case study of strain theory

PSYCH 424 blog

Applying strain theory to the crime epidemic in chicago.

In recent years, incidences of violent crime and homicide in Chicago, Illinois have risen exponentially. According to the Chicago Police Department (2017), during the past 12 months 27,719 violent crimes have been reported, including 705 homicides. During 2016, the rate of homicide rose nearly 50 percent, with 90 murders in the month of August alone (Davey, 2016). The United States Census Bureau (n.d.) reports that the number of individuals living in poverty during 2011 through 2015 in Chicago was 22.3% and that the area is densely populated with 11,841.8 people per square mile in the city. As of 2016, over 50% of Chicago residents are minorities (Suburban Stats, n.d.). The significance of this information will be discussed through the lens of strain theory.

CHICAGO, IL. USA. September 2014

The premise of strain theory is that a something or someone in a person’s life is causing the strain that leads them to commit a crime in order to alleviate that strain (Agnew, 2001). One such strain is real or perceived injustice . Whether the unjust situation is a result of their own actions or hundreds of years of systematic oppression, a person who engages in criminal behavior may rationalize their actions by considering that they themselves have been mistreated. Though the days of slavery are in the past and we are no longer living in the Civil Rights Era of the 1960s, racial injustice continues to exist and is a source of discontent for many people in Chicago and other areas, including criminals.

Another factor is the magnitude of the strain, which refers to how impactful the crime is in comparison to the consequences of not committing that crime (Agnew, 2001). For example, robbing an individual may seem like a low-level crime that isn’t likely to have a lasting effect on that person but, without the money that the criminal obtains from the robbery, they may lose their homes, vehicles, ability to care for their children, or something else that will have long-term consequences for them. As mentioned earlier, 22.3% of Chicago lives in poverty (United States Census Bureau, n.d.), which means that financial strain is a major, long-lasting strain on many individuals. The criminal may feel that financial strain can be remedied, at least in the short-term, by committing robbery or theft.

Low social control is another element of strain theory, which concerns individual circumstances that a person has little or no control over, such as lack of job opportunities and available housing (Agnew, 2001). As previously stated, poverty levels in Chicago are high, and the city is densely populated. One can surmise that, with many people vying over available and affordable living spaces in such a small area, there will be some who are cannot obtain a residence. The average cost of rent per year is approximately $11,580 and home mortgages cost $22,308, while the average income is $29,486. The discrepancy between income and cost of living, which are largely out of a person’s control, are likely to cause strain that cannot easily be alleviated through legal means. The notion that meritocracy, defined by Schneider, Gruman, and Coutts (2012) as the notion that hard work will yield equal and fair results for all who work hard, is simply not accurate all of the time. Therefore, this type of strain could motivate an individual to commit crimes such as robbery and theft in order to get money to pay for the cost of living when their occupations fail to provide enough financial stability.

The final strain is pressure or incentive to engage in criminal activity in order to cope . Anderson (2009, as cited in Agnew 2001), suggests that inner-city communities may engage in criminal coping as a response to conflicts within the community and with police. In such a situation, law enforcement may not be able to help these individuals solve this problem through legitimate channels, so they take matters into their own hands. For them, criminal coping is the only way to deal with this problem. The matter of disrespectful treatment harkens back to topics of injustice and high-magnitude strains, since the situation involves unjust treatment with highly impactful consequences. Therefore, people may engage in criminal activity in order to resolve the issue of someone mistreating them by violently attacking or even killing another.

In the city of Chicago, violent crime is an extensive problem that most certainly needs to be addressed. One obvious solution is incarceration, but it is expensive and often ineffective. Prisons, jails, probation, and parole services cost the United States $81 billion annually (Wagner & Rabuy, 2017). Additionally, in the United States, up to 58 percent of violent offenders are arrested for a similar crime within 5 years of being released from prison, with the highest incidence of reincarceration being African American males (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2014). Recent reports show that number is even higher in the city of Chicago, with over 87 percent of murder offenders having been arrested prior to committing homicide (Chicago Police Department, 2012). If incarceration is not effective, what other courses of action may be taken to deter violent crime in Chicago?

