does money guarantee happiness essay

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Does More Money Really Make Us More Happy?

• Elizabeth Dunn
• Chris Courtney

A big paycheck won’t necessarily bring you joy

Although some studies show that wealthier people tend to be happier, prioritizing money over time can actually have the opposite effect.

• But even having just a little bit of extra cash in your savings account ($500), can increase your life satisfaction. So how can you keep more cash on hand?
• Ask yourself: What do I buy that isn’t essential for my survival? Is the expense genuinely contributing to my happiness? If the answer to the second question is no, try taking a break from those expenses.
• Other research shows there are specific ways to spend your money to promote happiness, such as spending on experiences, buying time, and investing in others.
• Spending choices that promote happiness are also dependent on individual personalities, and future research may provide more individualized advice to help you get the most happiness from your money.

Where your work meets your life. See more from Ascend here .

How often have you willingly sacrificed your free time to make more money? You’re not alone. But new research suggests that prioritizing money over time may actually undermine our happiness.

• ED Elizabeth Dunn is a professor of psychology at the University of British Columbia and Chief Science Officer of Happy Money, a financial technology company with a mission to help borrowers become savers. She is also co-author of “ Happy Money: The Science of Happier Spending ” with Dr. Michael Norton. Her TED2019 talk on money and happiness was selected as one of the top 10 talks of the year by TED.
• CC Chris Courtney is the VP of Science at Happy Money. He utilizes his background in cognitive neuroscience, human-computer interaction, and machine learning to drive personalization and engagement in products designed to empower people to take control of their financial lives. His team is focused on creating innovative ways to provide more inclusionary financial services, while building tools to promote financial and psychological well-being and success.

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Can Money Really Buy Happiness?

Money and happiness are related—but not in the way you think..

Updated November 10, 2023 | Reviewed by Chloe Williams

• More money is linked to increased happiness, some research shows.
• People who won the lottery have greater life satisfaction, even years later.
• Wealth is not associated with happiness globally; non-material things are more likely to predict wellbeing.
• Money, in and of itself, cannot buy happiness, but it can provide a means to the things we value in life.

Money is a big part of our lives, our identities, and perhaps our well-being. Sometimes, it can feel like your happiness hinges on how much cash is in your bank account. Have you ever thought to yourself, “If only I could increase my salary by 12 percent, I’d feel better”? How about, “I wish I had an inheritance. How easier life would be!” I don’t blame you — I’ve had the same thoughts many times.

But what does psychological research say about the age-old question: Can money really buy happiness? Let’s take a brutally honest exploration of how money and happiness are (and aren’t) related. (Spoiler alert: I’ve got bad news, good news, and lots of caveats.)

Higher earners are generally happier

Over 10 years ago, a study based on Gallup Poll data on 1,000 people made a big headline in the news. It found that people with higher incomes report being happier... but only up to an annual income of $75,000 (equivalent to about $90,000 today). After this point, a high emotional well-being wasn’t directly correlated to more money. This seemed to show that once a persons’ basic (and some “advanced”) needs are comfortably met, more money isn’t necessary for well-being.

But a new 2021 study of over one million participants found that there’s no such thing as an inflection point where more money doesn’t equal more happiness, at least not up to an annual salary of $500,000. In this study, participants’ well-being was measured in more detail. Instead of being asked to remember how well they felt in the past week, month, or year, they were asked how they felt right now in the moment. And based on this real-time assessment, very high earners were feeling great.

Similarly, a Swedish study on lottery winners found that even after years, people who won the lottery had greater life satisfaction, mental health, and were more prepared to face misfortune like divorce , illness, and being alone than regular folks who didn’t win the lottery. It’s almost as if having a pile of money made those things less difficult to cope with for the winners.

Evaluative vs. experienced well-being

At this point, it's important to suss out what researchers actually mean by "happiness." There are two major types of well-being psychologists measure: evaluative and experienced. Evaluative well-being refers to your answer to, “How do you think your life is going?” It’s what you think about your life. Experienced well-being, however, is your answer to, “What emotions are you feeling from day to day, and in what proportions?” It is your actual experience of positive and negative emotions.

In both of these studies — the one that found the happiness curve to flatten after $75,000 and the one that didn't — the researchers were focusing on experienced well-being. That means there's a disagreement in the research about whether day-to-day experiences of positive emotions really increase with higher and higher incomes, without limit. Which study is more accurate? Well, the 2021 study surveyed many more people, so it has the advantage of being more representative. However, there is a big caveat...

Material wealth is not associated with happiness everywhere in the world

If you’re not a very high earner, you may be feeling a bit irritated right now. How unfair that the rest of us can’t even comfort ourselves with the idea that millionaires must be sad in their giant mansions!

But not so fast.

Yes, in the large million-person study, experienced well-being (aka, happiness) did continually increase with higher income. But this study only included people in the United States. It wouldn't be a stretch to say that our culture is quite materialistic, more so than other countries, and income level plays a huge role in our lifestyle.

Another study of Mayan people in a poor, rural region of Yucatan, Mexico, did not find the level of wealth to be related to happiness, which the participants had high levels of overall. Separately, a Gallup World Poll study of people from many countries and cultures also found that, although higher income was associated with higher life evaluation, it was non-material things that predicted experienced well-being (e.g., learning, autonomy, respect, social support).

Earned wealth generates more happiness than inherited wealth

More good news: For those of us with really big dreams of “making it” and striking it rich through talent and hard work, know that the actual process of reaching your dream will not only bring you cash but also happiness. A study of ultra-rich millionaires (net worth of at least $8,000,000) found that those who earned their wealth through work and effort got more of a happiness boost from their money than those who inherited it. So keep dreaming big and reaching for your entrepreneurial goals … as long as you’re not sacrificing your actual well-being in the pursuit.

There are different types of happiness, and wealth is better for some than others

We’ve been talking about “happiness” as if it’s one big thing. But happiness actually has many different components and flavors. Think about all the positive emotions you’ve felt — can we break them down into more specifics? How about:

• Contentment
• Gratefulness

...and that's just a short list.

It turns out that wealth may be associated with some of these categories of “happiness,” specifically self-focused positive emotions such as pride and contentment, whereas less wealthy people have more other-focused positive emotions like love and compassion.

In fact, in the Swedish lottery winners study, people’s feelings about their social well-being (with friends, family, neighbors, and society) were no different between lottery winners and regular people.

Money is a means to the things we value, not happiness itself

One major difference between lottery winners and non-winners, it turns out, is that lottery winners have more spare time. This is the thing that really makes me envious , and I would hypothesize that this is the main reason why lottery winners are more satisfied with their life.

Consider this simply: If we had the financial security to spend time on things we enjoy and value, instead of feeling pressured to generate income all the time, why wouldn’t we be happier?

This is good news. It’s a reminder that money, in and of itself, cannot literally buy happiness. It can buy time and peace of mind. It can buy security and aesthetic experiences, and the ability to be generous to your family and friends. It makes room for other things that are important in life.

In fact, the researchers in that lottery winner study used statistical approaches to benchmark how much happiness winning $100,000 brings in the short-term (less than one year) and long-term (more than five years) compared to other major life events. For better or worse, getting married and having a baby each give a bigger short-term happiness boost than winning money, but in the long run, all three of these events have the same impact.

What does this mean? We make of our wealth and our life what we will. This is especially true for the vast majority of the world made up of people struggling to meet basic needs and to rise out of insecurity. We’ve learned that being rich can boost your life satisfaction and make it easier to have positive emotions, so it’s certainly worth your effort to set goals, work hard, and move towards financial health.

But getting rich is not the only way to be happy. You can still earn health, compassion, community, love, pride, connectedness, and so much more, even if you don’t have a lot of zeros in your bank account. After all, the original definition of “wealth” referred to a person’s holistic wellness in life, which means we all have the potential to be wealthy... in body, mind, and soul.

Kahneman, D., & Deaton, A.. High income improves evaluation of life but not emotional well-being. . Proceedings of the national academy of sciences. 2010.

Killingsworth, M. A. . Experienced well-being rises with income, even above $75,000 per year .. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 2021.

Lindqvist, E., Östling, R., & Cesarini, D. . Long-run effects of lottery wealth on psychological well-being. . The Review of Economic Studies. 2020.

Guardiola, J., González‐Gómez, F., García‐Rubio, M. A., & Lendechy‐Grajales, Á.. Does higher income equal higher levels of happiness in every society? The case of the Mayan people. . International Journal of Social Welfare. 2013.

Diener, E., Ng, W., Harter, J., & Arora, R. . Wealth and happiness across the world: material prosperity predicts life evaluation, whereas psychosocial prosperity predicts positive feeling. . Journal of personality and social psychology. 2010.

Donnelly, G. E., Zheng, T., Haisley, E., & Norton, M. I.. The amount and source of millionaires’ wealth (moderately) predict their happiness . . Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 2018.

Piff, P. K., & Moskowitz, J. P. . Wealth, poverty, and happiness: Social class is differentially associated with positive emotions.. Emotion. 2018.

Jade Wu, Ph.D., is a clinical health psychologist and host of the Savvy Psychologist podcast. She specializes in helping those with sleep problems and anxiety disorders.

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Happiness Economics: Can Money Buy Happiness?

It only costs a small amount, a slight risk, with the possibility of a substantial reward.

But will it make you happy? Will it give you long-lasting happiness?

Undoubtedly, there will be a temporary peak in happiness, but will all your troubles finally fade away?

That is what we will investigate today. We explore the economics of happiness and whether money can buy happiness. In this post, we will start by broadly exploring the topic and then look at theories and substantive research findings. We’ll even have a look at previous lottery winners.

For interested readers, we will list interesting books and podcasts for further enjoyment and share a few of our own happiness resources.

Ka-ching: Let’s get rolling!

Before you continue, we thought you might like to download our three Happiness & Subjective Wellbeing Exercises for free . These detailed, science-based exercises will help you or your clients identify sources of authentic happiness and strategies to boost wellbeing.

This Article Contains

What is happiness economics, theory of the economics of happiness, can money buy happiness 5 research findings, 6 fascinating books and podcasts on the topic, resources from positivepsychology.com, a take-home message.

Happiness economics is a field of economics that recognizes happiness and wellbeing as important outcome measures, alongside measures typically used, such as employment, education, and health care.

Economics emphasizes how specific economic/financial characteristics affect our wellbeing (Easterlin, 2004).

For example, does employment result in better health and longer lifespan, among other metrics? Do people in wealthier countries have access to better education and longer life spans?

In the last few decades, there has been a shift in economics, where researchers have recognized the importance of the subjective rating of happiness as a valuable and desirable outcome that is significantly correlated with other important outcomes, such as health (Steptoe, 2019) and productivity (DiMaria et al., 2020).

Broadly, happiness is a psychological state of being, typically researched and defined using psychological methods. We often measure it using self-report measures rather than objective measures that are less vulnerable to misinterpretation and error.

Including happiness in economics has opened up an entirely new avenue of research to explore the relationship between happiness and money.

Andrew Clark (2018) illustrates the variability in the term happiness economics with the following examples:

• Happiness can be a predictor variable, influencing our decisions and behaviors.
• Happiness might be the desired outcome, so understanding how and why some people are happier than others is essential.

However, the connection between our behavior and happiness must be better understood. Even though “being happy” is a desired outcome, people still make decisions that prevent them from becoming happier. For example, why do we choose to work more if our work does not make us happier? Why are we unhappy even if our basic needs are met?

An example of how happiness can influence decision-making

Sometimes, we might choose not to maximize a monetary or financial gain but place importance on other, more subjective outcomes.

To illustrate: If faced with two jobs — one that pays well but will bring no joy and another that pays less but will bring much joy — some people would prefer to maximize their happiness over financial gain.

If this decision were evaluated using a utility framework where the only valued outcomes were practical, then the decision would seem irrational. However, this scenario suggests that psychological outcomes, such as the experience of happiness, are as crucial as other socio-economic outcomes.

Economists recognize that subjective wellbeing , or happiness, is an essential characteristic and sometimes a desirable outcome that can motivate our decision-making.

In the last few decades, economics has shifted to include happiness as a measurable and vital part of general wellbeing (Graham, 2005).

The consequence is that typical economic questions now also look at the impact of employment, finances, and other economic metrics on the subjective rating and experience of happiness at individual and country levels.

Happiness is such a vital outcome in society and economic activity that it must be involved in policy making. The subjective measure of happiness is as important as other typical measures used in economics.

Many factors can contribute to happiness. In this post, we consider the role of money. The relationship between happiness, or subjective wellbeing, and money is assumed to be positive: More money means greater happiness.

However, the relationship between money and happiness is paradoxical: More money does not guarantee happiness (for an excellent review, see Graham, 2005).

Specifically, low levels of income are correlated with unhappiness. However, as our individual wealth increases and our basic needs are met, our needs change and differ in their importance.

Initially, our happiness is affected by absolute levels of income, but at a certain threshold, we place importance on relative levels of income. Knowing how we rank and compare to other people, in terms of wealth and material possession, influences our happiness.

The relationship between wealth and happiness continues to increase, but only to a certain point; at this stage, more wealth does not guarantee more happiness (Easterlin, 1974; Diener et al., 1993).

This may be at odds with our everyday lived experience. Most of us choose to work longer hours or multiple jobs so that we make more money. However, what is the point of doing this if money does not increase our happiness? Why do we seem to think that more money will make us happier?

History of the economics of happiness

The relationship between economics and happiness originated in the early 1970s. Brickman and Campbell (1971, as cited in Brickman et al., 1978) first argued that the typical outcomes of a successful life, such as wealth or income, had no impact on individual wellbeing.

Easterlin (1974) expanded these results and showed that although wealthier people tend to be happier than poor people in the same country, the average happiness levels within a country remained unchanged even as the country’s overall wealth increased.

The inconsistent relationship between happiness and income and its sensitivity to critical income thresholds make this topic so interesting.

There is some evidence that wealthier countries are happier than others, but only when comparing the wealthy with the poor (Easterlin, 1974; Graham, 2005).

As countries become wealthier, citizens report higher happiness, but this relationship is strongest when the starting point is poverty. Above a certain income threshold, happiness no longer increases (Diener et al., 1993).

Interestingly, people tend to agree on the amount of money needed to make them happy; but beyond a certain value, there is little increase in happiness (Haesevoets et al., 2022).

Measurement challenges

Measuring happiness accurately and reliably is challenging. Researchers disagree on what happiness means.

It is not the norm in economics to measure happiness by directly asking a participant how happy they are; instead, happiness is inferred through:

• Subjective wellbeing (Clark, 2018; Easterlin, 2004)
• A combination of happiness and life satisfaction (Bruni, 2007)

Furthermore, happiness can refer to an acute psychological state, such as feeling happy after a nice meal, or a lasting state similar to contentment (Nettle, 2005).

