he updated it to version 2.0 to be more accurate, and inclusive. 26

clipboard_e26a3c5d68764bda99b3ff9210c85be41.png

Gender Pronouns

Pronouns are a part of language used to refer to someone or something without using proper nouns. In standard English, some singular third-person pronouns are "he" and "she," which are usually seen as gender-specific pronouns, referring to a man and a woman, respectively. A gender-neutral pronoun or gender-inclusive pronoun is one that gives no implications about gender, and could be used for someone of any gender.

Some languages only have gender-neutral pronouns, whereas other languages have difficulty establishing any that aren't gender-specific. People with non-binary gender identities often choose new third-person pronouns for themselves as part of their transition. They often choose gender-neutral pronouns so that others won't see them as female or male. 28

Here is a table based on the Rainbow Coalition of Yellowknife’s Handy Guide to Pronouns:

Factors that Influence Gender Identity

Although the formation of gender identity is not completely understood, many factors have been suggested as influencing its development. Biological factors that may influence gender identity include pre- and post-natal hormone levels and genetic makeup. Social factors include ideas regarding gender roles conveyed by family, authority figures, mass media, and other influential people in a child’s life. According to social-learning theory, children develop their gender identity through observing and imitating the gender-linked behaviors of others; they are then “rewarded” for imitating the behaviors of people of the same gender and “punished” for imitating the behaviors of another gender. For example, male children will often be rewarded for imitating their father’s love of baseball but punished or redirected in some way if they imitate their older sister’s love of dolls. Children are shaped and molded by the people surrounding them, who they try to imitate and follow.

Gender Roles

The term “gender role” refers to society’s concept of how men and women are expected to act. As we grow, we learn how to behave from those around us. In this socialization process, children are introduced to certain roles that are typically linked to their biological sex. The term “gender role” refers to society’s concept of how men and women are expected to act and behave. Gender roles are based on norms, or standards, created by society. In American culture, masculine roles have traditionally been associated with strength, aggression, and dominance, while feminine roles have traditionally been associated with passivity, nurturing, and subordination.

Gender Socialization

The socialization process in which children learn these gender roles begins at birth. Today, our society is quick to outfit male infants in blue and girls in pink, even applying these color-coded gender labels while a baby is in the womb. It is interesting to note that these color associations with gender have not always been what they are today. Up until the beginning of the 20th century, pink was actually more associated with boys, while blue was more associated with girls—illustrating how socially constructed these associations really are.

Gender socialization occurs through four major agents: family, education, peer groups, and mass media. Each agent reinforces gender roles by creating and maintaining normative expectations for gender-specific behavior. Exposure also occurs through secondary agents, such as religion and the workplace. Repeated exposure to these agents over time leads people into a false sense that they are acting naturally based on their gender rather than following a socially constructed role.

Gender Stereotypes, Sexism, and Gender-Role Enforcement

The attitudes and expectations surrounding gender roles are not typically based on any inherent or natural gender differences, but on gender stereotypes , or oversimplified notions about the attitudes, traits, and behavior patterns of males and females. We engage in gender stereotyping when we do things like making the assumption that a teenage babysitter is female.

While it is somewhat acceptable for women to take on a narrow range of masculine characteristics without repercussions (such as dressing in traditionally male clothing), men are rarely able to take on more feminine characteristics (such as wearing skirts) without the risk of harassment or violence. This threat of punishment for stepping outside of gender norms is especially true for those who do not identify as male or female.

clipboard_e2070838c4cc8010bef49463ce310d21c.png

Gender stereotypes form the basis of sexism or the prejudiced beliefs that value males over females. Common forms of sexism in modern society include gender-role expectations, such as expecting women to be the caretakers of the household. Sexism also includes people’s expectations of how members of a gender group should behave. For example, girls and women are expected to be friendly, passive, and nurturing; when she behaves in an unfriendly or assertive manner, she may be disliked or perceived as aggressive because she has violated a gender role (Rudman, 1998). In contrast, a boy or man behaving in a similarly unfriendly or assertive way might be perceived as strong or even gain respect in some circumstances. 31

Contributors and Attributions

24. Boundless Psychology - Gender and Sexuality references Curation and Revision by Boundless Psychology, which is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0

25. The Genderbread Person by Sam Killermann is in the public domain

26. The Genderbread Person v2.0 by Sam Killermann is in the public domain

28. Pronouns by Nonbinary Wiki is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0

31. Lifespan Development: A Psychological Perspective by Martha Lally and Suzanne Valentine-French is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 3.0

United Nations Sustainable Development Logo

Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls

Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. There has been progress over the last decades, but the world is not on track to achieve gender equality by 2030.

Women and girls represent half of the world’s population and therefore also half of its potential. But gender inequality persists everywhere and stagnates social progress. On average, women in the labor market still earn 23 percent less than men globally and women spend about three times as many hours in unpaid domestic and care work as men.

Sexual violence and exploitation, the unequal division of unpaid care and domestic work, and discrimination in public office, all remain huge barriers. All these areas of inequality have been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic: there has been a surge in reports of sexual violence, women have taken on more care work due to school closures, and 70% of health and social workers globally are women.

At the current rate, it will take an estimated 300 years to end child marriage, 286 years to close gaps in legal protection and remove discriminatory laws, 140 years for women to be represented equally in positions of power and leadership in the workplace, and 47 years to achieve equal representation in national parliaments.

Political leadership, investments and comprehensive policy reforms are needed to dismantle systemic barriers to achieving Goal 5 Gender equality is a cross-cutting objective and must be a key focus of national policies, budgets and institutions.

How much progress have we made?

International commitments to advance gender equality have brought about improvements in some areas: child marriage and female genital mutilation (FGM) have declined in recent years, and women’s representation in the political arena is higher than ever before. But the promise of a world in which every woman and girl enjoys full gender equality, and where all legal, social and economic barriers to their empowerment have been removed, remains unfulfilled. In fact, that goal is probably even more distant than before, since women and girls are being hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Are they any other gender-related challenges?

Yes. Worldwide, nearly half of married women lack decision-making power over their sexual and reproductive health and rights. 35 per cent of women between 15-49 years of age have experienced physical and/ or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.1 in 3 girls aged 15-19 have experienced some form of female genital mutilation/cutting in the 30 countries in Africa and the Middle East, where the harmful practice is most common with a high risk of prolonged bleeding, infection (including HIV), childbirth complications, infertility and death.

This type of violence doesn’t just harm individual women and girls; it also undermines their overall quality of life and hinders their active involvement in society.

Why should gender equality matter to me?

Regardless of where you live in, gender equality is a fundamental human right. Advancing gender equality is critical to all areas of a healthy society, from reducing poverty to promoting the health, education, protection and the well-being of girls and boys.

What can we do?

If you are a girl, you can stay in school, help empower your female classmates to do the same and fight for your right to access sexual and reproductive health services. If you are a woman, you can address unconscious biases and implicit associations that form an unintended and often an invisible barrier to equal opportunity.

If you are a man or a boy, you can work alongside women and girls to achieve gender equality and embrace healthy, respectful relationships.

You can fund education campaigns to curb cultural practices like female genital mutilation and change harmful laws that limit the rights of women and girls and prevent them from achieving their full potential.

The Spotlight Initiative is an EU/UN partnership, and a global, multi-year initiative focused on eliminating all forms of violence against women and girls – the world’s largest targeted effort to end all forms of violence against women and girls.

essay about gender development

Facts and figures

Goal 5 targets.

  • With only seven years remaining, a mere 15.4 per cent of Goal 5 indicators with data are “on track”, 61.5 per cent are at a moderate distance and 23.1 per cent are far or very far off track from 2030 targets.
  • In many areas, progress has been too slow. At the current rate, it will take an estimated 300 years to end child marriage, 286 years to close gaps in legal protection and remove discriminatory laws, 140 years for women to be represented equally in positions of power and leadership in the workplace, and 47 years to achieve equal representation in national parliaments.
  • Political leadership, investments and comprehensive policy reforms are needed to dismantle systemic barriers to achieving Goal 5. Gender equality is a cross-cutting objective and must be a key focus of national policies, budgets and institutions.
  • Around 2.4 billion women of working age are not afforded equal economic opportunity. Nearly 2.4 Billion Women Globally Don’t Have Same Economic Rights as Men  
  • 178 countries maintain legal barriers that prevent women’s full economic participation. Nearly 2.4 Billion Women Globally Don’t Have Same Economic Rights as Men
  • In 2019, one in five women, aged 20-24 years, were married before the age of 18. Girls | UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Violence Against Children

Source: The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2023

5.1 End all forms of discrimination against all women and girls everywhere

5.2 Eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation

5.3 Eliminate all harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation

5.4 Recognize and value unpaid care and domestic work through the provision of public services, infrastructure and social protection policies and the promotion of shared responsibility within the household and the family as nationally appropriate

5.5 Ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decisionmaking in political, economic and public life

5.6 Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the Beijing Platform for Action and the outcome documents of their review conferences

5.A  Undertake reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to ownership and control over land and other forms of property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources, in accordance with national laws

5.B Enhance the use of enabling technology, in particular information and communications technology, to promote the empowerment of women

5.C Adopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls at all levels

He for She campaign

United Secretary-General Campaign UNiTE to End Violence Against Women

Every Woman Every Child Initiative

Spotlight Initiative

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)

UN Population Fund: Gender equality

UN Population Fund: Female genital mutilation

UN Population Fund: Child marriage

UN Population Fund: Engaging men & boys

UN Population Fund: Gender-based violence

World Health Organization (WHO)

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

UN Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO)

UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Gender Statistics

Fast Facts: Gender Equality

essay about gender development

Infographic: Gender Equality

essay about gender development

The Initiative is so named as it brings focused attention to this issue, moving it into the spotlight and placing it at the centre of efforts to achieve gender equality and women’s empowerment, in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

An initial investment in the order of EUR 500 million will be made, with the EU as the main contributor. Other donors and partners will be invited to join the Initiative to broaden its reach and scope. The modality for the delivery will be a UN multi- stakeholder trust fund, administered by the Multi-Partner Trust Fund Office, with the support of core agencies UNDP, UNFPA and UN Women, and overseen by the Executive Office of the UN Secretary-General.