Considering Agnew’s (2001) strain theory, there are several potential strains that are complex, and there will be no simple solutions. Poverty, low job and housing availability, and institutionalized racial oppression are not problems that can be solved overnight, if ever at all. The strain of pressure or incentive to engage in criminal activity, particularly the unwillingness to contact police about disputes, may be dealt with in several ways. First, law enforcement officials may benefit from diversity training both prior to employment and periodically throughout their tenure. They may also gain the confidence of residents by interacting with them outside of regular police calls. Contact hypothesis (Schneider, Gruman & Coutts, 2012) suggests that prejudice can be remedied when two groups work together, as equals, to achieve a common goal. Police and neighborhood residents could take part in fund raisers to help pay for improvements in their community that would benefit regular citizens as well as law enforcement, so they would be cooperating with one another to achieve a common goal. Since the perception of equality is sufficient, law enforcement could dress in civilian clothing for fund raisers and act as partners rather than authority figures. These positive interactions could help them understand one another better and foster unity between law enforcement and residents. Additionally, if Chicago residents feel confident that law enforcement will work with them rather than having to rely on resolving conflicts on their own, this may help to alleviate some of the strain of perceived racial injustice.

The rate of violent crime in Chicago is staggering, and the loss of life is great. Through understanding and implementing appropriate strategies, perhaps progress can be made.

References:

Chicago Police Department CLEARMAP – Crime Summary. Retrieved March 10, 2017, from http://gis.chicagopolice.org/CLEARMap_crime_sums/startPage.htm#

Davey, M. (2016, September 1). Chicago Has Its Deadliest Month in About Two Decades. New York Times. Retrieved March 10, 2017, from https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/02/us/chicago-august-homicides.html

United States Census Bureau QuickFacts: Chicago city, Illinois. (n.d.). Retrieved March 11, 2017, from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/table/IPE120215/1714000

Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency . Journal of research in crime and delinquency , 38(4), 319-361.

Suburban Stats: Population Demographics for Chicago, Illinois in 2016 and 2017 (n.d.). Retrieved March 9, 2017, from https://suburbanstats.org/population/illinois/how-many-people-live-in-chicago

Schneider, F. W., Gruman, J. A., & Coutts, L. M. (2012). Applied social psychology: understanding and addressing social and practical problems. Los Angeles: Sage.

Wagner, P., & Rabuy, B. (2017, January 25). Following the Money of Mass Incarceration. Retrieved March 10, 2017, from https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/money.html

Bureau of Justice Statistics: 3 in 4 Former Prisoners in 30 States Arrested Within 5 Years of Release. (2014, April 22). Retrieved March 11, 2017, from https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/press/rprts05p0510pr.cfm

Chicago Police Department 2011 Chicago Murder Analysis. (2012). Retrieved March 10, 2017, from http://home.chicagopolice.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/2011-Murder-Report.pdf

Ortiz, C. J. (2014). [Untitled photo of Chicago, IL. USA]. September 2014. Retrieved from http://projects.aljazeera.com/2014/chicago-homicides/ortiz_photos.html

[Untitled photo of police fundraiser]. Retrieved from https://www.pinterest.com/pin/316870523753045552/

This entry was posted on Wednesday, March 15th, 2017 at 6:31 pm and is filed under Uncategorized . You can follow any comments to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a comment , or trackback from your own site.

I really liked reading your post! Last year or so, when there was a lot of news coverage of the often violent and destructive protests after the string of police shootings of black citizens, my mom commented on how “stupid” the people participating were. She couldn’t understand why anyone would engage in that behavior. I didn’t know about string theory then, but what I explained to her was very similar in nature. First I examined why we think people might act in that manner– well, they were angry. When I’m angry or frustrated, my first thought is that I want to get violent. Luckily, I am lucky enough to have many other healthy, legal options of releasing my anger. If I didn’t have those options, what kind of behavior would I engage in? What if I wasn’t raised in an environment where I learned that violence is wrong? Many of the people who were protesting were raised that violence solves problems, and when they are angry or sad or feeling any other type of emotion that is not positive, they allow their anger to get the best of them and behave in a way that my family can’t understand. They can’t understand because they have never been in a position where their loved ones were being killed in senseless acts of violence, whether it was by others in the neighborhood or police officers. Police officers in my neighborhood are friends. Police officers in their neighborhoods are not.

Even things we take for granted, like calling the police if we fear we are in danger, are not realistic options to others because it may be the police they are in danger of. Or they will be called a snitch and put themselves, their families and children, in even more danger by “just calling the police.”

We don’t expect someone raised in another country to arrive here and know how to speak English– they weren’t raised around that language so how could they know it? In the same sense, we can’t expect people raised in different cultures to tackle all obstacles the same way. Just as we can’t teach others to learn English without first being able to speak their language, we can’t help others who are not as fortunate* without attempting to understand their lives and then dealing with the problems they face in that context.

*I’m using fortunate to mean related to poverty and socioeconomic status, not race or any other marker.