Researchers might use different definitions of happiness and ways to measure it, thus leading to contradictory results. For example, happiness might be used synonymously with subjective wellbeing and can refer to several things, including life satisfaction and financial satisfaction (Diener & Oishi, 2000).

It seems contradictory that wealthier nations are not happier overall than poorer nations and that increasing the wealth of poorer nations does not guarantee that their happiness will increase too. What could then be done to increase happiness?

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What is the relationship between income/wealth and happiness? To answer that question, we looked at studies to see where and how money improves happiness, but we’ll also consider the limitations to the positive effect of income.

Money buys access; jobs boost happiness

Overwhelming evidence shows that wealth is correlated with measures of wellbeing.

Wealthier people have access to better healthcare, education, and employment, which in turn results in higher life satisfaction (Helliwell et al., 2012). A certain amount of wealth is needed to meet basic needs, and satisfying these needs improves happiness (Veenhoven & Ehrhardt, 1995).

Increasing happiness through improved quality of life is highest for poor households, but this is explained by the starting point. Access to essential services improves the quality of life, and in turn, this improves measures of wellbeing.

Most people gain wealth through employment; however, it is not just wealth that improves happiness; instead, employment itself has an important association with happiness. Happiness and employment are also significantly correlated with each other (Helliwell et al., 2021).

Lockdown on happiness

The World Happiness Report (Helliwell et al., 2021) reports that unemployment increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, and this was accompanied by a marked decline in happiness and optimism.

The pandemic also changed how we evaluated certain aspects of our lives; for example, the relationship between income and happiness declined. After all, what is the use of money if you can’t spend it? In contrast, the association between happiness and having a partner increased (Helliwell et al., 2021).

Wealthier states smile more, but is it real?

If we took a snapshot of happiness and a country’s wealth, we would find that richer countries tend to have happier populations than poorer countries.

For example, based on the 2021 World Happiness Report, the top five happiest countries — which are also wealthy countries — are Finland, Iceland, Denmark, Switzerland, and the Netherlands (Helliwell et al., 2021).

In contrast, the unhappiest countries are those that tend to be emerging markets or have a lower gross domestic product (GDP), e.g., Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and India (Graham, 2005; Helliwell et al., 2021).

At face value, this makes sense: Poorer countries most likely have other factors associated with them, e.g., higher unemployment, more crime, and less political stability. So, based on this cross-sectional data, a country’s wealth and happiness levels appear to be correlated. However, over a more extended period, the relationship between happiness and GDP is nil (Easterlin, 2004).

That is, the subjective wellbeing of a population does not increase as a country becomes richer. Even though the wealth of various countries worldwide has increased over time, the overall happiness levels have not increased similarly or have remained static (Kahneman et al., 2006). This is known as a happiness–income paradox.

Easterlin (2004) posits four explanations for this finding:

• Societal and individual gains associated with increased wealth are concentrated among the extremely wealthy.
• Our degree of happiness is informed by how we compare to other people, and this relative comparison does not change as country-wide wealth increases.
• Happiness is not limited to only wealth and financial status, but is affected by other societal and political factors, such as crime, education, and trust in the government.
• Long-term satisfaction and contentment differ from short-term, acute happiness.

Kahneman et al. (2006) provide an alternative explanation centered on the method typically used by researchers. Specifically, they argue that the order of the questions asked to measure happiness and how these questions are worded have a focusing effect. Through the question, the participant’s attention to their happiness is sharpened — like a lens in a camera — and their happiness needs to be over- or underestimated.

Kahneman et al. (2006) also point out that job advancements like a raise or a promotion are often accompanied by an increase in salary and work hours. Consequently, high-paying jobs often result in less leisure time available to spend with family or on hobbies and can cause more unhappiness.

Not all that glitters is gold

Extensive research explored whether a sudden financial windfall was associated with a spike in happiness (e.g., Sherman et al., 2020). The findings were mixed. Sometimes, having more money is associated with increased life satisfaction and improved physical and mental health.

This boost in happiness, however, is not guaranteed, nor is it long. Sometimes, individuals even wish it had never happened (Brickman et al., 1978; Sherman et al., 2020).

Consider lottery winners. These people win sizable sums of money — typically more extensive than a salary increase — large enough to impact their lives significantly. Despite this, research has consistently shown that although lottery winners report higher immediate, short-term happiness, they do not experience higher long-term happiness (Sherman et al., 2020).

Here are some reasons for this:

• Previous everyday activities and experiences become less enjoyable when compared to a unique, unusual experience like winning the lottery.
• People habituate to their new lifestyle.
• A sudden increase in wealth can disrupt social relationships among friends and family members.
• Work and hobbies typically give us small nuggets of joy over a more extended period (Csikszentmihalyi et al., 2005). These activities can lose their meaning over a longer period, resulting in more unhappiness (Sherman et al., 2020; Brickman et al., 1978).

Sherman et al. (2020) further argue that lottery winners who decide to quit their job after winning, but do not fill this newly available time with some type of meaningful hobby or interest, are also more likely to become unhappy.

Passive activities do not provide the same happiness as work or hobbies. Instead, if lottery winners continue to take part in activities that give them meaning and require active engagement, then they can avoid further unhappiness.

Happiness: Is it temperature or climate?

Like most psychological research, part of the challenge is clearly defining the topic of investigation — a task made more daunting when the topic falls within two very different fields.

Nettle (2005) describes happiness as a three-tiered concept, ranging from short-lived but intense on one end of the spectrum to more abstract and deep on the other.

The first tier refers to transitory feelings of joy, like when one opens up a birthday present.

The second tier describes judgments about feelings, such as feeling satisfied with your job. The third tier is more complex and refers to life satisfaction.

Across research, different definitions are used: Participants are asked about feelings of (immediate) joy, overall life satisfaction, moments of happiness or satisfaction, and mental wellbeing . The concepts are similar but not identical, thus influencing the results.

Most books on happiness economics are textbooks. Although no doubt very interesting, they’re not the easy-reading books we prefer to recommend.

Instead, below you will find a range of books written by economists that explore happiness. These should provide a good springboard on the overall topic of happiness and what influences it, in case any of our readers want to pick up a more in-depth textbook afterward.

If you have a happiness book you would recommend, please let us know in the comments section.

1. Happiness: Lessons from a New Science – Richard Layard

Richard Layard, a lead economist based in London, explores in his book if and how money can affect happiness.

Layard does an excellent job of introducing topics from various fields and framing them appropriately for the reader.

The book is aimed at readers from varying academic and professional backgrounds, so no experience is needed to enjoy it.

Find the book on Amazon .

2. Happiness by Design: Change What You Do, Not How You Think – Paul Dolan

This book has a more practical spin. The author explains how we can use existing research and theories to make small changes to increase our happiness.

Paul Dolan’s primary thesis is that practical things will have a bigger effect than abstract methods, and we should change our behavior rather than our thinking.

The book is a quick read (airport-perfect!), and Daniel Kahneman penned the foreword.

3. The Psychology of Money: Timeless Lessons on Wealth, Greed and Happiness – Morgan Housel

This book is not necessarily about happiness economics, but it is close enough to the overall theme that it is worth mentioning.

Since most people are concerned with making more money, this book helps teach the reader why we make the decisions we do and how we make better decisions about our money.

This book is a worthwhile addition to any bookcase if you are interested in the relationship between finances and psychology in general.

4. Happiness: The Science Behind Your Smile – Daniel Nettle

If you are interested in happiness overall, then we recommend Happiness: The Science Behind Your Smile by Daniel Nettle, a professor of behavioral science at Newcastle University.

In this book, he takes a scientific approach to explaining happiness, starting with an in-depth exploration of the definition of happiness and some of its challenges.

The research that he presents comes from various fields, including social sciences, medicine, neurobiology, and economics.

Because of its small size, this book is perfect for a weekend away or to read on a plane.

5 & 6. Prefer to listen rather than read?

One of our favorite podcasts is Intelligence2, where leading experts in a particular field gather to debate a particular topic.

This show’s host, Dr. Laurie Santos, argues that we can increase our happiness by not hoarding our money for ourselves but by giving it to others instead. If you are interested in this episode , or any of the other episodes in the Happiness Lab podcast series, then head on over to their page.

There are several resources available at PositivePsychology.com for our readers to use in their professional and personal development.

In this section, you’ll find a few that should supplement any work on happiness and economics. Since the undercurrent of the topic is whether happiness can be improved through wealth, a few resources look at happiness overall.

Valued Living Masterclass

Although knowledge is power, knowing that money does not guarantee happiness does not mean that clients will suddenly feel fulfilled and satisfied with their lives.

For this reason, we recommend the Valued Living Masterclass , for professionals to help their clients find meaning in their lives. Rather than keeping up with the Joneses or chasing a high-paying job, professionals can help their clients connect with their inner meaning (i.e., their why ) as a way to find meaning and gain happiness.

Three free exercises

If you want to try it out before committing, look at the Meaning & Valued Living exercise pack , which includes three exercises for free.

Recommended reading

Read our post on Success Versus Happiness for further information on balancing happiness with success, in any domain . This topic is poignant for readers who conflate happiness and success, and will guide readers to better understand their relationship and how the two terms influence each other.

For readers who wonder about altruism , you would find it interesting that rather than hoarding, you can increase your happiness through volunteering and donating. In this post, the author, Dr. Jeremy Sutton, does a fabulous job of approaching altruism from various fields and provides excellent resources for further reading and real-life application.

Our last recommendation is for readers who want to know more about measuring subjective wellbeing and happiness . The post lists various tests and apps that can measure happiness and the overall history of how happiness was measured and defined. This is a good starting point for researchers or clinicians who want to explore happiness economics professionally.

17 Happines Exercises

If you’re looking for more science-based ways to help others develop strategies to boost their wellbeing, this collection contains 17 validated happiness and wellbeing exercises . Use them to help others pursue authentic happiness and work toward a  life filled with purpose and meaning

17 Exercises To Increase Happiness and Wellbeing

Add these 17 Happiness & Subjective Well-Being Exercises [PDF] to your toolkit and help others experience greater purpose, meaning, and positive emotions.

Created by Experts. 100% Science-based.

As you’ve seen in our article, the evidence overwhelmingly clarifies that money does not guarantee more happiness … well, long-term happiness.

Our happiness is relative since we compare ourselves to other people, and over time, as we become accustomed to our wealth, we lose all the happiness gains we made.

Money can ease financial and social difficulties; consequently, it can drastically improve people’s living conditions, life expectancy, and education.

Improvements in these outcomes have a knock-on effect on the overall experience of one’s life and the opportunities for one’s family and children. Nevertheless, better opportunities do not guarantee happiness.

Our intention with this post was to illustrate some complexities surrounding the relationship between money and happiness.

Knowing that money does not guarantee happiness, we recommend less expensive methods to improve one’s happiness:

• Spend time with friends.
• Cultivate hobbies and interests.
• Stay active and eat healthy.
• Try to live a meaningful life.
• Give some love (go smooch your partner or tickle your dog’s belly).

Diamonds might be a girl’s best friend, but money is a fair weather one, at best.

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Happiness Exercises for free .

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• Bruni, L. (2007). Handbook on the economics of happiness . Edward Elgar.
• Clark, A. E. (2018). Four decades of the economics of happiness: Where next? Review of Income and Wealth , 64 (2), 245–269.
• Csikszentmihalyi, M., Abuhamdeh, S., & Nakamura, J. (2005). Flow. In A. J. Elliot & C. S. Dweck (Eds.), Handbook of competence and motivation (pp. 598–608). Guilford Publications.
• Diener, E., Sandvik, E., Seidlitz, L., & Diener, M. (1993). The relationship between income and subjective well-being: Relative or absolute? Social Indicators Research , 28 , 195–223.
• Diener, E., & Oishi, S. (2000). Money and happiness: Income and subjective well-being across nations. Culture and Subjective Well-Being , 185 , 218.
• DiMaria, C. H., Peroni, C., & Sarracino, F. (2020). Happiness matters: Productivity gains from subjective well-being. Journal of Happiness Studies , 21 (1), 139–160.
• Easterlin, R. A. (1974). Does economic growth improve the human lot? Some empirical evidence. In P. A. David & M. W. Reder (Eds.), Nations and households in economic growth: Essays in honor of Moses Abramovitz (pp. 89–125). Academic Press.
• Easterlin, R. A. (2004). The economics of happiness. Daedalus , 133 (2), 26–33.
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How does valuing money affect your happiness, two new studies find that tying your self-worth to financial success hampers happiness and well-being—even for the well-off..

It may seem that money is a sure path to prestige and happiness. After all, many of our most well-paid citizens are held up as role models of success, leading seemingly perfect, enviable lives. Still, some people embrace the opposite idea: Money can’t buy you happiness. So, which of these is right?

In recent studies, scientists have found that the connection between wealth and well-being is not clear-cut. While some studies seem to tie wealth to well-being, others show that, after a certain point, a higher income will not bring more happiness or life satisfaction.

Now two new studies shed further light on the relationship between wealth and happiness. Their findings suggest that money doesn’t fulfill basic psychological needs, like belonging and competence. That’s why making more of it will not increase your happiness, even if you value money above other things. In fact, it may do the opposite.

What money can and can’t do for you

In one study , University of Buffalo researcher Lora Park and her colleagues investigated what happens when people tie their self-worth to financial success, scoring high on the “Financial Contingency of Self-Worth” scale, or FCWS. The researchers found that doing so made people engage in more social comparisons, experience more stress and anxiety, and feel less autonomy than those who didn’t tie their self-worth to income, regardless of their actual economic status.

“People in this society are often focused on pursuing money, and they don’t think there is anything bad about that,” says Park. “But in terms of your psychological well-being, there are all kinds of negative consequences.”

It also might affect your problem-solving ability. Park and her colleagues randomly assigned participants to write about their dissatisfaction with either an aspect of their financial situation—like not having enough money to pay rent—or their academic performance, like getting a bad test grade. Afterwards, they reported on what coping strategies they would use in response to the situation.

Research assistants analyzed the essays and found that participants who scored high in FCSW used more emotionally negative words and reported more disengagement strategies—like giving up or avoiding solutions—when writing about a financial stressor versus an academic stressor than people scoring low in FCSW. None of the results were affected by the actual income of the students.

People who are facing a problem should, logically, be focused on figuring out ways to solve it, says Park. “But what we found is that high financial contingency of self-worth somehow blocks that response.”

Why would this be?