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Gender Equality and Development Essay

Global dimension, national dimension, self-reflection.

Despite the progress of the last century on ensuring the equal rights for both genders, there are still issues that have to be addressed by the global society. These matters are important since it has been proven that gender equality in education, for instance, positively affects the economic growth of countries (Amin, Kuntchev, & Schmidt, 2015, p. 18). While education does not present a problem in the West, some parts of the world still need to address the literacy level issue to improve their prosperity level.

Different parts of the world are challenged by the gender inequality issues in ways, which vary depending on the economic state. Western countries, for example, discuss the problems of different wages of men and women who have the same positions. Arguments also surround such matters as whether women are allowed to be priests, should they comply with the standard image of an attractive person, or should they pay more for products targeted at women if these products are the same as the ones targeted at males. In the developing countries, the issues are much more fundamental. They cover such topics as education, human and political rights, household rules, and work regulations. Women are commonly known to stay at home and to follow the family’s opinion in a case of choosing a career path. Home and family are usually perceived to be the primary values. Thus, the economy does not receive enough qualified workers, which has an adverse effect on it. Various studies prove that educating females results in social and private benefits (Grosh & Baker, 1995, p. 67). Although some researchers do not link the female education to the economic growth (Bandiera & Natraj, 2013, p. 17), providing education to girls along with stressing the importance of it in public is the first step in creating the country’s welfare.

The UAE has changed some of its gender policies over the past decades. Nowadays, women can get a good education and further occupy various positions in governmental, banking, and business sectors. However, there are still some challenges that need to be addressed. For example, women still cannot travel without a male relative, or they are frequently punished for crimes such as rape committed towards them. All of these problems take their roots from the religious beliefs. One of them calls for wearing clothes that cover most of the woman’s body. However, there are exceptions, as it is widely known that women in closed territories of expensive universities usually dress in a European manner. Returning to the topic of education, it must be said that it is still not inclusive. There is a possible solution to this issue, which lies in using technology. Chen (2004) states that the reducing inequality in work and education is a direct result of the ICT’s availability growth (p. 23). Computer knowledge bases are easily accessed from home and give girls and women an opportunity to learn despite the life models chosen by their families.

I find the matters of gender inequality to be very important to me and my country. Depending on the success of tackling these problems, our nation will experience growth or stagnation in the future. The UAE nowadays is a rapidly developing state that requires a lot of skilled workers. Educating women will help to ensure that we have enough skilled workers. Moreover, ensuring that females make free choices on their lives will result in the overall wellbeing of the nation.

The gender inequality issues are different around the world. While the access to education does not become a problem in the West, it still needs improvement in the developing countries, as well as in some places where conservative opinions prevail. Ensuring women get the same education as men will benefit the UAE’s economics and the social wellbeing.

Amin, M., Kuntchev, V., & Schmidt, M. (2015). Gender inequality and growth: the case of rich vs. poor countries. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper (No. WPS 7172). Web.

Bandiera, O, & Natraj, A. (2013). Does Gender Inequality Hinder Development and Economic Growth? Evidence and Policy Implications. The World Bank Research Observer, 28 (1), 2-21. Web.

Chen, D. H. (2004). Gender equality and economic development: the role for information and communication technologies. World Bank policy research working paper (No. WPS 3285). Web.

Grosh, M. E., & Baker, J. L. (1995). Toward gender equality: the role of public policy . Washington, DC: The World Bank.

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Gender and Development Essay

Profile image of Yelden  Sarybay

It’s about understanding interests. Without communication there can be no progress. If the goal of the development paradigm is true equality, which is contestable, assumptions about three key agents that directly or indirectly affect the lives of the most marginalised segments of a society need to be changed first. This essay will focus on what gender and development mean, and how the state, civil society actors, the individual can engage with the idea of equality. In Kazakhstan, as most everywhere in the world, gender is a source of power as well as oppression, and for the most marginalised, none of the three actors are doing enough. Academic and a leading critical feminist Dr. Wendy court claims that “behavioural patterns that upon repetition form norms, are not a matter of arbitrary choice but are directly related to a society’s hegemonic ideology.” (Harcourt, 2009) But cartoonist Charles Adams suggests that “normal is just an illusion. What is normal for the spider is chaos to the fly.” Any debate about normality should be held with that in mind.

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Gender issue dominates the 21 st century discourse both in the developed world and in the developing countries. It is a top priority of United Nation policy and World Bank commitment to invest on any programmes that guarantee full participation of women. Gender inequality or discrimination has been blamed on the steady increase on poverty, unemployment and other related issues. It is by no means a Western concept aimed at liberating women from perceived discrimination. Gender equality is perceived as a meaningful guarantor of development. However, academic query on this important issue left some gap to be filled on the irony of gender equality. What does the concept stand for, where is it coming from, what is the motive of gender equality, does it really guarantee women freedom without subjecting them to forms of exploitation and dehumanization? This piece is critical in answering these questions and in accessing the economic development agenda behind the campaign on gender equality. In order to achieve this, Marxist position is utilized, while upholding Structural functionalist theory to maintain the status quo and with certain modification and improvement on the condition of women. However, the study indicted capitalist economic system as the major causes of gender inequality.

HAGAR Studies in Culture, Polity and Identities Vol.9 (1) 2009: 1-4

Sarab Abu-Rabia-Queder

Assiya Agumbayeva

Achieving gender equality in the 21st Century is one of the global priorities of every state. The Republic of Kazakhstan on its way of development also focuses on this problem, because gender equality is the basis for the economic and social development of the state. International organisations prepare reports reflecting indices (gender gap index, gender inequality index, gender development index and others) which characterise the state of equality between men and women in different countries. It was established that Kazakhstan had practically reached gender equality at the stage of education. Even the first steps towards market reforms showed the unequal impact of the socio-economic transformation on the position of men and women in society. The transition to the market was followed, on the one hand, by the curtailment of social programmes and the social sphere, and on the other hand, by an increase of labour force requirements. Under these conditions, women, who traditionally bear...

Shahla Haeri , Dr. Brenda McSweent

Xeniya Udod

Shamim Meer , Cathi Albertyn , Ana Criquillion , Hania Sholkamy

A major objective of this edited collection is to document the experiences of practitioners and experts with respect to the varied practices of rights in development and how these have addressed gender equality and women’s autonomy in the South in particular. This publication explores whether the field of development is actually able to deliver on rights in a way that advances a gender equality agenda and treats and sees women as entities in themselves, worthy of rights, and not simply in relation to a man and as subordinate within gender relations. Edited by Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay and Shamim Meer. with contributions by Cathi Albertyn, Sarah Bradshaw, Ana Criquillion, Vilma Castillo A., Goya Wilson, Jashodhara Dasgupta, Hania Sholkamy and Everjoice Win. Published by Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) KIT Publishers in 2008 Free download of the book is available at: http://213ou636sh0ptphd141fqei1.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/gender/wp-content/uploads/publications/1456_GenderRghtsDev-web.pdf

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Gender therapy review reveals devastating impacts on teens

Reem Alsalem, Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls, its causes and consequences.

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A top Human Rights Council-appointed expert has welcomed the decision by all health authorities in the United Kingdom to halt the routine use of puberty-blockers offered to children as part of gender transition services, amid a sharp increase more widely in the number of teenage girls seeking such treatment and concerns that it might disrupt brain development.

The development is in line with several western European countries that have reportedly reduced access to similar gender identity treatments whose benefits were found to be “remarkably weak”, according to a National Health Service (NHS) England-commissioned review, published on 10 April by consultant paediatrician Dr. Hilary Cass.

UN Special Rapporteur Reem Alsalem also welcomed the commitment by the UK Secretary of State for Health and Social Care to implement the implications of the Cass Review.

It “has…very clearly shown the devastating consequences that policies on gender treatments have had on human rights of children , including girls… its implications go beyond the UK,” said the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls, Ms. Alsalem.

UN_SPExperts

Referrals spike

The independent rights expert cited the Review’s findings that between 2009 and 2016, the number of adolescent girls referred to NHS-England’s service for gender distress – or dysphoria - increased from just 15 to 1,071.

These referrals “breached fundamental principles, such as the need to uphold the best interest of the child in all decisions that affect their lives ”, the Special Rapporteur insisted, while transgender rights groups have maintained that there are long waiting lists for treatment.