Park believes that when people feel their self-concept is threatened in some way, they will become more self-protective so as not to experience low self-esteem. So, if your self-esteem is tied to money, a financial stressor will cause a lot more stress than it would for someone who doesn’t feel that way. Some support for her argument comes from another part of her experiment, where having participants high in FCSW remind themselves of their character strengths—like their intelligence or sense of humor—seemed to negate these avoidance effects.

Affirming Important Values

When your self-image takes a hit, reflect on what matters

“When people take a step back and have a broader perspective on their sense of self, that’s often enough to take them out of the self-esteem rumination/narrow focus they otherwise have,” says Park.

As prior research suggests, it can also be the case that people simply want money to do something that it cannot. “Self-esteem, like happiness, is a byproduct of meeting psychological needs—like meaning or purpose, feeling competent, having close relationships, or having a sense of autonomy—and basing your self-worth on financial success actually detracts from fulfilling those needs,” says Park.

Why community beats money

Park’s findings mirror other recent findings from the University of San Francisco’s Matthew Monnot, who studied financial success and well-being in China.

In his study , Monnot notes that, as China’s economy has grown, its citizens seem to be facing some of the same issues that Americans have faced. A growing number of people equate individual success with making more money and valuing money—an extrinsic reward—over other, more intrinsic rewards, like relationships or community. To see how this trend has affected well-being, he conducted a series of studies involving thousands of participants from several cities in China.

In one experiment, Monnot showed that job satisfaction did not rise in tandem with income. In fact, as with prior studies, wealth beyond a certain point tended to make Chinese workers no more satisfied with their jobs or their incomes, suggesting that money has only so much power to increase our life satisfaction.

“Our findings are pretty aligned with prior research,” says Monnot. “The correlation between income and job satisfaction is really small, to the extent that it predicts about five percent of job satisfaction.”

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To tease out why, Monnot looked at how individual values shape the relationship between money and income satisfaction. He asked participants to pick the five factors they thought were most important for well-being from a list of 25 possible choices—including income—and then measured how satisfied they were with their income as it rose. Though one might expect people valuing income to be happier as they made more money, Monnot found the opposite: People who picked income as an important value were significantly less satisfied, even at higher levels.

“If income is important to you, then income is actually less satisfying as income goes up than if income is not important to you,” he says.

Though this seems paradoxical, Monnot says it makes some sense, when you understand how intrinsic versus extrinsic values affect our happiness.

“Not all goals are equal in terms of producing well-being, productivity, job satisfaction, or life satisfaction,” says Monnot. “If you say income is something really important to you, because income is an extrinsic reward and not part of your intrinsic needs, if you focus on it, it won’t make you happy.”

In other words, look inside of yourself, not your wallet, for happiness.

Monnot was curious to see how living in different cities in China might affect the relationship between valuing income and well-being. After all, if the government is developing policies to increase income in certain areas of the country, it would be good to know the impact this is having on happiness.

Again, he had people pick out five things they valued; but this time he separated people into different groups depending on whether they placed high value on materialistic things, like income and status, and placed low value on relationships and community, or vice versa. When he compared these two groups, people who valued relationships or community versus materialistic things had greater job satisfaction and overall life satisfaction. This was true regardless of their city’s per-capita income.

“The big idea is that higher GDP or people having more money is all great—especially at a societal level. You want your economy to be more productive and to have more resources and money available,” says Monnot. “Well, maybe that’s not necessarily in and of itself something that’s going to produce a happier population.”

Both Monnot and Park hope that their research might lead people to think a bit differently about the supposed benefits of striving for more money. Though neither would deny that we need money to survive, valuing it too highly or tying it to your self-worth is clearly a mistake.

Monnot hopes his research might help individuals—and business leaders and policymakers—to realize that fulfilling psychological needs is more important to happiness than making a lot of money.


“Autonomy, developing a skill set to be good at what you do, being affiliative with others, having a sense of connection to your community—these are all things that we as researchers are fairly convinced are innate, evolved human tendencies that bring happiness,” he says.

“If you can get people to focus on fulfilling those needs, they’ll become happier. The research is strongly in favor of that.”

About the Author

Jill Suttie

Jill Suttie, Psy.D. , is Greater Good ’s former book review editor and now serves as a staff writer and contributing editor for the magazine. She received her doctorate of psychology from the University of San Francisco in 1998 and was a psychologist in private practice before coming to Greater Good .

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More Proof That Money Can Buy Happiness (or a Life with Less Stress)

When we wonder whether money can buy happiness, we may consider the luxuries it provides, like expensive dinners and lavish vacations. But cash is key in another important way: It helps people avoid many of the day-to-day hassles that cause stress, new research shows.

Money can provide calm and control, allowing us to buy our way out of unforeseen bumps in the road, whether it’s a small nuisance, like dodging a rainstorm by ordering up an Uber, or a bigger worry, like handling an unexpected hospital bill, says Harvard Business School professor Jon Jachimowicz.

“If we only focus on the happiness that money can bring, I think we are missing something,” says Jachimowicz, an assistant professor of business administration in the Organizational Behavior Unit at HBS. “We also need to think about all of the worries that it can free us from.”

The idea that money can reduce stress in everyday life and make people happier impacts not only the poor, but also more affluent Americans living at the edge of their means in a bumpy economy. Indeed, in 2019, one in every four Americans faced financial scarcity, according to the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. The findings are particularly important now, as inflation eats into the ability of many Americans to afford basic necessities like food and gas, and COVID-19 continues to disrupt the job market.

Buying less stress

The inspiration for researching how money alleviates hardships came from advice that Jachimowicz’s father gave him. After years of living as a struggling graduate student, Jachimowicz received his appointment at HBS and the financial stability that came with it.

“My father said to me, ‘You are going to have to learn how to spend money to fix problems.’” The idea stuck with Jachimowicz, causing him to think differently about even the everyday misfortunes that we all face.

To test the relationship between cash and life satisfaction, Jachimowicz and his colleagues from the University of Southern California, Groningen University, and Columbia Business School conducted a series of experiments, which are outlined in a forthcoming paper in the journal Social Psychological and Personality Science , The Sharp Spikes of Poverty: Financial Scarcity Is Related to Higher Levels of Distress Intensity in Daily Life .

Higher income amounts to lower stress

In one study, 522 participants kept a diary for 30 days, tracking daily events and their emotional responses to them. Participants’ incomes in the previous year ranged from less than $10,000 to $150,000 or more. They found:

• Money reduces intense stress: There was no significant difference in how often the participants experienced distressing events—no matter their income, they recorded a similar number of daily frustrations. But those with higher incomes experienced less negative intensity from those events.
• More money brings greater control : Those with higher incomes felt they had more control over negative events and that control reduced their stress. People with ample incomes felt more agency to deal with whatever hassles may arise.
• Higher incomes lead to higher life satisfaction: People with higher incomes were generally more satisfied with their lives.

“It’s not that rich people don’t have problems,” Jachimowicz says, “but having money allows you to fix problems and resolve them more quickly.”

Why cash matters

In another study, researchers presented about 400 participants with daily dilemmas, like finding time to cook meals, getting around in an area with poor public transportation, or working from home among children in tight spaces. They then asked how participants would solve the problem, either using cash to resolve it, or asking friends and family for assistance. The results showed:

• People lean on family and friends regardless of income: Jachimowicz and his colleagues found that there was no difference in how often people suggested turning to friends and family for help—for example, by asking a friend for a ride or asking a family member to help with childcare or dinner.
• Cash is the answer for people with money: The higher a person’s income, however, the more likely they were to suggest money as a solution to a hassle, for example, by calling an Uber or ordering takeout.

While such results might be expected, Jachimowicz says, people may not consider the extent to which the daily hassles we all face create more stress for cash-strapped individuals—or the way a lack of cash may tax social relationships if people are always asking family and friends for help, rather than using their own money to solve a problem.

“The question is, when problems come your way, to what extent do you feel like you can deal with them, that you can walk through life and know everything is going to be OK,” Jachimowicz says.

Breaking the ‘shame spiral’

In another recent paper , Jachimowicz and colleagues found that people experiencing financial difficulties experience shame, which leads them to avoid dealing with their problems and often makes them worse. Such “shame spirals” stem from a perception that people are to blame for their own lack of money, rather than external environmental and societal factors, the research team says.

“We have normalized this idea that when you are poor, it’s your fault and so you should be ashamed of it,” Jachimowicz says. “At the same time, we’ve structured society in a way that makes it really hard on people who are poor.”

For example, Jachimowicz says, public transportation is often inaccessible and expensive, which affects people who can’t afford cars, and tardy policies at work often penalize people on the lowest end of the pay scale. Changing those deeply-engrained structures—and the way many of us think about financial difficulties—is crucial.

After all, society as a whole may feel the ripple effects of the financial hardships some people face, since financial strain is linked with lower job performance, problems with long-term decision-making, and difficulty with meaningful relationships, the research says. Ultimately, Jachimowicz hopes his work can prompt thinking about systemic change.

“People who are poor should feel like they have some control over their lives, too. Why is that a luxury we only afford to rich people?” Jachimowicz says. “We have to structure organizations and institutions to empower everyone.”

[Image: iStockphoto/mihtiander]

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Money Does Not Always Buy Happiness, but Are Richer People Less Happy in Their Daily Lives? It Depends on How You Analyze Income

Laura kudrna.

1 Institute of Applied Health Research, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom

Kostadin Kushlev

2 Department of Psychology, Georgetown University, Washington, DC, United States

Associated Data

Publicly available datasets were analyzed in this study. These data can be found at: https://www.atusdata.org (The ATUS extract builder was used to create the ATUS dataset, see Hofferth et al., 2017 ). GSOEP data were requested from https://www.diw.de/en/diw_02.c.222516.en/data.html , see Richter and Schupp, 2015 .

Do people who have more money feel happier during their daily activities? Some prior research has found no relationship between income and daily happiness when treating income as a continuous variable in OLS regressions, although results differ between studies. We re-analyzed existing data from the United States and Germany, treating household income as a categorical variable and using lowess and spline regressions to explore nonlinearities. Our analyses reveal that these methodological decisions change the results and conclusions about the relationship between income and happiness. In American and German diary data from 2010 to 2015, results for the continuous treatment of income showed a null relationship with happiness, whereas the categorization of income showed that some of those with higher incomes reported feeling less happy than some of those with lower incomes. Lowess and spline regressions suggested null results overall, and there was no evidence of a relationship between income and happiness in Experience Sampling Methodology (ESM) data. Not all analytic approaches generate the same results, which may contribute to explaining discrepant results in existing studies about the correlates of happiness. Future research should be explicit about their approaches to measuring and analyzing income when studying its relationship with subjective well-being, ideally testing different approaches, and making conclusions based on the pattern of results across approaches.

Introduction

Does having more money make someone feel happier? The answer to this longstanding question has implications for how individuals live their lives and societies are structured. It is often assumed that more income brings more happiness (with happiness broadly defined herein as hedonic feelings, while recognizing closely related constructs, including satisfaction and eudaimonia; Tiberius, 2006 ; Angner, 2010 ; Dolan and Kudrna, 2016 ; Sunstein, 2021 ). In many aspects of policy, upward income mobility is encouraged, and poverty can result in exclusion, stigmatization, and discrimination by institutions and members of the public. More income provides people with opportunities and, sometimes, capabilities to consume more and thus satisfy more of their preferences, meet their desires and obtain more of what they want and need ( Harsanyi, 1997 ; Sen, 1999 ; Nussbaum, 2008 ). These are all reasons to assume that higher income will bring greater happiness—or, at least, that low income will bring low happiness.

Some research challenges the assumption that earning more should lead to greater happiness. First, because people expect that more money should make them happier, people may feel less happy when their high expectations are not met ( Graham and Pettinato, 2002 ; Nickerson et al., 2003 ) and they may adapt more quickly to more income than they expect ( Aknin et al., 2009 ; Di Tella et al., 2010 ). Second, since the 1980s in many developed countries, the well-educated have had less leisure time than those who are not ( Aguiar and Hurst, 2007 ) and people living in high-earning and well-educated households report feeling more time stress and dissatisfaction with their leisure time ( Hamermesh and Lee, 2007 ; Nikolaev, 2018 ). The quantity of leisure time is not linearly related to happiness, with both too much and too little having a negative association ( Sharif et al., 2021 ). Evidence also shows that people with higher incomes spend more time alone ( Bianchi and Vohs, 2016 ). The lower quality and quantity of leisure and social time of people with higher incomes may, in turn, negatively impact their happiness, especially given there are strong links between social capital or “relational goods” and well-being ( Helliwell and Putnam, 2004 ; Becchetti et al., 2008 ).

At the same time, some—but not all—evidence suggests that working class individuals tend to be more generous and empathetic than more affluent individuals ( Kraus et al., 2010 ; Piff et al., 2010 ; Balakrishnan et al., 2017 ; Macchia and Whillans, 2022 ), and such kindness toward others has been associated with higher well-being ( Dunn et al., 2008 ; Aknin et al., 2012 ). Relatedly, psychological research suggests that people with lower socioeconomic status have a more interdependent sense of self ( Snibbe and Markus, 2005 ; Stephens et al., 2007 ). It is, therefore, possible that people high in income have lower well-being because they experience less of the internal “warm glow” ( Andreoni, 1990 ) benefit that comes along with valuing social relationships and group membership. In theory, therefore, there are reasons to suppose that high income has both benefits and costs for well-being, and empirical evidence can inform the debate about when and whether these different perspectives are supported.

Empirical Evidence on Income and Happiness

The standard finding in existing literature is that higher income predicts greater happiness, but with a declining marginal utility ( Dolan et al., 2008 ; Layard et al., 2008 ): that is, higher income is most closely associated with happiness among those with the least income and is least closely associated with happiness for those with the most income. Recently, this finding has been qualified by studies showing that the relationship between income and happiness depends on how happiness is conceptualized and measured: as an overall evaluation of one’s life or as daily emotional states ( Kahneman and Deaton, 2010 ; Killingsworth, 2021 ). In this vein, authors Kushlev et al. (2015) found no relationship between income and daily happiness in the American Time Use Survey (ATUS), which has recently been found for other happiness measures, too ( Casinillo et al., 2020 , 2021 ) The finding from Kushlev et al. (2015) was replicated in the German Socioeconomic Panel Survey (GSEOP) by Hudson et al. (2016) , and in another analysis of the ATUS by Stone et al. (2018) .

Some research has focused specifically on the effect of high income on happiness. Kahneman and Deaton (2010) conducted regression analyses using a Gallup sample of United States residents, finding that annual income beyond ~$75K was not associated with any higher daily emotional well-being. Income beyond ~$75K, however, predicted better life evaluations. Using a self-selecting sample of experiential data in the United States, Killingsworth (2021) conducted piecewise regressions and found no evidence of satiation or turning points. Jebb et al. (2018) fit regression spline models to global Gallup data, showing that the satiation point in daily experiences found by Kahneman and Deaton (2010) was also apparent in other countries. Unlike Kahneman and Deaton (2010) , however, Jebb et al. (2018) also found evidence of satiation in people’s life evaluations, and even some evidence for “turning points”—whereby richer people evaluated their lives as worse than some of those with lower incomes. A satiation point in life evaluations was also found in European countries at around €28K annually ( Muresan et al., 2020 ).

This pattern of findings could partly depend on the choice of analytic strategy. In analyses of the same dataset as Jebb et al. (2018) but using lowess regression, researchers found no evidence of satiation or turning points in the relationship between income and people’s life evaluations ( Sacks et al., 2012 ; Stevenson and Wolfers, 2012 ). These conflicting results suggest that the effect of analytic strategy on results deserves a closer examination.

The Research Gap

While there has been much research on income and happiness, including according to how happiness is defined and measured, we are not away of any studies that have compared the relationship between income and happiness according to how income is defined and measured. We propose that the relationship between income and happiness may depend not only on how happiness is measured, but also on how income is measured and analyzed. To improve our knowledge of the relationship between income and happiness, this paper, we focus on nonlinearities in the relationship between income and happiness and re-analyze the ATUS data used by Kushlev et al. (2015) and Stone et al. (2018) , as well as the GSOEP data used by Hudson et al. (2016) . Specifically, while Kushlev et al. (2015) analyzed income as a continuous variable in the ATUS, we treat income the way it was measured: as a categorical variable. We compare these results to GSOEP data where we re-code the original continuous measure of income into categorical quantiles. To further explore nonlinearities in the relationship between income and happiness, we also conduct local linear “lowess” and spline regression analyses.

We chose to re-analyze these data to address the question of differences in the relationship between income and happiness according to the measurement and analysis of income because the ATUS and GSOEP provide nationally representative data on people’s feelings as experienced during specific “episodes” of the day after asking them to reconstruct what they did during the entire day. Thus, compared to data from Gallup, which measures affect “yesterday,” measurements in the ATUS are more grounded in specific experiences, and therefore, less subject to recall bias ( Kahneman et al., 2004 ). And unlike Gallup, which uses more crude, dichotomous (“yes-no”) response scales, ATUS measures happiness along a standard seven-point Likert-type scale. In the GSOEP, we were also able to analyze data from the Experience Sampling Methodology (ESM), which asks people how they are feeling during specific episodes during the day and, as such, is even more grounded in specific experiences.

Measuring and Analyzing Income

The original ATUS income variable—family income—contains 16 uneven categories (see Table 1 ). For example, Category 11 has a range of ~$10K, whereas Category 14 has a range of ~$25K. The increasingly larger categories are designed to reflect declining marginal utility as an innate quality of income. Based on this, Kushlev et al. (2015) analyzed income as a continuous variable using the original uneven categories. Continuous scales, however, assume equal intervals between scale points—a strong assumption to make for the relatively arbitrary rate of change in the category ranges. Is increasing one’s income from $20,000 to $25,000 really equidistant to increasing it from $35,000 to $40,000 ( Table 1 )? And can we really assume, for example, that adding $5,000 of additional income to $35,000 is the same as adding $10,000 of additional income to $40,000? Recognizing this issue, income researchers have adopted alternative strategies. For example, Stone et al. (2018) took the midpoints of each category of income, and then log-transformed it. Thus, they transformed the categorical measure of income into a continuous measure. This approach produced results for happiness consistent with the findings of Kushlev et al. (2015) .

The original categories of income in the ATUS family income measure with number of individuals in each income category in the ATUS 2010, 2012, and 2013 well-being modules.

Complete cases only for all variables analyzed.

Both the increasing ranges of the income scale itself and its log-transformations reflect an assumed declining marginal utility of income: They treat a given amount of income increase at the higher end of the income distribution as having less utility than the same amount at the lower end of the distribution. But by subsuming income’s declining utility in its very measurement (or transformation thereof), it becomes difficult to interpret a null relationship with happiness. In other words, we might not be seeing a declining marginal utility of income reflected on happiness because the income variable itself reflects its declining utility.

Even when the income variable itself does not reflect its declining utility, a null relationship between income and daily experiences of happiness has been observed. Hudson et al. (2016) used GSOEP, which contains a measure of income that is continuous in its original form. Whether analyzing this income measure in its raw original form or in transformed log and quadratic forms, a null relationship with happiness was observed. This approach, however, does not consider whether there might be nonlinear/log/quadratic turning or satiation points at higher levels of income—an issue also applicable to previous analyses of ATUS ( Kushlev et al., 2015 ; Stone et al., 2018 ). This is important because there are theoretically both benefits and costs to achieving higher levels of income that could occur at various levels of income; however, this possibility has not yet been fully explored in ATUS or GSOEP data.

In sum, past research using ATUS has treated categorically measured income as a continuous variable, either assuming equidistance between scale points or attempting to create equidistance through statistical transformations. By doing so, however, researchers may have statistically accounted for the very utility of income for happiness that they are trying to test. In both ATUS and GSOEP, the question of whether there might be satiation and/or turning points at higher levels of income has not been fully considered. The present research explores whether treating income as a categorical variable in both ATUS and GSOEP would replicate past findings or reveal novel insights, focusing on possible nonlinearities in the relationship between income and happiness.

Materials and Methods

We used data from ATUS well-being modules in 2010, 2012, and 2013. To facilitate future replications of this research, the ATUS extract builder was used to create the dataset ( Hofferth et al., 2017 ). 1 The ATUS is a repeated cross-sectional survey and is nationally representative of United States household residents aged 15 years and older. Its sampling frame is the Current Population Survey (CPS), which was conducted 2–5 months prior to the ATUS. Some items in the ATUS come from the CPS, including the household income item that we analyze.

Data from the GSOEP come from the Innovation Sample (IS), which is a subsample of the larger main GSOEP ( Richter and Schupp, 2015 ). The main GSOEP and the IS are designed to be nationally representative. The IS contains information on household residents aged 17 years of age and older. We used two modules from these data: the 2012–2015 DRM module, which is a longitudinal survey, and the 2014–2015 ESM module.

Outcome Measures

In ATUS, participants were called on the phone and asked how they spent their time yesterday: what activities they were doing, for how long, who they spent time with and where they were located. This information was used to create their time use diary. A random selection of three activities were taken from these diaries and participants were asked how they felt during them. The feelings items were tired, sad, stressed, pain, and happy. Participants were also asked how meaningful what they were doing felt.

In GSOEP, participants were interviewed face to face for the DRM questions and through smartphones for the ESM questions. In the DRM, as in the ATUS, they were asked how they spent their time yesterday and, for a random selection of three activities, they were asked further details about how they felt. In the ESM, participants were randomly notified on mobile phones at seven random points during the day for around 1 week. As in the DRM, they were asked how they were spending their time at the point of notification, as well as how they felt. Participants in both ESM and DRM samples were asked about whether they were feeling happy, as well as other emotions such as sadness, stress, and boredom.

The focus of this research is on the happiness items from both the ATUS and GSOEP to highlight differences according to the treatment of the independent measure of income rather than differences according to the dependent outcome of emotional well-being.

Data were analyzed in STATA 15 and jamovi. The Supplementary Material S1 file contains the STATA command file for the main commands written to analyze the data. In both ATUS and GSOEP, OLS regressions were conducted with happiness as the outcome measure and income as the explanatory measure. Following Kushlev et al. (2015) and Hudson et al. (2016) , the average happiness across all activities each day was taken to create an individual-level measure. Because the GSOEP DRM sample contained multiple observations across years, the SEs were clustered at the individual level for models using this dataset.

The treatment of income differed according to the dataset because income was collected differently in each dataset. In the ATUS, income was first analyzed in continuous, log, and quadratic forms in OLS regressions, as in other research ( Kushlev et al., 2015 ; Hudson et al., 2016 ). Next, it was analyzed as a categorical variable with 16 categories, preserving the identical format that it was originally collected in from the CPS questionnaire.

In GSOEP, the income variable in the dataset is provided in continuous form because participants reported their monthly income as an integer. To compare to the ATUS results, 16 quantiles of income were created and analyzed in GSOEP DRMs (see Table 2 - note that there were insufficient observations to conduct these analyses with GSOEP ESMs). This income variable was also analyzed in continuous, log, and quadratic forms.

The range and number of person-year observations of the GSOEP Income 4 variable divided into 16 quantiles.

Omnibus F -tests and effect sizes ( n 2 ) are also reported to compare the categorical, continuous, log, and quadratic approaches.

We conducted lowess and spline regressions to further investigate possible nonlinearities in the relationship between income and happiness. For the lowess regressions, the smoothing parameter was set at of 0.08. For the regression splines, we fitted knots at four quartiles and five quantiles of income. We also used the results of OLS regressions treating income as a categorical variable, as well as the results of the lowess regression treating income as continuous, to fit knots at pre-specified values of income (where these analyses suggested there could be turning and/or satiation points).

Complete case analyses were conducted with 33,976 individuals in ATUS, 6,766 individuals in German DRMs, and 249 individuals in German ESMs. There was item-missing data in some samples (ATUS, 1.7% missing; GSOEP DRMs, 8.2% missing; GSOEP ESMs data, and 6.0% missing). We make analytical and not population inferences and therefore do not use survey weights ( Pfeffermann, 1996 ).

Results are presented without and with controls for demographic and diary characteristics. Following Kushlev et al. (2015) , Hudson et al. (2016) , and Stone et al. (2018) , these controls were age, gender, marital status, ethnic background, 2 health, 3 employment status, children, 4 and whether the day was a weekend. We also control for the year of the survey in ATUS DRM data to address the issue that our results are not due to new data but rather how we treat the income variable.

The list of variables we use in analyses are in Table 3 .

List of variables used in analyses in ATUS and GSOEP.

In both ATUS and GSOEP, daily happiness was analyzed using a 0–6 scale (in GSOEP scale points 1–7 were recoded to 0–6 to match ATUS). The ATUS mean happiness was 4.38 (SD = 1.33). The GSOEP DRM mean happiness was 2.91 (SD = 1.46), and the GSOEP ESM mean happiness was 2.65 (SD = 1.03).

The magnitude of our results can be considered in the context of effect sizes from other research on demographic characteristics and daily happiness ( Kahneman et al., 2004 ; Stone et al., 2010 ; Luhmann et al., 2012 ; Hudson et al., 2019 ). For example, the effect size for the relationship between age and daily experiences of happiness was 0.16 in Stone et al. (2010) . Our effect sizes range from 0.06 to 0.37. Throughout, we focus on coefficients, their 95% CIs, and visualizations of these coefficients and CIs, rather than on their statistical significance ( Lakens, 2021 ). The purpose of this is to highlight how analytic treatments of income affect the magnitude and precision of the relationship between income and happiness.

When treating the 16-category family income variable as continuous in OLS regressions, there was no substantive relationship between income and happiness as in other prior research ( Kushlev et al., 2015 ; Hudson et al., 2016 ; Stone et al., 2018 ). Out of the linear, squared, and log coefficients without and with controls, the largest and most precise coefficients were with controls; for linear income it was ( b  = −0.006, 95% CI = −0.01, −0.002), squared income ( b  = −0.0001, 95% CI = 0.0003, 0.00006), and log income ( b  = −0.03, 95% CI = −0.05, 0.001). The omnibus F -test (without controls) for linear income was F  = 0.28, n 2  = 0.000008 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.0002), for income squared was F  = 1.60, n 2  = 0.00005 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.0003), and for log income was F  = 0.23, n 2  = 0.000006 (95% CI = 0.00,0.0002).

The categorization of income focused attention on those with incomes of $35–40K, who appeared substantively happier than some of those with higher incomes (and lower incomes; see Figure 1 ). For example, with controls, those with incomes of $35–40K appeared happier relative to those with incomes of $150K+ ( b  = 0.16, 95% CI: 0.08, 0.24) and $100–150K ( b  = 0.14, 95% CI: 0.07, 0.221). The omnibus test for categorical income was F  = 1.61, n 2  = 0.007 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.0009).

Predicted values of average individual happiness in the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) at the 16 values of the family income variable without and with controls. Covariates at means. 95% CI.

Results from regression splines and a lowess regression suggested null results overall (see Figure 2 ). Further details of the analyses are in Supplementary Material S2 .

Line graph of predicted values from lowess regressions explaining variance in happiness from income treated as a continuous variable in ATUS.

When treating the continuous household income variable as continuous (in €10,000s) in OLS regressions, there was no substantive relationship between income and happiness as in other prior research ( Kushlev et al., 2015 ; Hudson et al., 2016 ; Stone et al., 2018 ). The association with the largest magnitude and most precision was for log income with controls ( b  = −0.08, 95% CI = −0.18, 0.01). 5

As in ATUS, treating the variable as categorical suggested some relationships between income and happiness. These results drew attention to those third quantile (~€14–18K), who seemed happier than those both higher and lower in income (see Figure 3 ). For example, with controls, they were happier than those in quantiles 13 (€42.6–48K, b  = 0.46, 95% CI = 0.25, 0.67), seven (~€24–27K, b  = 0.34, 95% CI = 0.13, 0.56), and one (€2.40–11,520K, b  = 0.28, 95% CI = 0.05, 0.51). The omnibus test for categorical income was F  = 4.00, n 2  = 0.009 (95% CI = 0.003, 0.01), whereas the omnibus test for linear income was F  = 0.09, n 2  = 0.00001 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.0007). The omnibus for log income was F  = 1.42, n 2  = 0.0002 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.0001) and for income squared it was F  = 0.96, n 2  = 0.0001 (95% CI = 0.00, 0.001).

Predicted values of average person-year happiness from GSOEP DRMs at 16 quantiles of income (Income 4) without and with controls. Covariates at means. 95% CI.

The lowess and spline regressions suggested null results overall, as the coefficients were small in magnitude (see Figure 4 ). Further details of the analyses are in Supplementary Material S3 .

Line graph of predicted values from lowess regressions explaining variance in happiness from income treated as a continuous variable in GSOEP DRMs at 16 quantiles of income.

There was no evidence to suggest any substantive association between income and happiness in ESM data for linear income, income squared, log income, in the lowess regressions, or regression splines. A visualization of the lowess results are in Figure 5 and further details of the analyses are in Supplementary Material S4 .

Results of local linear “lowess” regression from GSOEP Experience Sampling Methodology (ESM) data with happiness as the outcome and continuous annual income as the explanatory variable.