Mental anguish

Noting the “extraordinarily high number of teenage girls” impacted by anxiety and depression in recent years, Ms. Alsalem said it was crucially important that health authorities stopped “rapidly initiating permanent gender transition pathways that usually begin with puberty blockers, which could cause temporary or permanent disruption to brain maturation ”.

Instead, girls potentially seeking “gender affirming interventions” should be offered more holistic psychological support, protected by legislation that should ensure “transition does not become the only option that is acceptable to discuss with them”.

‘Detransition’ support

The same opportunity for wider therapeutic support should also be available to “detransitioners” - individuals who have discontinued gender transitioning - “most of whom are girls”, Ms. Alsalem maintained, in support of the Review’s findings.

“ Far too long, the suffering of this group of children and adults has been ignored or discounted. The report’s findings and recommendation signals that they have been heard, seen, and that their specific needs have been recognised.”

Toxic debate

According to Dr Cass’s report, “many more” young girls are being referred for gender transition treatment today, marking a distinct change from the past, when most requests for medical help came from adolescent boys.

Reiterating an earlier call for tolerance regarding discussions surrounding gender treatments amid a “toxicity of the debate” identified by the Cass Review, Special Rapporteur Alsalem stressed that researchers and academics who expressed their views should not be “silenced, threatened or intimidated” .

Special Rapporteurs are not UN staff and are independent from any government or organization. They serve in their individual capacity and receive no salary for their work.

  • women and girls

Climate-smart agriculture: adoption, impacts, and implications for sustainable development

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  • Published: 29 April 2024
  • Volume 29 , article number  44 , ( 2024 )

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essay about gender development

  • Wanglin Ma   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7847-8459 1 &
  • Dil Bahadur Rahut   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7505-5271 2  

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The 19 papers included in this special issue examined the factors influencing the adoption of climate-smart agriculture (CSA) practices among smallholder farmers and estimated the impacts of CSA adoption on farm production, income, and well-being. Key findings from this special issue include: (1) the variables, including age, gender, education, risk perception and preferences, access to credit, farm size, production conditions, off-farm income, and labour allocation, have a mixed (either positive or negative) influence on the adoption of CSA practices; (2) the variables, including labour endowment, land tenure security, access to extension services, agricultural training, membership in farmers’ organizations, support from non-governmental organizations, climate conditions, and access to information consistently have a positive impact on CSA adoption; (3) diverse forms of capital (physical, social, human, financial, natural, and institutional), social responsibility awareness, and digital advisory services can effectively promote CSA adoption; (4) the establishment of climate-smart villages and civil-society organizations enhances CSA adoption by improving their access to credit; (5) CSA adoption contributes to improved farm resilience to climate change and mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions; (6) CSA adoption leads to higher crop yields, increased farm income, and greater economic diversification; (7) integrating CSA technologies into traditional agricultural practices not only boosts economic viability but also contributes to environmental sustainability and health benefits; and (8) there is a critical need for international collaboration in transferring technology for CSA. Overall, the findings of this special issue highlight that through targeted interventions and collaborative efforts, CSA can play a pivotal role in achieving food security, poverty alleviation, and climate resilience in farming communities worldwide and contribute to the achievements of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

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1 Introduction

Climate change reduces agricultural productivity and leads to greater instability in crop production, disrupting the global food supply and resulting in food and nutritional insecurity. In particular, climate change adversely affects food production through water shortages, pest outbreaks, and soil degradation, leading to significant crop yield losses and posing significant challenges to global food security (Kang et al. 2009 ; Läderach et al. 2017 ; Arora 2019 ; Zizinga et al. 2022 ; Mirón et al. 2023 ). United Nations reported that the human population will reach 9.7 billion by 2050. In response, food-calorie production will have to expand by 70% to meet the food demand of the growing population (United Nations 2021 ). Hence, it is imperative to advocate for robust mitigation strategies that counteract the negative impacts of climate change and enhance the flexibility and speed of response in smallholder farming systems.

A transformation of the agricultural sector towards climate-resilient practices can help tackle food security and climate change challenges successfully. Climate-smart agriculture (CSA) is an approach that guides farmers’ actions to transform agrifood systems towards building the agricultural sector’s resilience to climate change based on three pillars: increasing farm productivity and incomes, enhancing the resilience of livelihoods and ecosystems, and reducing and removing greenhouse gas emissions from the atmosphere (FAO 2013 ). Promoting the adoption of CSA practices is crucial to improve smallholder farmers’ capacity to adapt to climate change, mitigate its impact, and help achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

Realizing the benefits of adopting CSA, governments in different countries and international organizations such as the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) of the United Nations, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have made great efforts to scale up and out the CSA. For example, climate-smart villages in India (Alam and Sikka 2019 ; Hariharan et al. 2020 ) and civil society organizations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America (Waters-Bayer et al. 2015 ; Brown 2016 ) have been developed to reduce information costs and barriers and bridge the gap in finance access to promote farmers’ adoption of sustainable agricultural practices, including CSA. Besides, agricultural training programs have been used to enhance farmers’ knowledge of CSA and their adoption of the technology in Ghana (Zakaria et al. 2020 ; Martey et al. 2021 ).

As a result, smallholder farmers worldwide have adopted various CSA practices and technologies (e.g., integrated crop systems, drop diversification, inter-cropping, improved pest, water, and nutrient management, improved grassland management, reduced tillage and use of diverse varieties and breeds, restoring degraded lands, and improved the efficiency of input use) to reach the objectives of CSA (Kpadonou et al. 2017 ; Zakaria et al. 2020 ; Khatri-Chhetri et al. 2020 ; Aryal et al. 2020a ; Waaswa et al. 2022 ; Vatsa et al. 2023 ). In the Indian context, technologies such as laser land levelling and the happy seeder have been promoted widely for their potential in climate change adaptation and mitigation, offering benefits in terms of farm profitability, emission reduction, and water and land productivity (Aryal et al. 2020b ; Keil et al. 2021 ). In some African countries such as Tanzania and Kenya, climate-smart feeding practices in the livestock sector have been suggested to tackle challenges in feed quality and availability exacerbated by climate change, aiming to improve livestock productivity and resilience (García de Jalón et al. 2017 ; Shikuku et al. 2017 ; Radeny et al. 2022 ).

Several studies have investigated the factors influencing farmers’ decisions to adopt CSA practices. They have focused on, for example, farmers’ characteristics (e.g., age, gender, and education), farm-level characteristics (e.g., farm size, land fertility, and land tenure security), socioeconomic factors (e.g., economic conditions), institutional factors (e.g., development programs, membership in farmers’ organizations, and access to agricultural training), climate conditions, and access to information (Aryal et al. 2018 ; Tran et al. 2020 ; Zakaria et al. 2020 ; Kangogo et al. 2021 ; Diro et al. 2022 ; Kifle et al. 2022 ; Belay et al. 2023 ; Zhou et al. 2023 ). For example, Aryal et al. ( 2018 ) found that household characteristics (e.g., general caste, education, and migration status), plot characteristics (e.g., tenure of plot, plot size, and soil fertility), distance to market, and major climate risks are major factors determining farmers’ adoption of multiple CSA practices in India. Tran et al. ( 2020 ) reported that age, gender, number of family workers, climate-related factors, farm characteristics, distance to markets, access to climate information, confidence in the know-how of extension workers, membership in social/agricultural groups, and attitude toward risk are the major factors affecting rice farmers’ decisions to adopt CSA technologies in Vietnam. Diro et al.’s ( 2022 ) analysis revealed that coffee growers’ decisions to adopt CSA practices are determined by their education, extension (access to extension services and participation on field days), and ownership of communication devices, specifically radio in Ethiopia. Zhou et al. 2023 ) found that cooperative membership significantly increases the adoption of climate-smart agricultural practices among banana-producing farmers in China. These studies provide significant insights regarding the factors influencing farmers’ decisions regarding CSA adoption.

A growing body of studies have also estimated the effects of CSA adoption. They have found that CSA practices enhance food security and dietary diversity by increasing crop yields and rural incomes (Amadu et al. 2020 ; Akter et al. 2022 ; Santalucia 2023 ; Tabe-Ojong et al. 2023 ; Vatsa et al. 2023 ; Omotoso and Omotayo 2024 ). For example, Akter et al. ( 2022 ) found that adoption of CSA practices was positively associated with rice, wheat, and maize yields and household income, contributing to household food security in Bangladesh. By estimating data from rice farmers in China, Vatsa et al. ( 2023 ) reported that intensifying the adoption of climate-smart agricultural practices improved rice yield by 94 kg/mu and contributed to food security. Santalucia ( 2023 ) and Omotoso and Omotayo ( 2024 ) found that adoption of CSA practices (improved maize varieties and maize-legume intercropping) increases household dietary diversity and food security among smallholders in Tanzania and Nigeria, respectively.

Agriculture is crucial in climate change, accounting for roughly 20% of worldwide greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Additionally, it is responsible for approximately 45% of the global emissions of methane, a potent gas that significantly contributes to heat absorption in the atmosphere. CSA adoption improves farm resilience to climate variability (e.g., Makate et al. 2019 ; Jamil et al. 2021 ) and mitigates greenhouse gas emissions (Israel et al. 2020 ; McNunn et al. 2020 ). For example, Makate et al. ( 2019 ) for southern Africa and Jamil et al. ( 2021 ) for Pakistan found that promoting CSA innovations is crucial for boosting farmers’ resilience to climate change. McNunn et al. ( 2020 ) reported that CSA adoption significantly reduces greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture by increasing soil organic carbon stocks and decreasing nitrous oxide emissions.