The omnibus F -test for linear income was F  = 0.53, n 2  = 0.002 (95%CI = −0.00, 0.03), and for log income it was F  = 0.12, n 2  = 0.0005, 95%CI = 0.00, 0.02. For income squared it was F  = 0.63, n 2  = 0.003, 95%CI = 0.00 0.03.

Is income creating a signal in these data on daily experiences of happiness, or is it all simply noise? The present results suggest that whether income can be concluded as being associated with daily experiences of happiness may depend on how income is analyzed. When income in ATUS is analyzed in its original, categorical form, there is some evidence that some people with higher incomes feel somewhat less happy than some of those with lower incomes. When the continuous income variable in GSOEP is split into categories, a similar pattern is observed. This is not inconsistent with the findings of Kushlev et al. (2015) , Hudson et al. (2016) , and Stone et al. (2018) , who found no relationship between income and daily feelings of happiness in the same data when income was analyzed as a continuous variable. It simply illustrates that a relationship between income and happiness could be interpreted when treating income categorically rather than continuously.

There are at least three possible interpretations to our overall results. One interpretation tends toward conservative. We conducted multiple comparisons of many transformations of income, which might inspire some to question whether we should have accounted for this in some way by adjusting for multiple comparisons. Although we found some evidence of differences in happiness according to income, such an adjustment might lead to an overall null conclusion when characterizing the relationship between income on happiness. A second interpretation is more generous. Within this perspective, one might emphasize the fact that because our income measures were correlated, no correction for multiple comparisons was required. It could then be argued that because we found some evidence for the relationship between income on happiness, there is good evidence that the overall effect is not null. A more moderate perspective, and the one adopted in this paper, is that because the overall pattern of our results showed mixed null and nonnull results, we can make an overall conclusion of some differences in happiness according to income. We also noticed that equivalizing income in the German data strengthened the relationship of income and happiness, further supporting the conclusion of some differences—and that the analytic treatment of income matters.

Based on the moderate perspective, we conclude that there is very little evidence of any relationship between income and daily experiences of happiness—and any relationship that does exist would suggest higher income could be associated with less happiness. The results do not support the results of Sacks et al. (2012) or Killingsworth (2021) , where a greater income was associated with greater happiness, and there were no satiation or turning points (see also Stevenson and Wolfers, 2012 ). These results are more aligned with Kahneman and Deaton (2010) , who found a satiation point in the relationship between income daily experiences of happiness, researchers finding no association between income and happiness ( Kushlev et al., 2015 ; Jebb et al., 2018 ; Casinillo et al., 2020 , 2021 ), who found that higher income can be associated with worse evaluations of life. We suggest the analytic strategy for income could contribute to explaining discrepant results in existing literature, and researchers should be clear about the approaches they have tested, although we acknowledge that sampling differences could play a role, too.

Overall, the results were broadly consistent between countries because there was no substantive relationship between income and happiness when income was treated continuously but there appeared to be relationships when treating income categorically. Despite a similar overall pattern in the income results, there were other difference between countries. German residents rated their happiness as lower than United States residents (a difference of ~1.5 scale points out of seven). This could be because of different interpretations of the word “happiness” in Germany and the United States. The word for happiness in German used in the survey— glück —can mean something more akin to lucky or optimistic—which is different from the meaning of word “happy” in the United States. Despite this linguistic difference, those with higher incomes were still less happy than some of those with lower incomes in both samples.

Limitations

One limitation to our results is the representativeness of the income distribution. Household surveys like those that we used do not tend to capture the “tails” of the income distribution very well: People in institutions and without addresses are excluded from these sample populations, which omits populations such as those living in nursing homes and prisons, as well as the homeless. Moreover, people do not always self-report their income accurately due to issues such as social desirability bias ( Angel et al., 2019 ). Existing studies that have focused on those with very low incomes do tend to find that low income is associated with low happiness ( Diener and Biswas-Diener, 2002 ; Clark et al., 2016 ; Adesanya et al., 2017 ). In ATUS, the highest household income value available was $150K, whereas in GSOEP it was €360K. Thus, it is not always clear whether the very affluent, such as millionaires, are represented in these samples ( Smeets et al., 2020 ). Overall, our results cannot be taken as representative of people who are very poor or rich and should not be interpreted as such.

Another limitation is that the present results cannot be interpreted casually because there has been no manipulation of income in these data nor exploration of mechanisms and there was no longitudinal data in ATUS. As discussed by Kushlev et al. (2015) , there are issues such as reverse causality. Here, however, some of our results potentially suggest an alternative reverse causality pathway, whereby less happy people may select into earning more income. Because the counterfactual is not apparent—we do not know how happy people with high incomes would be without their higher income—it could also be that those with high incomes would be even less happy than they currently are if they had not attained their current level of income. In other words, people with high incomes may have started out as less happy in the first place and be even less happy if they did not have high incomes.

A further limitation is the time period of the data, especially that they were collected prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. This could be an issue because it is possible that the relationship between income and daily experiences of happiness has changed, such as due to the exacerbation of health inequalities and restrictions on freedom of movement due to nationwide lockdowns. Our study does not provide any information on the longer-term and health and well-being consequences of both COVID-19 itself and the policy response to COVID-19 ( Aknin et al., 2022 ). As one example, access to green space, which has health and well-being benefits, is lower among those with low income, and this mechanism between income and happiness may have become more salient during COVID-19 ( Geary et al., 2021 ). Overall, it is important to consider the regional, political, and socioeconomic contexts in which income is attained to understand its relationship with well-being, including levels of income in reference groups such as neighbors, friends, and colleagues ( Luttmer, 2005 ; De Neve and Sachs, 2020 ). It would be important to replicate the results in this research with more recent data to address the limitation that the data we used are not recent, considering our broader point that the measurement and analysis of income should be considered as carefully as the measurement and analysis of happiness.

Future Directions

This research points to several directions for future research. One direction relates to data and measures: Nonlinearities in the relationship between income and happiness could be examined using time use data from other countries, considered between countries and/or within countries over time ( Deaton et al., 2008 ; De Neve et al., 2018 ), and investigated for measures of emotional states other than happiness ( Piff and Moskowitz, 2018 ). In general, our results suggest that researchers should pay attention to how income is measured and analyzed when considering how it is related to happiness, which complements findings from other research that the way happiness is measured and analyzed is important ( Kahneman and Deaton, 2010 ; Jebb et al., 2018 ).

Future research could also explore mechanisms that may explain our findings. In addition to those mentioned in the Introduction—expectations ( Graham and Pettinato, 2002 ; Nickerson et al., 2003 ), time use ( Aguiar and Hurst, 2007 ; Hamermesh and Lee, 2007 ; Bianchi and Vohs, 2016 ; Nikolaev, 2018 ; Sharif et al., 2021 ); generosity ( Dunn et al., 2008 ; Kraus et al., 2010 ; Piff et al., 2010 ; Aknin et al., 2012 ; Balakrishnan et al., 2017 ; Macchia and Whillans, 2022 ), and sense of self ( Snibbe and Markus, 2005 ; Stephens et al., 2007 )—another is the identity-related effect of transitioning between socioeconomic groups. Though one might expect upward mobility to be associated with greater happiness, research suggests that some working class people do not wish to become upwardly mobile because it could lead to a loss of identity and change in community ( Akerlof, 1997 ; Friedman, 2014 ). Indeed, upward intergenerational mobility is associated with worse life evaluations in the United Kingdom—though not in Switzerland ( Hadjar and Samuel, 2015 ), although recent findings show substantial negative effects of downward mobility, too ( Dolan and Lordan, 2021 ). Over time, therefore, the degree of mobility in a population could influence the relationship between income and happiness in both positive and negative directions.

Additionally, social comparisons could drive the effects of higher income on happiness. Higher income might not benefit happiness if one’s reference group—that is, the people to whom we compare or have knowledge of in some form ( Hyman, 1942 ; Shibutani, 1955 ; Runciman, 1966 )—changes with higher socioeconomic status. As income increases, people might compare themselves to others who are also doing similarly or better to them, and then not feel or think that they are doing any better by comparison—or even feel worse ( Cheung and Lucas, 2016 ). This is one of the explanations for the well-known “Easterlin Paradox” ( Easterlin, 1974 ), which suggests that as national income rises people do not become happier because they compare their achievements to others. The paradox is debated ( Sacks et al., 2012 ). Additionally, some research shows that it is possible to view others’ greater success as one’s own future opportunity and for upward social comparisons to then positively impact upon well-being ( Senik, 2004 ; Davis and Wu, 2014 ; Ifcher et al., 2018 ). As with the role of mobility in the relationship between income and happiness, it is unclear whether the role of social comparisons would create a positive or negative impact over time and future research could explore this.

Final Remarks

Overall, our results provide some evidence that individual attainment in terms of income may not equate to the attainment of individual happiness—and could even be associated with less daily happiness, depending upon how income is measured and analyzed. These results suggest that how income is associated with happiness depends on how income is measured and analyzed. They provide some support to the idea that financial achievement can have both costs and benefits, potentially informing normative discussions about the optimal distribution of income in society.

Data Availability Statement

Ethics statement.

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent from the participants’ legal guardian/next of kin was not required to participate in this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements.

Author Contributions

LK and KK contributed to conception and design of the study. LK organized the data, performed the statistical analysis in STATA, and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. KK performed additional statistical analysis in jamovi and wrote sections of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

LK was supported by a London School of Economics PhD scholarship during early work and later by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Applied Research Collaboration (ARC) West Midlands. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

LK thanks Professor Paul Dolan and Dr Georgios Kavetsos for their support early on in conducting this research, as well as Professor Richard Lilford for insights about multiple comparisons.

1 https://www.atusdata.org

2 In the ATUS this was Hispanic and Black, in GSOEP this was German origin.

3 In the ATUS this was whether the respondent had any physical or cognitive difficulty (yes/no), in GSOEP this was self-rated general health (bad, poor, satisfactory, good, and very good).

4 In the ATUS this was presence of children <18 years in the household, in GSOEP this was number of children.

5 This association was stronger and more precise when equivalizing income (dividing by the square root of household size), b  = −0.16, 95%CI = −0.06, −0.27, underscoring the importance of transparency in the treatment of income.

Supplementary Material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.883137/full#supplementary-material

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Money and Happiness in Poor and Wealthy Societies Essay

Introduction, positive correlation between happiness and money, insignificant correlation between happiness and money, works cited.

Many societies believe that money does not buy happiness. However, others affirm the contrary belief by saying that income levels affect people’s happiness. Before delving into the details of these perceptions, it is important to understand that happiness is an emotional or mental state where people experience more positive than negative feelings. These feelings outline how people interact with different stimuli, such as income, to influence their happiness. People experience different emotional effects through such stimuli. The positive and negative effect refers to the effects that varying income levels have on people’s feelings and emotions. In detail, a positive effect refers to the extent that a person experiences positive moods (such as joy and interest), while negative affect refers to negative emotions (such as anxiety, sadness, and depression) that most people experience from varying income levels.

Using the above definitions, happiness, and emotional outcomes, Kesebir and Diener (117) say unsurprisingly different researchers have investigated the relationship between happiness and money. Indeed, many societies believe that life is not about (merely) living, but living a fulfilling and happy life (quality life). This realization has caused many philosophers to explore different ways of rising above the mere existence of life to a more fulfilling purpose of living.

Comprehending the motivations for pursuing money and happiness is the key to understanding this correlation. In this paper, I argue that wealthy and poor societies have different relationships between money and happiness. In detail, after exploring different types of correlation between the two variables, I explain that the relationship between both variables is strong in low-income societies, but it gradually weakens as income increases (especially in wealthy societies). Based on this understanding, money affects happiness to a limited extent. Indeed, beyond the satisfaction of basic human needs, other non-monetary factors, such as social relationships, have a more significant correlation with happiness than money does.

The positive correlation between money and happiness mainly exists in low-income societies. The utilitarian philosophies of the modern era affirm this relationship (Kesebir and Diener 117). However, their influences stem from common beliefs in the 19 th century (and beyond), which equaled happiness to utility (utility refers to the ability of material possessions to satisfy human needs and wants). Using the relationship between happiness and utility, many medieval societies believed the latter was equal to human pleasure (Kesebir and Diener 117). Jeremy Bentham and Aristotle (among other philosophers) supported this view by saying that most people should strive to experience more pleasure than pain (as a measure of their happiness) (Kesebir and Diener 117). They also argued that different societies should use this basis for understanding morality and legislation (Kesebir and Diener 117).

As many societies embraced this idea, the medieval conception of happiness, as a function of virtue and perfection, disappeared (Kesebir and Diener 117). People started to see material possessions as more important than gaining respect from society (by practicing good morals and virtues). Similarly, this ideological shift made it uncommon for many people to focus on issues of human well-being (human well-being closely associates with happiness because it refers to a state of health or prosperity) (Kesebir and Diener 117). Therefore, their focus shifted to material possessions as a measure of happiness.

In line with the above argument, Aristotle argued that wealth was an important requirement for happiness. Easterlin (3) shared the same view by explaining America’s perception of happiness. He said many US citizens perceived happiness through “material” lenses. The Easterlin (3) paradox summed this view by showing that income had a direct correlation with happiness. It based this argument on several cross-national studies, which showed that rich people were happier than poor people were. For example, in a 1970 American study, Easterlin (4) found out that less than one-quarter of low-income people believed they were “happy” people. Comparatively, about double this number of respondents (in the high-income group) said they were happy. The same findings appeared in more than 30 similar researches conducted in other parts of the world. Although the same study established a correlation between happiness and education, health, and family relationships, income emerged as having the strongest and most consistent relationship with happiness (Easterlin 4).

Although Easterlin (3) used the above findings to support the correlation between income and happiness, he said increasing everybody’s income weakened the correlation between both variables. Therefore, income variations affected people’s perceptions of happiness (people always judge their happiness based on what their peers think of them). Lane (57) supported these views when he said that most people often adjusted to a new standard of measuring their happiness whenever they increased their income levels (the desire for money tapers off as income increases). Using this analogy, Easterlin (5) believed that wealthy nations were no happier than poor nations. Based on the same logic, he said that people’s subjective perceptions of happiness depended on their welfare perceptions (Easterlin 5).

Therefore, as opposed to perceiving their happiness through “material” lenses, they did so by understanding how it compared to their social norms. Consequently, people who are above the “norm” feel happier than those who are below it (how people perceive the social norm depends on the economic well-being of the society).

Although Easterlin (5) argued that happiness was subjective to the national income (as shown above), researchers who have conducted studies that are more recently told that the correlation between happiness and well-being was stronger than his paradox showed. Consequently, they revised this model by saying that increased national income affected the overall sense of individual well-being in a country. Unlike the data relied on Easterlin (4), researchers established the above fact, using findings that are more reliable. For example, Lane (56) quoted the findings of a 1976 transnational study, which showed that a nation’s poverty index affected the well-being of its citizens (such as people’s attitudes, feelings, and perceptions). These studies showed that personal satisfaction increased with increased levels of economic development (money “bought” happiness).

Money has an insignificant correlation with happiness in wealthy societies. This is an old view of this relationship because philosophers from ancient Greece started exploring this insignificant correlation in 370 BC (Kesebir and Diener 118). They said material wealth had an indirect correlation with happiness. Based on this understanding, they believed that a man’s mind defined his level of happiness. Similarly, they believed it was difficult for people to be happy if they lacked morals and virtues (money was not a priority). Democritus and Epicurus (two ancient Greek philosophers) mainly advanced this view (Kesebir and Diener 118).

Similarly, other ancient Greek philosophers, such as Socrates and his student, Plato, refuted the claim that happiness depended on the “enjoyment” of beautiful and good things. They believed that all people needed to show prudence and honor to be happy (Kesebir and Diener 118). Lane (56) has also reported the same findings after analyzing the relationship between money and happiness in a contextual approach. Like, Easterlin (3), he said in many developed countries, money did not increase happiness levels. Frank Andrews and Stephen Withey (cited in Lane 58) also supported these findings when they said that different socioeconomic groups showed small differences in people’s well-being. They also said that income levels had an insignificant impact on life as a whole.

The above findings show the different correlations between income and happiness. However, I believe this limited correlation mainly emerges in wealthy societies, as opposed to low-income societies. For example, non-monetary issues have a strong correlation with happiness in wealthy societies. Economists also affirm this fact through the Maslow hierarchy of needs because they say people crave for higher-level needs, such as love, social relationships, and recognition after they have met their primary needs such as food, shelter, sex, and clothing. Since many people in wealthy societies do not struggle to meet basic human needs, the insignificant correlation between happiness and money applies to this group of people.

Some philosophers maintain a “middle ground” by supporting the limited influence of money on happiness. Epicureans also supported this view because they said wealth was important to people’s happiness, to the extent that it gave people their basic needs, like shelter and clothing (Kesebir and Diener 118). However, beyond this threshold, it had an insignificant relationship with happiness. This analysis affirms the different correlations between happiness and income across poor and wealthy nations. Indeed, Kesebir and Diener 117) say there is a strong correlation between happiness and income in low-income countries, while wealthy economies experience an insignificant correlation between the two variables. A comparative study conducted in America revealed that the wealthiest Americans (profiled in Forbes) were only modestly happier than middle-income and low-income control groups that lived with them in the same location (Lane 58).

Based on the above analysis, income is not the only variable that affects happiness. Non-monetary issues affect happiness too. Lane (58) supports this argument by highlighting the need to distinguish individual pleasures from human well-being issues. Individual pleasures may depend on income, but people’s well-being is subjective. Therefore, besides income, other factors affect people’s happiness. To support this view, Lane (58) cited a 1982 study (conducted by Gallup), which asked Americans what made them happy (Lane 58). The respondents said family relationships made them happier than money did. Other things that made them happy included television, friends, reading books (and other pleasures) that most people from low-income families could afford (Lane 57).

Therefore, income does not solely define happiness. This analysis shows that although most people need to have adequate money to be happy, money, in isolation, is not sufficient to guarantee happiness, beyond providing basic needs. In the book, Happy People , Jonathan Freedman (cited in Lane 57) affirmed the above fact by saying that rich and poor people have different perceptions of the role of wealth in increasing people’s happiness levels. Overall, while many rich people understand that wealth does not automatically guarantee happiness, people from low-income societies believe it does. This was similarly true for their perceptions of well-being. Therefore, when a person is extremely poor, money looks like a “savior” of some sort, but as income increases, this idea disappears. This analogy has stronger merit than the general perception that money “buys” happiness. Indeed, not all happy people are rich. In this regard, many human societies have focused so much on material wealth that they have forgotten. It does not guarantee happiness.

After weighing the findings of this paper, easily, a person could affirm an indirect relationship between happiness and income. Some researchers say money has a direct relationship with happiness, while others do not affirm this relationship. This inconsistency stems from the contextual appeal of income and wealth to human societies. For example, income has a weak correlation with happiness in wealthy societies. However, this relationship is stronger in low-income societies. Evidence also shows that there was a weak correlation between income and happiness in medieval societies because many people believed adhering to human virtues made people happy (this was the medieval standard for happiness).

However, the modern era changed this perception and shifted the societal focus from virtues and morals to material wealth. Now, people attach more value to income and similar “material” factors. However, as changes to the Easterlin (3) paradox suggest, wealth increases happiness to a limited extent. Overall, this paper shows that income and happiness have a “contextual” relationship. For example, if there is a broad increase in income across a nation, this correlation weakens (the Easterlin (3) paradox mainly supports this view); however, as income levels decrease, the correlation strengthens. Consequently, there is a strong correlation between money and happiness in low-income societies. In wealthy societies, non-monetary factors like health and the quality of family relationships have a stronger impact on happiness than money does.

Easterlin, Richard. “Does Money Buy Happiness?” Public Interest 30.3 (1973): 3-10. Print.

Kesebir, Pelin and Ed Deiner. “In pursuit of happiness: Empirical Answers to Philosophical Questions.” Perspectives on Psychological Science 3.2 (2008): 117-123. Print.

Lane, Robert. “Does Money buy Happiness?” Public Interest 113.3 (1993): 56-65. Print.

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Happiness—Concept, Measurement and Promotion pp 71–78 Cite as

Does Money Buy Happiness?

• Yew-Kwang Ng 2 , 3  
• Open Access
• First Online: 04 December 2021

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After a relatively low level of survival and comfort, additional consumption does not increase happiness significantly, especially at the social level. At the individual level, people want more due to the relative competition effect which cancels out at the social level. In addition, the adaptation effects and environmental disruption effects also work to limit the contributions of higher consumption and enlarge the gap between expectation and actuality.

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Studies by psychologists and sociologists show that, both within a country and across nations, the happiness level of people increases with the income level, but only slightly. For example, using regional and cultural classifications, the Northern European countries with high incomes score top on happiness, followed by the group of English-speaking US, UK, Australia, and Ireland. Central and South-American countries including Brazil come next, followed by the Middle East, the Central European, Southern and Eastern European (Greece, Russia, Turkey, and Yugoslavia), the Indian Sub-continent, and Africa which does not, however, come last. Southern and Western European (France, Italy, and Spain) score significantly lower than Africa. And the last group is East Asia, including the country that leads in income, Japan. Singapore had an income level (per capita) 82.4 times that of India. Even in terms of purchasing power parity instead of using exchange rate, Singapore was still 16.4 time higher than India in income. However, the happiness scores of both countries were exactly the same, both significantly higher than that of Japan. (See Cummins 1998 . Cf. Diener and Suh 1999 ; Inglehart et al. 1998 , Table V18. On the East-Asian happiness gap, see Chap. 13 ). While there are notable cases like Japan and France that are far off the regression line, a statistically significant positive relationship between happiness and income exists cross-nationally. However, over around US$5,000 per capita annually, the correlation disappears (Veenhoven and Timmermans 1998 , Fig. 2). More recent studies show largely similar results (Easterlin 2010 , 2013 , 2017 ; World Happiness Report 2016 , 2021; Asadullah et al. 2018 ; Cheng et al. 2018 ; Clark et al. 2018 ; Diener et al. 2018 ; Frey and Stutzer 2018 ; Luo et al. 2018 ; Olivera 2019 ). Footnote 1

When the above result was presented in a seminar, a colleague said, ‘Cross-national relationship between income and happiness is affected by cultural differences. The relationship should be stronger within the same country.’ In fact, the relationship between happiness and income level inter-temporally within the same country (at least for the advanced countries which have such data) is even less encouraging in terms of giving a positive relationship. For example, from the 1940s to 1994, the real income per capita of the US nearly trebled. However, the percentage of people who regard themselves as very happy fluctuated around 30%, without showing an upward trend; another measure of average happiness fluctuated around 72%. Since 1958, the real income level in Japan increased by more than 5 times. However, its average happiness measure fluctuated around 59%, also without an upward trend. (See Diener and Suh 1997 ; Frank 1997 ; Myers 1996 , p. 445; Oswald 1997 ; Veenhoven 1993 ). Blanchflower and Oswald 2000 show that the levels of happiness in the United States have declined slightly over the period from the early 1970’s to the late 1990’s while (Hagerty and Veenhoven 1999 ) show a slight increase. ‘Roughly unchanged’ seems still to be the best bet.). Perhaps, dynamically, we need rising incomes just to sustain happiness at an unchanged level, the so-called ‘hedonic treadmill’. However, there are also studies showing happiness to be inversely related to the pace of economic growth (Diener et al. 1993 ).

There could also be different degrees of cultural bias in reports of happiness levels internationally (Diener et al. 2009 ). For example, people in the US are more inclined to profess happiness, as being happy is socially regarded as something positive. French respondents may have the opposite bias, as Charles de Gaulle was quoted as saying ‘ Happy people are idiots’ , though this assertion has actually been refuted by evidence (Diener 1984 ). In Japan, the social custom of modesty may make people less ready to describe themselves as very happy. However, for intertemporal comparisons, it is likely that, if there have been any significant changes in such biases, they are likely towards more willingness to profess happiness. Thus, such cultural bias cannot be used to explain the failure of the happiness measures to increase over time with income. Moreover, researchers have used various methods (e.g. the social desirability scale of Crowne and Marlowe ( 1964 ) to isolate the effects of such biases without changing the conclusions significantly. For example, Konow and Earley ( 2002 ) report that the use of the C-M scale to control for the bias does not significantly affect their findings that people who help others are happier.

On the other hand, happiness studies show that a number of factors including marriage, personality, health, religious belief, employment, social capital correlate positively and strongly with happiness (e.g. Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998 ; Bjornskov 2003 ; Diener et al. 2010 ; Amato and James 2018 ; Leng et al. 2020 ). For example, for personality, ‘the most robust predictors of higher life satisfaction were higher extraversion, conscientiousness, emotional stability (lower neuroticism)’ (Kobylińska et al. 2020 , Abstract).

It is interesting that age correlates with happiness in an unexpected way. Most people may expect that happiness first increases with age as one gains more independence, incomes, and knowledge to enjoy life and then decreases with age as one gets old and less healthy. Happiness researchers first found no significant relationship between age and happiness. However, when they allow for the square of age in the regression, they find that average happiness first decreases with age until around thirty something years old and then increases monotonically with age until the highest range available in studies, seventy something. That the minimum point occurs at around thirty something could be explained by the pressure of paying off the first mortgage on the housing loan, inexperience in adjusting to one’s partner and in bringing up the first child. Knowledge of this unexpected U-shaped happiness curve is very, very important, especially to the majority of readers of this book who may be around or will soon reach the minimum happiness point in their life cycles. Some of the less happy may think, ‘I am already so unhappy at this young age; won’t I have an even more miserable life when I am old? Perhaps I should end this miserable life!’ The knowledge of the U-shaped happiness curve may thus prevent many suicides and provide a more optimistic outlook by knowing a brighter future ahead. This knowledge alone is certainly worth many, many times the total opportunity costs of buying and reading this book! Your happiness is also increased by knowing that your consumer surplus of buying this book is so huge; haha! (On the age-happiness relationship, see Chap. 9 .)

The picture is not much different even if we use more objective indicators of the quality of life. Analyzing a panel data set of 95 quality-of-life indicators (covering education, health, transport, inequality, pollution, democracy, political stability) covering 1960–1990, Easterly ( 1999 ) reaches some remarkable results. While virtually all of these indicators show quality of life across nations to be positively associated with per capita income, when country effects are removed using either fixed effects or an estimator in first differences, the effects of economic growth on the quality of life are uneven and often nonexistent. It is found that ‘ quality of life is about equally likely to improve or worsen with rising income. … In the sample of 69 indicators available for the irst Differences indicator, 62 percent of the indicators had time shifts improve the indicator more than growth did’ (Easterly 1999 , p. 17–8). Even for the only 20 out of the 81 indicators with a significantly positive relationship with income under fixed effects, time improved 10 out of these 20 indicators more than income did.

The surprising results are not due to the worsening income distribution (there is some evidence that the share of the poor gets better with growth). Rather, the quality of life of any country depends less on its own economic growth or income level but more on the scientific, technological, and other breakthroughs at the world level. These depend more on public spending than private consumption (Radcliff 2013 ; Ott 2015 ; Ho et al. 2020 ; Cf. Dowding and Taylor 2020 ). Many studies (e.g. Estes 1988 ; Slottje 1991 ; see Offer 2000 for a review) show that measures of social progress strongly correlate with income level at low incomes (to around US$3,000 at 1981 prices) but the correlation disappears after that. Others (e.g. Veenhoven 1991 ; Diener and Suh 1999 ) show a similar relationship between happiness and income.

Higher income and consumption may increase the preference for even higher levels but they may in fact decrease the happiness level if the consumption level remains unchanged. In other words, higher consumption makes us adapted to the higher level and raises our expectation and hence makes us needing even higher consumption to remain at the same welfare level. As illustrated in Fig.  7.1 , when one’s customary consumption level is indicated by the point A, the (total) welfare curve is X. When one’s customary level increases to B, the curve moves to Y. Thus, the welfare level does not increase to BB” but only marginally to BB’. However, the marginal welfare of consumption (originally measured by the slope of the curve X at point A’) may increase (to the slope of the curve Y at B’). This makes the individual feel that having more money to spend becomes more important. However, the long-run welfare curve is the curve that passes through A’B’C’ which has a much lower slope, indicating that the marginal welfare of consumption is low. According to the estimate of Kapteyn et al. ( 1976 ), up to 80% of an expected initial welfare increase of additional income disappears with an actual increase in income. Fuentes and Rojas ( 2001 ) found that income does not have a strong influence on either well-being or on the probability of happiness. ‘ However, people tend to overstress the impact that additional income would have on their subjective well-being ’(p. 289).

The adaptation of happiness to customary consumption levels

If we take into account the costs of adjustment, the whole long-run welfare curve is also a function of one’s accustomed level of consumption a higher level of which lowers the whole long-run welfare curve. To maximize happiness in the long run, one should start with not too high a consumption level so as to be able to gradually increase the level over time. In this perspective, children of the rich may really suffer a disadvantage. (This is supported by evidence on adolescents reported in Schneider, B., & Csikszentmihalyi 2000.) They start off being accustomed to very high levels of consumption which they may find difficult to surpass, hence suffering in happiness terms. Thus, wise rich people do not splash their children with money. But there are difficulties for the rich in limiting the consumption levels of their children, due to comparison with those of the parents and with peers. This may also partly explain why there is not much difference in happiness terms between the rich and the poor.