Although a growing number of studies have enriched our understanding of the determinants and impacts of ICT adoption, it should be emphasized that no one-size-fits-all approach exists for CSA technology adoption due to geographical and environmental variability. The definitions of CSA should also be advanced to better adapt to changing climate and regional production conditions. Clearly, despite the extensive research on CSA, several gaps remain. First, there is a lack of comprehensive studies that consolidate findings across different geographical regions to inform policymaking effectively. The calls for studies on literature review and meta-analysis to synthesize the findings of the existing studies to make our understanding generalized. Second, although the literature on determinants of CSA adoption is becoming rich, there is a lack of understanding of how CSA adoption is influenced by different forms of capital, social responsibility awareness of farmers’ cultivating family farms, and digital advisory services. Third, there is a lack of understanding of how climate-smart villages and civil society organizations address farmers’ financial constraints and encourage them to adopt modern sustainable agricultural practices, including CSA practices. Fourth, very few studies have explored how CSA adoption influences the benefit–cost ratio of farm production, factor demand, and input substitution. Fifth, no previous studies have reported the progress of research on CSA. Addressing these gaps is crucial for designing and implementing effective policies and programs that support the widespread adoption of CSA practices, thereby contributing to sustainable agricultural development and climate resilience.

We address the research gaps mentioned above and extend the findings in previous studies by organizing a Special Issue on “Climate-Smart Agriculture: Adoption, Impacts, and Implications for Sustainable Development” in the Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global Change (MASGC) journal. We aim to collect high-quality theoretical and applied research papers discussing CSA and seek to comprehensively understand the associations between CSA and sustainable rural and agricultural development. To achieve this goal, we aim to find answers to these questions: What are the CSA practices and technologies (either single or multiple) that are currently adopted in smallholder farming systems? What are the key barriers, challenges, and drivers of promoting CSA practices? What are the impacts of adopting these practices? Answers to these questions will help devise appropriate solutions for promoting sustainable agricultural production and rural development. They will also provide insights for policymakers to design appropriate policy instruments to develop agricultural practices and technologies and promote them to sustainably enhance the farm sector’s resilience to climate change and increase productivity.

Finally, 19 papers were selected after a rigorous peer-review process and published in this special issue. We collected 10 papers investigating the determinants of CSA adoption. Among them, four papers investigated the determinants of CSA adoption among smallholders by reviewing and summarizing the findings in the literature and conducting a meta-analysis. Three papers explored the role of social-economic factors on ICT adoption, including capital, social responsibility awareness, and digital advisory services. Besides, three papers examined the associations between external development interventions, including climate-smart villages and civil-society initiatives, and CSA adoption. We collected eight papers exploring the impacts of CSA adoption. Among them, one paper conducted a comprehensive literature review to summarize the impacts of CSA adoption on crop yields, farm income, and environmental sustainability. Six papers estimated the impacts of CSA adoption on crop yields and farm income, and one paper focused on the impact of CSA adoption on factor demand and input substitution. The last paper included in this special issue delved into the advancements in technological innovation for agricultural adaptation within the context of climate-smart agriculture.

The structure of this paper is as follows: Section  2 summarizes the papers received in this special issue. Section  3 introduces the international conference that was purposely organized for the special issue. Section  4 summarizes the key findings of the 19 papers published in the special issue, followed by a summary of their policy implications, presented in Section  5 . The final section provides a brief conclusion.

2 Summary of received manuscripts

The special issue received 77 submissions, with the contributing authors hailing from 22 countries, as illustrated in Fig.  1 . This diversity highlights the global interest and wide-ranging contributions to the issue. Notably, over half of these submissions (53.2%) originated from corresponding authors in India and China, with 29 and 12 manuscripts, respectively. New Zealand authors contributed six manuscripts, while their Australian counterparts submitted four. Following closely, authors from the United Kingdom and Kenya each submitted three manuscripts. Authors from Thailand, Pakistan, Japan, and Germany submitted two manuscripts each. The remaining 12 manuscripts came from authors in Vietnam, Uzbekistan, the Philippines, Nigeria, the Netherlands, Malaysia, Italy, Indonesia, Ghana, Ethiopia, Brazil, and Bangladesh.

figure 1

Distributions of 77 received manuscripts by corresponding authors' countries

Among the 77 received manuscripts, 30 were desk-rejected by the guest editors because they did not meet the aims and scope of the special issue, and the remaining 47, considered candidate papers for the special issue, were sent for external review. The decision on each manuscript was made based on review reports of 2–4 experts in this field. The guest editors also read and commented on each manuscript before they made decisions.

3 ADBI virtual international conference

3.1 selected presentations.

The guest editors from Lincoln University (New Zealand) and the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) (Tokyo, Japan) organized a virtual international conference on the special issue theme “ Climate-Smart Agriculture: Adoption, Impacts, and Implications for Sustainable Development ”. The conference was organized on 10–11 October 2023 and was supported by the ADBI. Footnote 1 As previously noted, the guest editors curated a selection of 47 manuscripts from the pool of 77 submissions, identifying them as potential candidates for inclusion in the special issue, and sent them out for external review. Given the logistical constraints of orchestrating a two-day conference, the guest editors ultimately extended invitations to 20 corresponding authors. These authors were invited to present their work at the virtual international conference.

Figure  2 illustrates the native countries of the presenters, showing that the presenters were from 10 different countries. Most of the presenters were from India, accounting for 40% of the presenters. This is followed by China, where the four presenters were originally from. The conference presentations and discussions proved immensely beneficial, fostering knowledge exchange among presenters, discussants, and participants. It significantly allowed presenters to refine their manuscripts, leveraging the constructive feedback from discussants and fellow attendees.

figure 2

Distributions of selected presentations by corresponding authors' countries

3.2 Keynote speeches

The guest editors invited two keynote speakers to present at the two-day conference. They were Prof. Edward B. Barbier from the Colorado State University in the United States Footnote 2 and Prof. Tatsuyoshi Saijo from Kyoto University of Advanced Science in Japan. Footnote 3

Prof. Edward Barbier gave a speech, “ A Policy Strategy for Climate-Smart Agriculture for Sustainable Rural Development ”, on 10th October 2023. He outlined a strategic approach for integrating CSA into sustainable rural development, particularly within emerging markets and developing economies. He emphasized the necessity of CSA and nature-based solutions (NbS) to tackle food security, climate change, and rural poverty simultaneously. Highlighting the substantial investment needs and the significant role of international and domestic financing, Prof. Barbier advocated reducing harmful subsidies in agriculture, forestry, fishing, and fossil fuel consumption to redirect funds toward CSA and NbS investments. He also proposed the implementation of a tropical carbon tax as an innovative financing mechanism. By focusing on recycling environmentally harmful subsidies and leveraging additional funding through public and private investments, Prof. Barbier’s strategy aims to foster a “win–win” scenario for climate action and sustainable development, underscoring the urgency of adopting comprehensive policies to mobilize the necessary resources for these critical investments.

Prof. Tatsuyoshi Saijo, gave his speech, “ Future Design ”, on 11th October 2023. He explored the significant impact of the Haber–Bosch process on human civilization and the environment. Prof. Saijo identifies this process, which synthetically fixed nitrogen from the atmosphere to create ammonia for fertilizers and other products, as the greatest invention from the twentieth century to the present, fundamentally transforming the world’s food production and enabling the global population and industrial activities to expand dramatically. He also discussed the environmental costs of this technological advancement, including increased greenhouse gas emissions, pollution, and contribution to climate change. Prof. Saijo then introduced the concept of “Future Design” as a method to envision and implement sustainable social systems that consider the well-being of future generations. He presented various experiments and case studies from Japan and beyond, showing how incorporating perspectives of imaginary future generations into decision-making processes can lead to more sustainable choices. By doing so, Prof. Saijo suggested that humanity can address the “Intergenerational Sustainability Dilemma” and potentially avoid the ecological overshoot and collapse faced by past civilizations like Easter Island. He called for a redesign of social systems to activate “futurability”, where individuals derive happiness from decisions that benefit future generations, ultimately aiming to ensure the long-term survival of humankind amidst environmental challenges.

4 Summary of published articles

As a result of a rigorous double-anonymized reviewing process, the special issue accepted 19 articles for publication. These studies have investigated the determinants and impacts of CSA adoption. Table 1 in the Appendix summarises the CSA technologies and practices considered in each paper. Below, we summarize the key findings of the contributions based on their research themes.

4.1 Determinants of CSA adoption among smallholders

4.1.1 influencing factors of csa adoption from literature review.

Investigating the factors influencing farmers’ adoption of CSA practices through a literature review helps offer a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted determinants of CSA adoption. Investigating the factors influencing farmers’ adoption of CSA practices through a literature review helps provide a comprehensive understanding of the determinants of CSA adoption. Such analyses help identify consistent trends and divergences in how different variables influence farmers’ CSA adoption decisions. In this special issue, we collected four papers that reviewed the literature and synthesized the factors influencing farmers’ decisions to adopt CSA.