Failing to realize expectation is important in student examination performance. The despair after non-realization makes many students giving up, fail to pass, and drop out of school. An intervention to help students adjust to more realistic expectation reduce the failure/drop-out rates by 25–40% (Goux et al. 2017 ).

Reich ( 2000 ) argues for putting more time for one’s family than in long working hours and is thus in agreement with the theme here. However, his proposal of providing US$60,000 for everyone turning 18 may not be a good idea as it is contrary to the principle of starting from a low consumption level as well as the merit of self-reliance.

There is a consideration that qualifies the above principle of starting from a low consumption level. For certain items of consumption, especially those important for health, too low a level does not only fail to improve one’s future ability to happiness, it actually lowers that ability. This is especially so in one’s childhood and adolescent periods where sufficient (material and spiritual) nutrients are important for the healthy growth of the body, the development of healthy personality, and the build up of knowledge (Glewwe et al. 2001 ). If one is handicapped by serious deficiencies earlier in life, one may never catch up later. However, this consideration is more important than the adaptation effect only at very low consumption levels. It may be thought that an informed and rational individual would know and take account of the long-run effects and hence the problem does not arise. However, the evidence suggests that most individuals are not perfectly rational and/or informed in this sense and that they are thus guided more by their short-run curves (Frijters 2000 ; Gilbert 2006 ; Shafir 2008 ; Linden 2011 ).

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ECONLOG POST

Mar 20 2024

Does Money Buy Happiness?

Scott sumner .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-avatar img { width: 80px important; height: 80px important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-avatar img { border-radius: 50% important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-meta a { background-color: #655997 important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-meta a { color: #ffffff important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-meta a:hover { color: #ffffff important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-recent-posts-title { border-bottom-style: dotted important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-author-boxes-recent-posts-item { text-align: left important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-li { border-style: none important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-li { color: #3c434a important; } .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.box-post-id-69046.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-instance-id-1 .pp-multiple-authors-boxes-li { border-radius: px important; } .pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline ul.pp-multiple-authors-boxes-ul { display: flex; } .pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline ul.pp-multiple-authors-boxes-ul li { margin-right: 10px }.pp-multiple-authors-boxes-wrapper.pp-multiple-authors-wrapper.pp-multiple-authors-layout-inline.multiple-authors-target-shortcode.box-post-id-69046.box-instance-id-1.ppma_boxes_69046 ul li > div:nth-child(1) {flex: 1 important;}.

By Scott Sumner, Mar 20 2024

Reason magazine has an article entitled:

More Money Does Buy More Happiness

But the article itself is more nuanced:

A new study in the journal  Emotion  presents a challenge to the Easterlin finding. Jean Twenge, a psychologist at San Diego State University, and A. Bell Cooper, a data scientist at Lynn University, examined data collected from 44,000 adult respondents to the General Social Survey (GSS) between 1972 and 2016 and found that more money does, in fact, correlate with more happiness.

I know that “correlation doesn’t imply causation” has become a cliché, but it remains an important concept.  I actually see two problems with the “money buys happiness” claim:

1. I would expect happy people to be richer than unhappy people, even if wealth had no causal impact on happiness.  Depressed people often lack ambition, feeling fatalistic about life.

2. Happiness is difficult to define.  One definition relates to mood—happy people are people in a cheerful mood.  Another definition relates to general life satisfaction .

I know some grouchy people who are satisfied with what they have accomplished in life.  Are they “happy”?  I suppose it depends how one defines happiness:

Nevertheless, Easterlin and other scholars continue to argue that the “Easterlin Paradox” is real. Some cite 2010 research in the  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences  by Princeton economist and Nobelist Angus Deaton and his colleagues that  supposedly  found happiness does not increase once an individual’s income reaches about $75,000 per year. What the study  actually  found is that more money does not affect the level of day-to-day joy, stress, and sadness but does correlate strongly with rising measures of overall life satisfaction.

If I were to suddenly lose 98% of my wealth, I might tell pollsters than my “life satisfaction” had gone down.  But back when I actually had 98% less wealth than today, my mood was about the same is it is now.

I remain agnostic on the question of whether wealth increases happiness.  I am more sympathetic to the claim that freedom increases happiness, and I also believe that freedom leads to higher wealth.  So I’m not at all surprised by the fact that international comparisons show a positive correlation between wealth and happiness.

RELATED CONTENT

Emiliana simon-thomas on happiness, reader comments.

• READ COMMENT POLICY

Richard W Fulmer

Mar 20 2024 at 3:41pm.

Money, if it does not bring you happiness, will at least help you be miserable in comfort. — Helen Gurley Brown

Mar 20 2024 at 4:16pm

Even high-income people can lead lifestyles that are one paycheque away from insolvency, but surely anyone who experiences less fiscal stress is happier than otherwise.

Scott Sumner

Mar 20 2024 at 5:29pm.

I had no fiscal stress when I was poor.  Fiscal stress is mostly (not entirely) about personality.

Mar 20 2024 at 4:57pm

“I remain agnostic on the question of whether wealth increases happiness.”

Women are hypergamus. Glad I could clear up whatever vestiges of agnoticism might remain. 😉

Mar 20 2024 at 5:06pm

One of the more powerful libertarian anecdotes is the anecdote of how voluntary exchange reveals genuine preferences to the exchange, a person trades a dollar for a pack of gum, the buyer prefers the gum to the dollar and the seller prefers the dollar to the pack of gum. Same vasic concept here, accumulating wealth to the extent people engage in that activity reveals a preference for wealth accumulation over philanthropy, leisure, other spendthrift ways. As Jimmy Fallon once quipped in a Capital One commercial, “99% of people prefer more money”

Mar 20 2024 at 5:28pm

I definitely prefer to have more money.  I’m agnostic on the question of whether it makes me happier.  Perhaps, but I haven’t noticed the effect.  Nor do I see the effect in others that I know.  I know people who have made a lot of money in the market, and they don’t strike me as being happier than before they were rich.  Maybe they are, but how would we know?

“Women are hypergamus.”

Relative rank is a zero sum game.  So even if true (and assuming that women make men happier), this would not apply to happiness at the societal level.

Mar 21 2024 at 3:53am

Conceding that people seem to prefer more money to less but then saying that it doesn’t necessarily make them happier seems to be a matter of semantics.  True, happiness may be difficult to define.  But, then perhaps a more interesting question is what is the term for that thing that one gets more of when one satisfies more of their preferences, such as having more money?  We could call that “utility”, e.g., people gain more utility from having more wealth.

But, one definition of utility is, “the total satisfaction or benefit derived from consuming a good or service.”  Another is, “a measure of the satisfaction that a certain person has from a certain state of the world.”  Both definitions, especially the second, would seem to align with the life satisfaction definition of happiness.  If a person has more satisfaction with the states of the world in which they are wealthier, then do they not have more life satisfaction in those states?

I guess one could always define “happiness” as life satisfaction that comes from utility plus non-utility-derived life satisfaction, whatever that means, to distinguish “happiness” from “utility”.  But, again, that just seems to be a matter of semantics.  It’s tautologically true that increasing utility does not lead to more non-utility-derived satisfaction.

Mar 21 2024 at 6:39pm

Conceding that people seem to prefer more money to less but then saying that it doesn’t necessarily make them happier seems to be a matter of semantics.”

Would you also say “Conceding that addicts seem to prefer more heroin to less but then saying that it doesn’t necessarily make them happier seems to be a matter of semantics.”?

Mar 21 2024 at 5:12am

Any idea that objective increases in income & wealth cause objective increase in happiness is contradicted by the fact that humans haven’t been growing objectively happier, happier, and ever happier over  recent millennia.  With the greatest happiness of all time being enjoyed en masse right now.  Economists love to expand their realm, often with insightful results, but “happiness” they should leave to psychologists.

The psychologists say that humans are born with an objective happiness “set point”, varying by individual, and whatever happens to them they return to it. IIRC, this was first examined in the ’80s when children in hospital wards suffering from dreadful illnesses and injuries were noticed to be playing as happily as any others.  Then set point behavior was widely documented in adults with, for example, cranky complainers who won the lottery being happy for a year then returning to moaning about all the new property taxes they had to pay, and cheerful optimists who suffered a financial or health calamity being down for a year then returning  to being cheerfully up about wherever they were.   As our DNA hasn’t changed, set points explain cave dwellers and ancient Romans being as happy as we are.

The next generation of research found happiness set points aren’t totally fixed but can indeed be shifted upward via specific practices and serious effort at self-improvement work or say Cognitive Behavior Therapy. This wasn’t noticed earlier because few people put in the effort.  Most are happier to have their set points stay set and not be happier.  Anyhow…

As to the economics, over the decades I’ve seen many studies finding Easterlin-type results of positive but diminishing “happiness returns” ending at some lower middle-class income level.  Most often they’ve been interpreted not as rising income increasing happiness per se, but reducing stress and anxiety from fear of being unable to pay bills and the like, which makes people unhappy.  Not the same thing.  I’m good with that, and frankly don’t see any “paradox” in it at all.

As to economics and happiness, I’m with you:  What does the word even mean in economics studies?   About this new one…

Jean Twenge, a psychologist at San Diego State University, and A. Bell Cooper, a data scientist at Lynn University, examined data collected from 44,000 adult respondents to the General Social Survey (GSS) between 1972 and 2016 and found that more money does, in fact, correlate with more happiness. The survey asks respondents to report their happiness on a three-point scale: “Taken all together, how would you say things are these days—would you say that you are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy?” The researchers then parsed the data by income deciles…

Self-reported data (the worst) retrospectively collected … on how one subjectively feels …  with “happiness” not defined to anyone in the study – potentially meaning something different to every single person …  countless confounding variables … zero control group … causation presumed from correlation … gee, what could go wrong ?

I know some grouchy people who are satisfied with what they have accomplished in life.  Are they “happy” ?

Amen to this. During my decades of lawyering in NYC I’ve known several millionaires and one billionaire who were very satisfied with their business-social-philanthropic achievements and who had really messed up families.  Happy?  I don’t know.

back when I actually had 98% less wealth than today, my mood was about the same is it is now.

This too. As a career self-employed my income has been way low, very high, far down, very top, repeat.  When young and single in Manhattan with no responsibilities and a fraction of my future income, that was the life!   When I had multiples of that income with a wife and three kids in private schools, it was always woe just around the corner.  Now my income is lower again, the kids have grown and moved on (the ex-wife too) … 🙂

My experience through all my income epicycles was: enough income reduced stress and unhappiness, higher income never made me happy, no matter what my actual income level was.  Other things did make me happy — and psychologists know a whole lot more about those many other things than economists do.

Economics is about welfare, not happiness.  That’s for the psychologists.  IMHO, FWIW.

Mar 21 2024 at 6:41pm

Excellent comment!

Vivian Darkbloom

Mar 21 2024 at 8:55am.

There are many things that go into making a person “happy” (I prefer the term “content”) As far as wealth is concerned, this armchair psychologist thinks that it is not the amount of wealth one has but the trajectory one is on.  My advice to young people:  If each year you are a little bit better off than the last, the chances are that this will contribute to your overall sense of well-being.  Your chances of this are improved if you set aside part of your current income for saving and future consumption.  Doing so will increase your level of optimism.

I also believe that, indeed, “inequality” plays a role.  Humans are social animals and by nature competitive.  Economists (and Warren Buffett) can tell people today that they are better of than John D. Rockefeller.  But, hardly anyone is going to find that persuasive if one is much less well-off than those one is surrounded by.

Too much money can also create a lot of problems.  I’ve advised many very wealthy people regarding choice of residence.  Many if not most would choose not to live in a high tax environment for fear that it will cost them a larger part of their wealth.  Rather than a liberating factor, it can easily become a limitation.

Mar 21 2024 at 6:44pm

“not the amount of wealth one has but the trajectory one is on.”

This relates to a point I often make—that happiness is often the expectation of future happiness.  Thus a successful first date might bring visions of lots of futures happy dates.

Mar 21 2024 at 10:30am

Count me in the skeptical group on the happiness studies. It’s difficult to define but if you do try to define it then you are often just choosing the metrics that will support your outcome. If you rely upon self-reporting then you are, as Jim notes, relying upon very unreliable data. If economics doesnt want to be grouped with the softer sciences like psychology then I think they should be looking at more reliable measures. Does being wealthier affect divorce rates, suicide, bankruptcies, family size, number of friends, health, relationships with family, etc. I am sure there is a lot of other stuff but if you really want to study the effects wealth, measuring what it actually does would be more useful.

Mar 21 2024 at 10:52am

Good points. I’d say there’s also things which makes us less unhappy or much better off though we don’t think of it as ‘happiness’ — health is such a thing, its a steady state, we take it for granted until we don’t, but if you tell a woman, “Be happy because even though you just got a breast cancer diagnosis at least you needn’t suffer like Abigail Adams and have a much higher survivability percentage” — and while we’re thankful for better medicine in a certain sense we don’t call that happiness as we think of being ‘happy’

Mar 21 2024 at 1:48pm

Does being wealthier affect divorce rates

(High) divorce rates, would be signaling happiness or unhappiness? I haven’t checked, but my guess is that divorce rates are positively correlated with wealth. Divorce is a pretty expensive way of increasing your happiness (very effective, though).

Same thing for “family size” or “relations with family”. Is it “frequent relations” or “infrequent relations” what would be signaling “happiness”?

Mar 21 2024 at 1:59pm

But back when I actually had 98% less wealth than today, my mood was about the same is it is now.

Happiness seems to be positively correlated with age and age is negatively correlated with wealth. Age is negatively correlated with health and energy.

For a given level of age (or health or loved one’s health or ….) I have very little doubt that spending (and/or having the option to spend) increases happiness.

Or, as Vivian pointed out, maybe is really about spending more than last year (and/or having the option to spend more than last year).

Mar 21 2024 at 2:03pm

I remain agnostic on the question of whether wealth increases happiness.  I am more sympathetic to the claim that freedom increases happiness

These seem to be two contradictory statements. At least at an individual level, wealth provides a significant amount of freedom (much more so than, for instance, the passing of your favorite constitutional amendment. Whatever it can be).

Mar 21 2024 at 6:46pm

I don’t feel freer than when I had 98% less wealth.

Mar 23 2024 at 12:19am

Then it has to be a problem with semantics.

freedom = having the option to choose among different courses of action (Friedman’s “Free to choose”)

wealth = command over resources

Since many courses of action require, to some extent, command over resources, “wealth” should have necessarily increased the options available to you, which (by the above-mentioned definition) should have increased your “freedom to choose”.