Li, Ma and Zhu’s paper, “ A systematic literature review of factors influencing the adoption of climate-smart agricultural practices ”, conducted a systematic review of the literature on the adoption of CSA, summarizing the definitions of CSA practices and the factors that influence farmers’ decisions to adopt these practices. The authors reviewed 190 studies published between 2013 and 2023. They broadly defined CSA practices as “agricultural production-related and unrelated practices that can help adapt to climate change and increase agricultural outputs”. Narrowly, they defined CSA practices as “agricultural production-related practices that can effectively adapt agriculture to climate change and reinforce agricultural production capacity”. The review identified that many factors, including age, gender, education, risk perception, preferences, access to credit, farm size, production conditions, off-farm income, and labour allocation, have a mixed (positive or negative) influence on the adoption of CSA practices. Variables such as labour endowment, land tenure security, access to extension services, agricultural training, membership in farmers’ organizations, support from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), climate conditions, and access to information were consistently found to positively influence CSA practice adoption.

Thottadi and Singh’s paper, “ Climate-smart agriculture (CSA) adaptation, adaptation determinants and extension services synergies: A systematic review ””, reviewed 45 articles published between 2011 and 2022 to explore different CAS practices adopted by farmers and the factors determining their adoption. They found that CSA practices adopted by farmers can be categorized into five groups. These included resilient technologies (e.g., early maturing varieties, drought-resistant varieties, and winter ploughing), management strategies (e.g., nutrient management, water management, and pest management), conservation technologies (e.g., vermicomposting and residue management, drip and sprinkler irrigation, and soil conservation), diversification of income security (e.g., mixed farming, livestock, and crop diversification), and risk mitigation strategies (e.g., contingent planning, adjusting plant dates, and crop insurance). They also found that farmers’ decisions to adopt CSA practices are mainly determined by individual characteristics (age, gender, and education), socioeconomic factors (income and wealth), institutional factors (social group, access to credit, crop insurance, distance, land tenure, and rights), behavioural factors (climate perception, farmers’ perception on CSA, Bookkeeping), and factor endowments (family labour, machinery, and land size). The authors emphasized that extension services improved CSA adaptation by reducing information asymmetry.

Naveen, Datta, Behera and Rahut’s paper, “ Climate-Smart Agriculture in South Asia: Exploring Practices, Determinants, and Contribution to Sustainable Development Goals ”, offered a comprehensive systematic review of 78 research papers on CSA practice adoption in South Asia. Their objective was to assess the current implementation of CSA practices and to identify the factors that influence farmers’ decisions to adopt these practices. They identified various CSA practices widely adopted in South Asia, including climate-resilient seeds, zero tillage, water conservation, rescheduling of planting, crop diversification, soil conservation and water harvesting, and agroforestry. They also identified several key factors that collectively drive farmers’ adoption of CSA practices. These included socioeconomic factors (age, education, livestock ownership, size of land holdings, and market access), institutional factors (access to information and communication technology, availability of credit, input subsidies, agricultural training and demonstrations, direct cash transfers, and crop insurance), and climatic factors (notably rising temperatures, floods, droughts, reduced rainfall, and delayed rainfall).

Wang, Wang and Fu’s paper, “ Can social networks facilitate smallholders’ decisions to adopt Climate-smart Agriculture technologies? A three-level meta-analysis ”, explored the influence of social networks on the adoption of CSA technologies by smallholder farmers through a detailed three-level meta-analysis. This analysis encompassed 26 empirical studies, incorporating 150 effect sizes. The authors reported a modest overall effect size of 0.065 between social networks and the decision-making process for CSA technology adoption, with an 85.21% variance observed among the sample effect sizes. They found that over half (55.17%) of this variance was attributed to the differences in outcomes within each study, highlighting the impact of diverse social network types explored across the studies as significant contributors. They did not identify publication bias in this field. Among the three types of social networks (official-advising network, peer-advising network, and kinship and friendship network), kinship and friendship networks are the most effective in facilitating smallholders’ decisions to adopt climate-smart agriculture technologies.

4.1.2 Socioeconomic factors influencing CSA adoption

We collected three papers highlighting the diverse forms of capital, social responsibility awareness, and effectiveness of digital advisory services in promoting CSA in India, China and Ghana. These studies showcase how digital tools can significantly increase the adoption of CSA technologies, how social responsibility can motivate CSA practices and the importance of various forms of capital in CSA strategy adoption.

Sandilya and Goswami’s paper, “ Effect of different forms of capital on the adoption of multiple climate-smart agriculture strategies by smallholder farmers in Assam, India ”, delved into the determinants behind the adoption of CSA strategies by smallholder farmers in Nagaon district, India, a region notably prone to climate adversities. The authors focused on six types of capital: physical, social, human, financial, natural, and institutional. They considered four CSA practices: alternate land use systems, integrated nutrient management, site-specific nutrient management, and crop diversification. Their analyses encompassed a dual approach, combining a quantitative analysis via a multivariate probit model with qualitative insights from focus group discussions. They found that agricultural cooperatives and mobile applications, both forms of social capital, play a significant role in facilitating the adoption of CSA. In contrast, the authors also identified certain barriers to CSA adoption, such as the remoteness of farm plots from all-weather roads (a component of physical capital) and a lack of comprehensive climate change advisories (a component of institutional capital). Furthermore, the authors highlighted the beneficial impact of irrigation availability (a component of physical capital) on embracing alternate land use and crop diversification strategies. Additionally, the application of indigenous technical knowledge (a component of human capital) and the provision of government-supplied seeds (a component of institutional capital) were found to influence the adoption of CSA practices distinctly.

Ye, Zhang, Song and Li’s paper, “ Social Responsibility Awareness and Adoption of Climate-smart Agricultural Practices: Evidence from Food-based Family Farms in China ”, examined whether social responsibility awareness (SRA) can be a driver for the adoption of CSA on family farms in China. Using multiple linear regression and hierarchical regression analyses, the authors analyzed data from 637 family farms in five provinces (Zhejiang, Shandong, Henan, Heilongjiang, and Hebei) in China. They found that SRA positively impacted the adoption of CSA practice. Pro-social motivation and impression management motivation partially and completely mediated the relationship between SRA and the adoption of CSA practices.

Asante, Ma, Prah and Temoso’s paper, “ Promoting the adoption of climate-smart agricultural technologies among maize farmers in Ghana: Using digital advisory services ”, investigated the impacts of digital advisory services (DAS) use on CSA technology adoption and estimated data collected from 3,197 maize farmers in China. The authors used a recursive bivariate probit model to address the self-selection bias issues when farmers use DAS. They found that DAS notably increases the propensity to adopt drought-tolerant seeds, zero tillage, and row planting by 4.6%, 4.2%, and 12.4%, respectively. The average treatment effect on the treated indicated that maize farmers who use DAS are significantly more likely to adopt row planting, zero tillage, and drought-tolerant seeds—by 38.8%, 24.9%, and 47.2%, respectively. Gender differences in DAS impact were observed; male farmers showed a higher likelihood of adopting zero tillage and drought-tolerant seeds by 2.5% and 3.6%, respectively, whereas female farmers exhibited a greater influence on the adoption of row planting, with a 2.4% probability compared to 1.5% for males. Additionally, factors such as age, education, household size, membership in farmer-based organizations, farm size, perceived drought stress, perceived pest and disease incidence, and geographic location were significant determinants in the adoption of CSA technologies.

4.1.3 Climate-smart villages and CSA adoption

Climate-Smart Villages (CSVs) play a pivotal role in promoting CSA by significantly improving farmers’ access to savings and credit, and the adoption of improved agricultural practices among smallholder farmers. CSV interventions demonstrate the power of community-based financial initiatives in enabling investments in CSA technologies. In this special issue, we collected two insightful papers investigating the relationship between CSVs and the adoption of CSA practices, focusing on India and Kenya.

Villalba, Joshi, Daum and Venus’s paper, “ Financing Climate-Smart Agriculture: A Case Study from the Indo-Gangetic Plains ”, investigated the adoption and financing of CSA technologies in India, focusing on two capital-intensive technologies: laser land levelers and happy seeders. Conducted in Karnal, Haryana, within the framework of Climate-Smart-Villages, the authors combined data from a household survey of 120 farmers, interviews, and focus group discussions with stakeholders like banks and cooperatives. The authors found that adoption rates are high, with 77% for laser land levelers and 52% for happy seeders, but ownership is low, indicating a preference for renting from Custom-Hiring Centers. Farmers tended to avoid formal banking channels for financing, opting instead for informal sources like family, savings, and money lenders, due to the immediate access to credit and avoidance of bureaucratic hurdles. The authors suggested that institutional innovations and governmental support could streamline credit access for renting CSA technologies, emphasizing the importance of knowledge transfer, capacity building, and the development of digital tools to inform farmers about financing options. This research highlights the critical role of financing mechanisms in promoting CSA technology adoption among smallholder farmers in climate-vulnerable regions.

Asseldonk, Oostendorp, Recha, Gathiaka, Mulwa, Radeny Wattel and Wesenbeeck’s paper, “ Distributional impact of climate‑smart villages on access to savings and credit and adoption of improved climate‑smart agricultural practices in the Nyando Basin, Kenya ”, investigated the impact of CSV interventions in Kenya on smallholder farmers’ access to savings, credit, and adoption of improved livestock breeds as part of CSA practices. The authors employed a linear probability model to estimate a balanced panel of 118 farm households interviewed across 2017, 2019, and 2020. They found that CSV interventions significantly increased the adoption of improved livestock breeds and membership in savings and credit groups, which further facilitated the adoption of these improved breeds. The findings highlighted that community-based savings and loan initiatives effectively enable farmers to invest in CSA practices. Although there was a sustained positive trend in savings and loans group membership, the adoption of improved livestock did not show a similar sustained increase. Moreover, the introduction of improved breeds initially benefited larger livestock owners more. However, credit availability was found to reduce this inequity in ownership among participants, making the distribution of improved livestock more equitable within CSVs compared to non-CSV areas, thus highlighting the potential of CSV interventions to reduce disparities in access to improved CSA practices.

4.1.4 Civil-society initiatives and CSA adoption

Civil society initiatives are critical in promoting CSA by embedding its principles across diverse agricultural development projects. These initiatives enhance mitigation, adaptation, and food security efforts for smallholder farmers, demonstrating the importance of varied implementation strategies to address the challenges of CSA. We collected one paper investigating how civil society-based development projects in Asia and Africa incorporated CSA principles to benefit smallholder farmers and local communities.

Davila, Jacobs, Nadeem, Kelly and Kurimoto’s paper, “ Finding climate smart agriculture in civil-society initiatives ”, scrutinized the role of international civil society and non-government organizations (NGOs) in embedding CSA principles within agricultural development projects aimed at enhancing mitigation, adaptation, and food security. Through a thematic analysis of documentation from six projects selected on the basis that they represented a range of geographical regions (East Africa, South, and Southeast Asia) and initiated since 2009, the authors assessed how development programs incorporate CSA principles to support smallholder farmers under CSA’s major pillars. They found heterogeneous application of CSA principles across the projects, underscoring a diversity in implementation strategies despite vague definitions and focuses of CSA. The projects variedly contributed to greening and forests, knowledge exchange, market development, policy and institutional engagement, nutrition, carbon and climate action, and gender considerations.

4.2 Impacts of CSA adoption

4.2.1 impacts of csa adoption from literature review.

A comprehensive literature review on the impacts of CSA adoption plays an indispensable role in bridging the gap between theoretical knowledge and practical implementation in the agricultural sector. In this special issue, we collected one paper that comprehensively reviewed the literature on the impacts of CSA adoption from the perspective of the triple win of CSA.

Zheng, Ma and He’s paper, “ Climate-smart agricultural practices for enhanced farm productivity, income, resilience, and Greenhouse gas mitigation: A comprehensive review ”, reviewed 107 articles published between 2013–2023 to distill a broad understanding of the impacts of CSA practices. The review categorized the literature into three critical areas of CSA benefits: (a) the sustainable increase of agricultural productivity and incomes; (b) the adaptation and enhancement of resilience among individuals and agrifood systems to climate change; and (c) the reduction or avoidance of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions where feasible. The authors found that CSA practices significantly improved farm productivity and incomes and boosted technical and resource use efficiency. Moreover, CSA practices strengthened individual resilience through improved food consumption, dietary diversity, and food security while enhancing agrifood systems’ resilience by mitigating production risks and reducing vulnerability. Additionally, CSA adoption was crucial in lowering Greenhouse gas emissions and fostering carbon sequestration in soils and biomass, contributing to improved soil quality.

4.2.2 Impacts on crop yields and farm income

Understanding the impact of CSA adoption on crop yields and income is crucial for improving agricultural resilience and sustainability. In this special issue, we collected three papers highlighting the transformative potential of CSA practices in boosting crop yields, commercialization, and farm income. One paper focuses on India and the other concentrates on Ghana and Kenya.

Tanti, Jena, Timilsina and Rahut’s paper, “ Enhancing crop yields and farm income through climate-smart agricultural practices in Eastern India ”, examined the impact of CSA practices (crop rotation and integrated soil management practices) on crop yields and incomes. The authors used propensity score matching and the two-stage least square model to control self-selection bias and endogeneity and analyzed data collected from 494 farm households in India. They found that adopting CSA practices increases agricultural income and paddy yield. The crucial factor determining the adoption of CSA practices was the income-enhancing potential to transform subsistence farming into a profoundly ingrained farming culture.

Asante, Ma, Prah and Temoso’s paper, “ Farmers’ adoption of multiple climate-smart agricultural technologies in Ghana: Determinants and impacts on maize yields and net farm income ”, investigated the factors influencing maize growers’ decisions to adopt CSA technologies and estimated the impact of adopting CSA technologies on maize yields and net farm income. They considered three CSA technology types: drought-resistant seeds, row planting, and zero tillage. The authors used the multinomial endogenous switching regression model to estimate the treatment effect of CSA technology adoption and analyze data collected from 3,197 smallholder farmers in Ghana. They found that farmer-based organization membership, education, resource constraints such as lack of land, access to markets, and production shocks such as perceived pest and disease stress and drought are the main factors that drive farmers’ decisions to adopt CSA technologies. They also found that integrating any CSA technology or adopting all three CSA technologies greatly enhances maize yields and net farm income. Adopting all three CSA technologies had the largest impact on maize yields, while adopting row planting and zero tillage had the greatest impact on net farm income.

Mburu, Mburu, Nyikal, Mugera and Ndambi’s paper, “ Assessment of Socioeconomic Determinants and Impacts of Climate-Smart Feeding Practices in the Kenyan Dairy Sector ”, assessed the determinants and impacts of adopting climate-smart feeding practices (fodder and feed concentrates) on yield, milk commercialization, and household income. The authors used multinomial endogenous switching regression to account for self-selection bias arising from observable and unobservable factors and estimated data collected from 665 dairy farmers in Kenya. They found that human and social capital, resource endowment, dairy feeding systems, the source of information about feeding practices, and perceived characteristics were the main factors influencing farmers’ adoption of climate-smart feeding practices. They also found that combining climate-smart feed concentrates and fodder significantly increased milk productivity, output, and dairy income. Climate-smart feed concentrates yielded more benefits regarding dairy milk commercialization and household income than climate-smart fodder.

4.2.3 Impacts on crop yields

Estimating the impacts of CSA adoption on crop yields is crucial for enhancing food security, improving farmers’ resilience to climate change, and guiding policy and investment towards sustainable agricultural development. In this special issue, we collected one paper that provided insights into this field.

Singh, Bisaria, Sinha, Patasaraiya and Sreerag’s paper, “ Developing A Composite Weighted Indicator-based Index for Monitoring and Evaluating Climate-Smart Agriculture in India ”, developed a composite index based on a weighted index to calculate the Climate Smart Score (CSS) at the farm level in India and tested the relationship between computed CSS and farm-level productivity. Through an intensive literature review, the authors selected 34 indicators, which were then grouped into five dimensions for calculating CSS. These dimensions encompassed governance (e.g., land ownership, subsidized fertilizer, and subsidized seeds), farm management practices (mulching, zero tillage farming, and inter-cropping and crop diversification), environment management practices (e.g., not converting forested land into agricultural land and Agroforestry/plantation), energy management (e.g., solar water pump and Biogas digester), and awareness and training (e.g., knowledge of climate-related risk and timely access to weather and agro-advisory). They tested the relationship between CSS and farm productivity using data collected from 315 farmers. They found that improved seeds, direct seeding of rice, crop diversification, zero tillage, agroforestry, crop residue management, integrated nutrient management, and training on these practices were the most popular CSA practices the sampled farmers adopted. In addition, there was a positive association between CSS and paddy, wheat, and maize yields. This finding underscores the beneficial impact of CSA practices on enhancing farm productivity.

4.2.4 Impacts on incomes and benefit–cost ratio

Understanding the income effects of CSA adoption is crucial for assessing its impact on household livelihoods, farm profitability, and income diversity. Quantifying income enhancements would contribute to informed decision-making and investment strategies to improve farming communities’ economic well-being. In this special issue, we collected two papers looking into the effects of CSA adoption on income.

Sang, Chen, Hu and Rahut’s paper, “ Economic benefits of climate-smart agricultural practices: Empirical investigations and policy implications ”, investigated the impact of CSA adoption intensity on household income, net farm income, and income diversity. They used the two-stage residual inclusion model to mitigate the endogeneity of CSA adoption intensity and analyzed the 2020 China Rural Revitalization Survey data. They also used the instrumental-variable-based quantile regression model to investigate the heterogeneous impacts of CSA adoption intensity. The authors found that the education level of the household head and geographical location determine farmers’ adoption intensity of CSAs.CSA practices. The higher levels of CSA adoption were positively and significantly associated with higher household income, net farm income, and income diversity. They also found that while the impact of CSA adoption intensity on household income escalates across selected quantiles, its effect on net farm income diminishes over these quantiles. Additionally, the study reveals that CSA adoption intensity notably enhances income diversity at the 20th quantile only.

Kandulu, Zuo, Wheeler, Dusingizimana and Chagund’s paper, “ Influence of climate-smart technologies on the success of livestock donation programs for smallholder farmers in Rwanda ”, investigated the economic, environmental, and health benefits of integrating CSA technologies —specifically barns and biogas plants—into livestock donation programs in Rwanda. Employing a stochastic benefit–cost analysis from the perspective of the beneficiaries, the authors assessed the net advantages for households that receive heifers under an enhanced program compared to those under the existing scheme. They found that incorporating CSA technologies not only boosts the economic viability of these programs but also significantly increases the resilience and sustainability of smallholder farming systems. More precisely, households equipped with cows and CSA technologies can attain net benefits up to 3.5 times greater than those provided by the current program, with the benefit–cost ratios reaching up to 5. Furthermore, biogas technology reduces deforestation, mitigating greenhouse gas emissions, and lowering the risk of respiratory illnesses, underscoring the multifaceted advantages of integrating such innovations into livestock donation initiatives.