Mar 23 2024 at 7:09pm

I had freedom from complicated taxes.  I had freedom from worrying about my property if on a long vacation.

Mar 21 2024 at 2:38pm

Just giving everyone a hard time here but I spend so much time in my Macro classes reminding students that money is not the same as income! I even joke, “you don’t really care how much money you have, you care how much real income you have.”

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Sample essay: does money bring happiness?

by Manjusha Nambiar · Published April 7, 2014 · Updated November 14, 2023

IELTS essay prompt

Some people believe that money brings happiness; others are of the opinion that having too much money is a problem. Discuss both views and give your own opinion.

Sample response

Almost all of us are motivated by money. The only reason that most of us spend 8 to 10 hours at the workplace is to earn money. Money probably doesn’t bring happiness, but not having enough money to take care of our basic needs will seriously limit our happiness. No one wants to live in poverty and no one will lend to the poor.

Money helps us lead a comfortable life. It helps us provide the best possible education for our children. It ensures that our near and dear ones have access to medical attention whenever they need it.

Having more money than you need is unlikely to increase your levels of happiness, but not having enough will definitely destroy your peace of mind.

There is a limit to the amount of money that we can spend on ourselves. Still, the richest among us have amassed wealth they or their progeny will never use in their lifetime. Still, they aren’t satisfied. They want more. That is the lure of money. It never makes people content. Those who don’t have it want to have it. Those who have it want to have even more of it. Unfortunately, in our pursuit of riches, we often forget to live. We forget to appreciate the little joys that make our lives worth living.

Having a lot of money is definitely a problem. It even threatens our safety and security and makes us the target of thieves. Look at the richest people. They can’t move around freely like you or I. They are always surrounded by their personal security guards and often live their entire lives in constant fear of getting attacked.

To conclude, money is unlikely to make us happy, but we must still earn enough. However, in our pursuit of riches, we must not lose our souls. True happiness comes from spiritual awakening. Money has hardly anything to do with it.

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IELTS Practice

Essay on Money And Happiness

Students are often asked to write an essay on Money And Happiness in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Money And Happiness

Understanding money.

Money is like the coins and notes we use to buy things. It’s important because it helps us get what we need, like food and a place to live. People work to earn money, and they use it to pay for goods and services.

Can Money Buy Happiness?

Some people think having a lot of money makes you happy. It can buy toys, games, and vacations. But happiness isn’t just about things you can buy. It’s also about love, friendship, and good memories.

Happiness Without Money

True happiness often comes from non-money things like playing with friends, family hugs, and laughing. These moments create joy that lasts longer than the happiness from buying something.

Balance is Key

It’s good to have money for what we need. But it’s also important to enjoy simple pleasures. Finding a balance between money and happiness is like having enough ice cream: too little is sad, but too much can also make you sick.

250 Words Essay on Money And Happiness

Money’s role in happiness.

Many people believe that having a lot of money can make them happy. It’s true that money can buy things we need and want. With enough money, we can have a comfortable house, good food, and fun toys. It also lets us do things like travel and go to movies, which can make us feel joyful.

But Does Money Guarantee Happiness?

The answer is not so simple. After we have enough money for basic needs, extra money doesn’t always mean extra happiness. Think about it like a favorite dessert: the first bite is delicious, but after a while, you can’t eat anymore. Similarly, once we have enough money, more of it doesn’t make us much happier.

Other Important Things for Happiness

Happiness isn’t just about money. It’s also about having friends, family, and good health. Playing with friends, spending time with family, and running around outside can make us very happy. These things don’t need a lot of money but are very valuable for our happiness.

Money as a Tool

We should think of money as a tool. It can help us get things that make life easier and more fun. But it’s not the only thing that creates happiness. Being kind, having good relationships, and enjoying simple pleasures are also key to feeling happy.

In conclusion, money can help with happiness, but it’s not the whole story. Being with loved ones and taking care of our health are just as important. Remember, smiles are free, and often, they are the best sign of happiness.

500 Words Essay on Money And Happiness

Understanding money and happiness.

Many people talk about how important money is, and others say happiness is the key to life. But what is the real connection between money and being happy? This essay will explore the relationship between these two things in a simple way.

Money is like a tool, something you use to buy things you need or want. Just like a hammer helps you build a house, money helps you get food, a place to live, clothes, and toys. It’s easy to think that having more money means you can buy more things, and that will make you happier. To some extent, this is true because if you don’t have enough money for basic needs, life can be very hard and stressful.

Happiness Beyond Basics

Once you have enough money for the basics, like food and a safe home, having extra money doesn’t always make you a lot happier. This is because happiness often comes from things that you can’t buy with money. For example, spending time with family and friends, playing outside, and doing things you love can make you feel happy, and they don’t always need money.

The Limits of Money

Even though money can buy lots of things, it can’t buy everything. For example, money can’t buy love or friendship. You can’t use money to make someone care about you or to have a true friend. Also, if you focus too much on getting money, you might miss out on fun times with people you care about.

Being Wise with Money

Being smart about how you use money is important. If you only buy things you really need or that will truly make you happy, you can save your money for important things in the future, like education or adventures. Also, sharing your money by helping others can make you feel good inside, which is a special kind of happiness.

Money Can’t Solve Everything

Sometimes, no matter how much money you have, there are problems that money can’t fix. If you’re feeling sad or have a problem with a friend, buying something new might make you feel better for a little while, but it won’t fix the real problem. Talking to someone you trust, like a parent or teacher, can help more than spending money.

Finding Balance

The secret is finding a balance between having enough money to take care of your needs and finding happiness in things that don’t cost money. It’s like having a cake – money can buy the ingredients, but the fun of baking and eating it with friends is where the real happiness is.

In the end, money is important because it helps us live comfortably and gives us a chance to do things we enjoy. But it’s not the only thing that makes us happy. Real happiness often comes from love, friendship, and doing things that make us feel proud and excited. So, while money is a helpful tool, it’s not the only path to happiness. Remember, the best things in life aren’t things you can buy, but moments you share with others and experiences that make you smile.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

• Essay on Modesty
• Essay on Modernism
• Essay on Modern Transportation

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Winning the lottery: does it guarantee happiness.

• One study says that lottery winners do see improvement in happiness and well-being
• Research finds that household income, once above $75,000, does not bring more happiness
• Experiences bring more happiness than possessions, research suggests

(CNN) -- She was a mother of three living in a small apartment and working four jobs. And then, as if in a fairy tale, she won her state's lottery last year. But the story doesn't have the happy ending you might expect.

She didn't do anything overly extravagant after the $1.3 million got slashed in taxes. She bought a house, got a new wardrobe at the Salvation Army, cut work down to just one job and invested the rest.

And then came the phone calls: promises, marriage proposals, accusations, threats. People who used to volunteer to help her do things wanted money for their trouble. Family members, she says, tried to run her life, and control her money.

"Sometimes I wish I could change my name and go somewhere and hide," said the woman, who asked not to be identified to prevent further attention.

It's fun to think about what you would do if you played lottery numbers that brought in millions of dollars. But, disillusioning as it may seem, big winnings can come with big costs, especially because of the greed of others, experts say.

Jim McCullar of Washington state, who claimed half of the Mega Millions $380 million prize Thursday, said he was initially afraid to come forward because "all we saw were predators and we were afraid to do anything until we got down here with police protection."

McCullar is "not going to know who to trust and whether he can even stay and live in the same hometown," said Steven Danish, professor of psychology and social and behavioral health at Virginia Commonwealth University.

Lottery winners sometimes experience high-profile misfortune. West Virginia businessman Andrew "Jack" Whittaker Jr. is a well-known example; he won $112 million after taxes in 2002. Among his personal tragedies since then, his granddaughter and daughter have both died, and he has allegedly been robbed several times.

Another case is Abraham Shakespeare of Florida, who was slain after winning a $31 million lottery prize. A friend was charged with murder in his death last year and has pleaded not guilty . Shakespeare, Whittaker and other unlucky winners have been featured in documentaries such as E!'s "Curse of the Lottery."

Winning money in a lottery isn't always a "Lost"-style curse , of course. Lee McDaniel, 67, of Stone Mountain, Georgia, won $5 million in the Georgia Lottery last year. He says he has seen no downsides at all and doesn't have anyone in his life after his money. He remodeled his house, bought a large RV and a Jeep, and invested a good chunk of it at low risk.

Aside from those material upgrades, one of the greatest parts of winning, in his view, was being able to help his sister in California, who needed a leg amputation. She would have had to live in a nursing home, but McDaniel gave her enough money to build a ramp in her own home. He and his wife also gave money to other relatives, just because they wanted to.

"I don't feel that I have changed. I am just very secure financially," he said.

If money could bring happiness

Research in psychology and economics has found that people do get happier as their income increases, but only up to a certain level where they are comfortable. One of the more recent studies on the subject, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences last year, found life satisfaction rises with higher incomes up to a household income of about $75,000, and levels off afterward.

In general, the research on the happiness of lottery winners is mixed. A 2006 study in the Journal of Health Economics of lottery winners in Britain who won up to $200,000 found an improvement in their mental well-being two years later. But an often-referenced study from 1978, comparing 22 major lottery winners with people who did not win, found no difference in happiness levels between the two groups.

There's not an extensive amount of study in this area, but experts have a few ideas about how to make that initial thrill of winning last longer and increase overall satisfaction.

Have a plan

You've probably fancifully imagined what you might do with lottery earnings, but those who do well have serious plans for where they want to be in five years. Lottery winnings can help them get there, said Danish, the psychology professor.

Those who don't have clear life goals are more likely to feel overwhelmed and fumble with the money, even more than before winning, he said.

Be a giver, not a lender

It's a common experience that giving away money makes people feel good, and science backs that up. A 2008 study in Science found that people were happier spending $20 on others than they were on themselves. In general, research supports the idea that people feel good when they feel they are making an impact with their money in a personal way and a sense of shame when they are stingy.

Indeed, most iReporters said they would use $380 million to help the world , if they won that kind of money in the lottery.

But if someone asks you for help paying a bill, that's a different story. If a friend owes you money, and you see him or her go have a nice dinner, you feel offended, said Michael Norton, associate professor of business administration at Harvard Business School, who co-authored the Science study.

"When you become the rich person, who other people look to, it can actually erode the social bond that you have with people, because it changes your relationship from friendship into almost like a transaction," Norton said.

Invest in making memories

It's a personal decision, of course, but research supports spending money on experiences rather than material possessions . Not only do going places and seeing things lead to more happiness, but experience-oriented people are better liked by others than those who are materialistic , a 2010 study found.

And that's partly because once we buy something, we get used to having it around, and it no longer gives us the pleasure it did in the first few days following a purchase. An experience, on the other hand, can be enjoyed again and again when you remember it and tell others about it. Likewise, if you suddenly get a lot of money and spend it all at once, you might not get as much happiness as you would if you spread it out over time.

If you slowly change your lifestyle so that you keep appreciating that new money, you'll most likely be happier than if you quickly make large adjustments at once, Norton said. For example, you could make a point to take a big trip once a year, rather than putting it all into a house.

And that might be why Harvard economist Guido Imbens found that lottery winners who received annual payouts averaging $20,000 (in 1986 dollars) were happier on average -- the recipients got to have the excitement of getting more money each year, rather than adjusting to one lump sum.

Does money change you?

It's not clear that winning money changes personality, and it's impossible to know how people's lives would have gone otherwise had they not won, Norton said.

The woman who used to work four jobs said she doesn't feel that she's changed -- but a lot of people around her have. She's grateful for what she has but feels scared to lose it.

"I don't know whether 'happy' is the word," she said. "I'm still trying to grasp it."

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Wealth Does Not Necessarily Guarantee Happiness -IELTS Writing Task 2

Updated On Oct 26, 2021

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Wealth does not necessarily guarantee happiness. To what extent do you agree with this statement?

Opinion Essay

Introduction

Sentence 1: In today’s materialistic world, money plays an indispensable role in everyone’s life. It is regarded as the primary key to happiness as it increases purchasing power and helps us buy things we need for our necessities.

Sentence 2: I agree with the statement as money helps to purchase a product we’ve been longing for and thereby brings happiness.

Paragraph 1: Money helps to purchase many materialistic things which also increases the quality of life.

Paragraph 2: Further, happiness is an emotion that money can enhance.

Restate your views

Sample Essay

In today’s materialistic world, money plays an indispensable role in everyone’s life. It is regarded as the primary key to happiness as it increases purchasing power and helps us buy things we need for our necessities. Hence, I agree with this statement and believe that it’s only because of money, we are able to fulfil our desires.

There are an abundance of reasons where money has brought happiness, increasing the quality of life. Most people believe that happiness is bought in stores as money helps them fulfill many of their needs. In a nutshell, purchasing materialistic items brings instant happiness for such people. For instance, if an individual fulfills their basic needs with money, the desire to buy increases, and they find happiness when they receive a salary hike, buy their dream home, expensive clothes, luxury cars, etc.

Further, happiness is an emotion that money can enhance. Whenever an individual goes on a vacation, they discover unexplored places that bring immense amounts of happiness and this is all because of money in the first place. Although the happiness achieved may only be for a while, those moments of joy that money has enabled cannot be neglected.

On the contrary, it is also believed that long term happiness matters the most and that it can’t be traded for any amount of money in the world. But the fact that money enables us to enjoy basic comforts cannot be denied.

To conclude, though people believe that one can be happy with the help of money, it’s only for a while. However, in my opinion, even though wealth doesn’t necessarily guarantee happiness, it’s only because of that wealth and the purchasing power, we’re able to visit exotic locations and buy worldly things, which bring us immense joy.

Meaning: stop oneself from doing something. Eg: The teacher advised the students to refrain from malpractice

Meaning: not evaluated or discussed in detail Eg: We visited an unexplored island in the Maldives

Meaning: exchange (something) for something else, typically as a commercial transaction Eg: The shopkeeper traded the sofa for a table

Meaning: costing a lot of money Eg: Bugatti is an expensive car

Meaning: very different, strange, or unusual Eg: Maldives is an exotic island

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Soon after graduating with a Master’s in Literature from Southern Arkansas University, she joined an institute as an English language trainer. She has had innumerous student interactions and has produced a couple of research papers on English language teaching. She soon found that non-native speakers struggled to meet the English language requirements set by foreign universities. It was when she decided to jump ship into IELTS training. From then on, she has been mentoring IELTS aspirants. She joined IELTSMaterial about a year ago, and her contributions have been exceptional. Her essay ideas and vocabulary have taken many students to a band 9.

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