4.2.5 Impacts on factor demand and input substitution

Estimating the impacts of CSA adoption on factor demand and input substitution is key to optimizing resource use, reducing environmental footprints, and ensuring agricultural sustainability by enabling informed decisions on efficient input use and technology adoption. In this field, we collected one paper that enriched our understanding in this field. Understanding the impacts of CSA adoption on factor demand, input substitution, and financing options is crucial for promoting sustainable farming in diverse contexts. In this special issue, we collected one paper comprehensively discussing how CSA adoption impacted factor demand and input substitution.

Kehinde, Shittu, Awe and Ajayi’s paper, “ Effects of Using Climate-Smart Agricultural Practices on Factor Demand and Input Substitution among Smallholder Rice Farmers in Nigeria ”, examined the impacts of agricultural practices with CSA potential (AP-CSAPs) on the demand of labour and other production factors (seed, pesticides, fertilizers, and mechanization) and input substitution. The AP-CSAPs considered in this research included zero/minimum tillage, rotational cropping, green manuring, organic manuring, residue retention, and agroforestry. The authors employed the seemingly unrelated regression method to estimate data collected from 1,500 smallholder rice farmers in Nigeria. The authors found that labour and fertilizer were not easily substitutable in the Nigerian context; increases in the unit price of labour (wage rate) and fertilizer lead to a greater budget allocation towards these inputs. Conversely, a rise in the cost of mechanization services per hectare significantly reduced labour costs while increasing expenditure on pesticides and mechanization services. They also found that most AP-CSAPs were labour-intensive, except for agroforestry, which is labor-neutral. Organic manure and residue retention notably conserved pesticides, whereas zero/minimum tillage practices increased the use of pesticides and fertilizers. Furthermore, the demand for most production factors, except pesticides, was found to be price inelastic, indicating that price changes do not significantly alter the quantity demanded.

4.3 Progress of research on CSA

Understanding the progress of research on CSA is essential for identifying and leveraging technological innovations—like greenhouse advancements, organic fertilizer products, and biotechnological crop improvements—that support sustainable agricultural adaptation. This knowledge enables the integration of nature-based strategies, informs policy, and underscores the importance of international cooperation in overcoming patent and CSA adoption challenges to ensure global food security amidst climate change. We collected one paper in this field.

Tey, Brindal, Darham and Zainalabidin’s paper, “ Adaptation technologies for climate-smart agriculture: A patent network analysis ”, delved into the advancements in technological innovation for agricultural adaptation within the context of CSA by analyzing global patent databases. The authors found that greenhouse technologies have seen a surge in research and development (R&D) efforts, whereas composting technologies have evolved into innovations in organic fertilizer products. Additionally, biotechnology has been a significant focus, aiming to develop crop traits better suited to changing climate conditions. A notable emergence is seen in resource restoration innovations addressing climate challenges. These technologies offer a range of policy options for climate-smart agriculture, from broad strategies to specific operational techniques, and pave the way for integration with nature-based adaptation strategies. However, the widespread adoption and potential impact of these technologies may be hindered by issues related to patent ownership and the path dependency this creates. Despite commercial interests driving the diffusion of innovation, international cooperation is clearly needed to enhance technology transfer.

5 Summary of key policy implications

The collection of 19 papers in this special issue sheds light on the critical aspects of promoting farmers’ adoption of CSA practices, which eventually help enhance agricultural productivity and resilience, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, improve food security and soil health, offer economic benefits to farmers, and contribute to sustainable development and climate change adaptation. We summarize and discuss the policy implications derived from this special issue from the following four aspects:

5.1 Improving CSA adoption through extension services

Extension services help reduce information asymmetry associated with CSA adoption and increase farmers’ awareness of CSA practices’ benefits, costs, and risks while addressing their specific challenges. Therefore, the government should improve farmers’ access to extension services. These services need to be inclusive and customized to meet the gender-specific needs and the diverse requirements of various farming stakeholders. Additionally, fostering partnerships between small and medium enterprises and agricultural extension agents is crucial for enhancing the local availability of CSA technologies. Government-sponsored extension services should prioritize equipping farmers with essential CSA skills, ensuring they are well-prepared to implement these practices. This structured approach will streamline the adoption process and significantly improve the effectiveness of CSA initiatives.

5.2 Facilitating CSA adoption through farmers’ organizations

Farmers’ organizations, such as village cooperatives, farmer groups, and self-help groups, play a pivotal role in facilitating farmers’ CSA adoption and empowering rural women’s adoption through effective information dissemination and the use of agricultural apps. Therefore, the government should facilitate the establishment and development of farmers’ organizations and encourage farmers to join those organizations as members. In particular, the proven positive impacts of farmer-based organizations (FBOs) highlight the importance of fostering collaborations between governments and FBOs. Supporting farmer cooperatives with government financial and technical aid is essential for catalyzing community-driven climate adaptation efforts. Furthermore, the successful use of DAS in promoting CSA adoption underscores the need for government collaboration with farmer groups to expand DAS utilization. This includes overcoming usage barriers and emphasizing DAS’s reliability as a source of climate-smart information. By establishing and expanding digital hubs and demonstration centres in rural areas, farmers can access and experience DAS technologies firsthand, leading to broader adoption and integration into their CSA practices.

5.3 Enhancing CSA adoption through agricultural training and education

Agricultural training and education are essential in enhancing farmers’ adoption of CSA. To effectively extend the reach of CSA practices, the government should prioritize expanding rural ICT infrastructure investments and establish CSA training centres equipped with ICT tools that target key demographics such as women and older people, aiming to bridge the digital adoption gaps. Further efforts should prioritize awareness and training programs to ensure farmers can access weather and agro-advisory services. These programs should promote the use of ICT-based tools through collaborations with technology providers and include regular CSA training and the establishment of demonstration fields that showcase the tangible benefits of CSA practices.

Education plays a vital role in adopting CAPs, suggesting targeted interventions such as comprehensive technical training to assist farmers with limited educational backgrounds in understanding the value of CAPs, ultimately improving their adoption rates. Establishing robust monitoring mechanisms is crucial to maintaining farmer engagement and success in CSA practices. These mechanisms will facilitate the ongoing adoption and evaluation of CSA practices and help educate farmers on the long-term benefits. Centralizing and disseminating information about financial products and subsidies through various channels, including digital platforms tailored to local languages and contexts, is essential. This approach helps educate farmers on financing options and requirements, supporting the adoption of CSA technologies among smallholder farmers. Lastly, integrating traditional and local knowledge with scientific research and development can effectively tailor CSA initiatives. This integration requires the involvement of a range of stakeholders, including NGOs, to navigate the complexities of CSA and ensure that interventions are effective but also equitable and sustainable. The enhanced capacity of institutions and their extension teams will further support these CSA initiatives.

5.4 Promoting CSA adoption through establishing social networks and innovating strategies

The finding that social networks play a crucial role in promoting the adoption of CSA suggests that implementing reward systems to incentivize current CSA adopters to advocate for climate-smart practices within their social circles could be an effective strategy to promote CSA among farmers. The evidence of a significant link between family farms’ awareness of social responsibility and their adoption of CSA highlights that governments should undertake initiatives, such as employing lectures and pamphlets, to enhance family farm operating farmers’ understanding of social responsibility. The government should consider introducing incentives that foster positive behavioural changes among family farms to cultivate a more profound commitment to social responsibility. The government can also consider integrating social responsibility criteria into the family farm awards and recognition evaluation process. These measures would encourage family farms to align their operations with broader social and environmental goals, promoting CSA practices.

Combining traditional incentives, such as higher wages and access to improved agricultural inputs, with innovative strategies like community-driven development for equipment sharing and integrating moral suasion with Payment for Ecosystem Services would foster farmers’ commitment to CSA practices. The finding that technological evolution plays a vital role in shaping adaptation strategies for CSA highlights the necessity for policy instruments that not only leverage modern technologies but also integrate them with traditional, nature-based adaptation strategies, enhancing their capacity to address specific CSA challenges. Policymakers should consider the region’s unique socioeconomic, environmental, and geographical characteristics when promoting CSA, moving away from a one-size-fits-all approach to ensure the adaptability and relevance of CSA practices across different agricultural landscapes. They should foster an environment that encourages the reporting of all research outcomes to develop evidence-based policies that are informed by a balanced view of CSA’s potential benefits and limitations.

Finally, governance is critical in creating an enabling environment for CSA adoption. Policies should support CSA practices and integrate environmental sustainability to enhance productivity and ecosystem health. Development programs must offer financial incentives, establish well-supported voluntary schemes, provide robust training programs, and ensure the wide dissemination of informational tools. These measures are designed to help farmers integrate CAPs into their operations, improving economic and operational sustainability.

6 Concluding remarks

This special issue has provided a wealth of insights into the adoption and impact of CSA practices across various contexts, underscoring the complexity and multifaceted nature of CSA implementation. The 19 papers in this special issue collectively emphasize the importance of understanding local conditions, farmer characteristics, and broader socioeconomic and institutional factors that influence CSA adoption. They highlight the crucial role of extension services, digital advisory services, social responsibility awareness, and diverse forms of capital in facilitating the adoption of CSA practices. Moreover, the findings stress the positive impact of CSA on farm productivity, income diversification, and resilience to climate change while also pointing out the potential for CSA practices to address broader sustainability goals.

Significantly, the discussions underline the need for policy frameworks that are supportive and adaptive, tailored to specific regional and local contexts to promote CSA adoption effectively. Leveraging social networks, enhancing access to financial products and mechanisms, and integrating technological innovations with traditional agricultural practices are vital strategies for scaling CSA adoption. Furthermore, the discussions advocate for a balanced approach that combines economic incentives with moral persuasion and community engagement to foster sustainable agricultural practices.

These comprehensive insights call for concerted efforts from policymakers, researchers, extension agents, and the agricultural community to foster an enabling environment for CSA. Such an environment would support knowledge exchange, financial accessibility, and the adoption of CSA practices that contribute to the resilience and sustainability of agricultural systems in the face of climate change. As CSA continues to evolve, future research should focus on addressing the gaps identified, exploring innovative financing and technology dissemination models, and assessing the long-term impacts of CSA practices on agricultural sustainability and food security. This special issue lays the groundwork for further exploration and implementation of CSA practices, aiming to achieve resilient, productive, and sustainable agricultural systems worldwide and contribute to the achievements of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

Data availability

No new data were created or analyzed during this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

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Acknowledgements

We want to thank all the authors who have submitted papers for the special issue and the reviewers who reviewed manuscripts on time. We acknowledge the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI) for supporting the virtual international conference on “ Climate-smart Agriculture: Adoption, Impacts, and Implications for Sustainable Development ” held on 10-11 October 2023. Special thanks to the invited keynote speakers, Prof. Edward Barbier and Prof. Tatsuyoshi Saijo. Finally, we would like to express our thanks, gratitude, and appreciation to the session chairs (Prof. Anita Wreford, Prof. Jianjun Tang, Prof. Alan Renwick, and Assoc. Prof. Sukanya Das), ADBI supporting team (Panharoth Chhay, Mami Nomoto, Mami Yoshida, and Raja Rajendra Timilsina), and discussants who made substantial contributions to the conference.

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Ma, W., Rahut, D.B. Climate-smart agriculture: adoption, impacts, and implications for sustainable development. Mitig Adapt Strateg Glob Change 29 , 44 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11027-024-10139-z

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  3. Full article: Introduction: Gender, development, and health

    The last decade, since the previous issue of Gender & Development on the theme of Gender and Health was published (Volume 9, Issue 2, 2001), has seen global and national trends of great importance. These include: increases in inequality and vulnerabilities amongst many populations in the global South and North; the acceleration of climate change, violent conflicts, and humanitarian crises; and ...

  4. PDF GENDER EQUALITY AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: A PATHWAYS APPROACH

    The World Survey on the Role of Women in Development 2014: Gender Equality and Sustainable Development by Melissa Leach, Director, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex; Lyla Mehta, Professorial Fellow, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex and Preetha Prabhakaran, Programme Manager, CLTS Foundation.

  5. Gender and Development

    Kate Young (1997) outlines six issues that characterize approaches used by gender and development scholars. (1) The focus is not on women per se but on gender relations, that is, relations between women and men in a variety of settings interlocked with other social relationships such as income, race, caste, and ethnicity.

  6. How Early Hormones Shape Gender Development

    There are broad implications of identifying how hormones shape gender development, as illustrated in Figure 1. Sex and gender are crucial to identity and a range of characteristics, psychological and physical, in health and disease [ 62, 63 ]. Prenatal programming provides a window into development and, ultimately, an opportunity to facilitate ...

  7. PDF Essays on Equality

    Equality Essays on. Foreword 4. Julia Gillard. Gender equality is everyone's struggle - 6 but also everyone's gain. Helen Clark Most diversity and inclusion training is flawed. 10. Here's how to fix it Rose Cook. Men outnumber women in leadership because 14. we mistake confidence for competence Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic No Brexit deal can ...

  8. The Latest Evidence on Gender and Development

    A new collection of papers - Towards Gender Equity in Development - sets out to "explore key sources of female empowerment and discuss the current challenges and opportunities for the future" in three categories: marriage, outside options, and laws and cultural norms. The final published book is available for free, and the individual chapters are available as working papers.

  9. Gender and Development

    Gender and Development. Gender equality is central to the World Bank Group's goals of ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity in a sustainable manner. No society can develop sustainably without transforming the distribution of opportunities, resources, and choices for men and women so that they have equal power to shape their ...

  10. Gender equality: the route to a better world

    SDG 5, whose stated aim is to "achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls", is the fifth of the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, all of which Nature is examining ...

  11. Gender Overview: Development news, research, data

    A series of thematic policy notes and causal evidence briefs , along with data, research, global knowledge, and lessons from experience has informed the forthcoming World Bank Gender Strategy 2024-30 to be launched in 2024. The World Bank Group has been promoting gender equality in development since 1977. Yet today, in many parts of the world ...

  12. Why gender equality is key to sustainable development

    Gender equality is not just the concern of half of the world's population; it is a human right, a concern for us all, because no society can develop - economically, politically, or socially - when half of its population is marginalized. We must leave no one behind. This is a year of global action. Governments will adopt a new set of ...

  13. What does gender equality look like today?

    A new global analysis of progress on gender equality and women's rights shows women and girls remain disproportionately affected by the socioeconomic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic, struggling with disproportionately high job and livelihood losses, education disruptions and increased burdens of unpaid care work. Women's health services, poorly funded even before the pandemic, faced ...

  14. PDF CHAPTER 1: AN INTRODUCTION TO GENDER

    Discourses of gender unfold not only in explicit talk about gender, but in talk about things (like burnt toast) that may be grafted on to gender. If enough people joke together continually about men's ineptness in the kitchen, women's role as cooks takes center stage, along with men's incompetence in the kitchen.

  15. 15.4: Development of Gender Identity

    Figure 15.4.1 15.4. 1: This person identifies as genderqueer. (Image by Franziska Neumeister is licensed under CC BY 2.0) Recent terms such as "genderqueer," "genderfluid," "gender variant," "androgynous," "agender," and "gender nonconforming" are used by individuals who do not identify within the gender binary as either ...

  16. Home

    For over 25 years, Gender & Development has been publishing a range of voices from development research, policy and practice and feminist activists across the globe. The journal publishes three issues a year on key themes. access all the issues since 1993. 2023. Women Human Rights Defenders March 2023;

  17. United Nations: Gender equality and women's empowerment

    Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world ...

  18. Gender Equality and Development

    Global Dimension. Different parts of the world are challenged by the gender inequality issues in ways, which vary depending on the economic state. Western countries, for example, discuss the problems of different wages of men and women who have the same positions. Arguments also surround such matters as whether women are allowed to be priests ...

  19. (DOC) Gender and Development Essay

    This essay will focus on what gender and development mean, and how the state, civil society actors, the individual can engage with the idea of equality. In Kazakhstan, as most everywhere in the world, gender is a source of power as well as oppression, and for the most marginalised, none of the three actors are doing enough.

  20. Gender & Development

    Since 1993, Gender & Development has aimed to promote, inspire, and support development policy and practice, which furthers the goal of equality between women and men. This journal has a readership in over 90 countries and uses clear accessible language. Each issue of Gender & Development focuses on a topic of key interest to all involved in promoting gender equality through development.

  21. Gender Development Essay

    Development of Gender identity When a child is born, doctor examine their genitalia and assign the child as either male or female. The identity that they are given directly correlates with the child having either a penis or a vagina. Nevertheless, studies now find that this. 1349 Words. 6 Pages.

  22. PDF Essay Plans

    protect the conscious mind- the ego from provoking thoughts. Gender development, according to Freud takes place during the phallic stage of his psychosexual stages and is resolved by means of the Oedipus complex in males or the Oedipus feminine attitude in females. Gender development via the Oedipus complex occurs as following: boys desire

  23. Reflection GAD

    Gender, societal norms, and development interact in complex ways that have profound effects on both individuals and communities. This reflection paper explores my unique perceptions and findings regarding the complex relationships between gender and development, drawing on a variety of viewpoints I've encountered while learning.

  24. Gender therapy review reveals devastating impacts on teens

    The development is in line with several western European countries that have reportedly reduced access to similar gender identity treatments whose benefits were found to be "remarkably weak", according to a National Health Service (NHS) England-commissioned review, published on 10 April by consultant paediatrician Dr. Hilary Cass.

  25. Climate-smart agriculture: adoption, impacts, and implications for

    The 19 papers included in this special issue examined the factors influencing the adoption of climate-smart agriculture (CSA) practices among smallholder farmers and estimated the impacts of CSA adoption on farm production, income, and well-being. Key findings from this special issue include: (1) the variables, including age, gender, education, risk perception and preferences, access to credit ...

  26. Policy Papers

    This note provides general guidance on the operationalization of the strategy for IMF engagement on social spending. Social spending plays a critical role as a key lever for promoting inclusive growth, addressing inequality, protecting vulnerable groups during structural change and adjustment, smoothing consumption over the lifecycle, and stabilizing demand during economic shocks. Social ...