Wow! This is a well written and well thought out post. I was interested in Strain theory after reading your post and I did a little research. I found that strain theory is not just applied to the criminal justice system, it can be applied to many other aspects of our daily lives. A 2015 study of Korean adolescents found that academic stress was positively associated with internet addiction and negative emotions. They found that higher stress levels led to more intense negative emotions which correlated with higher rates of internet addiction. This follows the model of strain theory where stress causes negative emotions which causes problem behaviors. It is interesting to see that this does not just apply to deviant or criminal behavior, it can apply to something as mundane as academics and school work. This can help us understand the emotions felt by those who commit crime as a result of stress like those mentioned in your post.

A 2017 study of Korean adolescents found that regardless of whether the strain is being measured as subjective or objective, teacher’s punishment, gender discrimination and victimization have a positive effect on delinquent behavior. Interestingly, the study found no effect of situational anger or depression on delinquency. This finding is in direct opposition to Agnew’s findings as stated in your post. Researchers noted that this potentially means that the three measured variables (teacher punishment, gender discrimination and victimization) do have their own independent effects on delinquency separate from negative emotion. The findings did however support Agnew’s finding that the number of overall risk factors do have a significant effect on delinquency. This study can also help us understand delinquent behavior in places like Chicago especially under situations of low social control.

I would also like to draw a parallel between the points you made in your post and my previous blog post on Hurricane Katrina. I spoke about social mobility. In the case of the Ninth Ward in New Orleans, before Katrina, there were extremely low levels of social mobility. This meant that people who were born in that neighborhood were extremely likely to live in that neighborhood once they became independent of their parents. There were very few residents who became upwardly mobile. These circumstances can increase the feeling of injustice among the community and the magnitude of the strain. As you pointed out, low social control increases motivation for deviant behavior.

I agree that incarceration is not the solution, rehabilitation should be the goal. The high recidivism rate alone shows that incarceration does not work. Unfortunately the concept of rehabilitating criminals is so broad that it is hard to tell where to start. Should we find them jobs? Educate them? Something else? Unfortunately the rise of the prison-industrial complex and lack of funding for social programs makes any sort of change difficult of not impossible. I do like your suggestions about diversity training and building rapport with residents. Those seem like reasonable and easy to implement interventions. It seems like such a small step but every small step counts towards a bigger goal.

Jun, S., & Choi, E. (2015). Academic stress and Internet addiction from general strain theory framework. Computers in Human Behavior, 49, 282-287. doi:10.1016/j.chb.2015.03.001

Byongook, M., Morash, M., (2017). A Test of General Strain Theory in South Korea. Crime & Delinquency, doi: 10.1177/0011128716686486

As a resident in downtown Chicago, I very much appreciate your post. I live on the north side of Chicago, which has lower rates of crime, particularly violent crime than in other more marginalized areas of the city, but it is still prevalent. In the last week, there has been three instances of sexual assault and robbery with a weapon within a mile radius of where I live. It is something that has made the women in my area fearful, as one of the attacks happened at 8:30 PM on a Thursday evening. Aside from the very real racial injustice, as shown by the police shooting of Laquan McDonald, I have even seen peers experience racial injustice. One of my old high school classmates is a minority, but he is also an upstanding citizen and fairly successful in business. Regardless of the fact that he has nothing on his record, he has been pulled over twice in the suburbs of Chicago for seemingly ridiculous reasons. The first time, he was pulled over because the police suspected him of stealing a car. It was his own car. The second time he had picked up some money that his nephew owed him for red light camera fines that were issued to my friend’s car. The policeman originally explained that he was pulling him over for turning off his turning signal too early during a lane change, but then shifted into explaining that he witnessed him exchanging something for money. My guess is the policeman had fallen victim to confirmation bias in that he had seen some evidence of “exchanging something for money,” except for the fact that there was never an exchange. The policeman never noticed that my friend never gave anything to his nephew. That would disconfirm his hunch. The police officer then proceeded to search my friend’s car, only to turn up with nothing, and then dismiss my friend by telling him to be more careful when changing lanes because he did not give other motorists enough of an indication that he was changing lanes. I wish this was embellished, but it isn’t. My friend had the entire interaction on camera. Just from these instances, I can fully understand how the strain theory you present does a good job of explaining how people could rationalize criminal actions.

Along with your intervention suggestions aimed at increasing the perceived equality between police and Chicago residents, I believe it would also be beneficial to incorporate intervention and prevention efforts focusing on youth who live in at-risk areas for crime in Chicago. One such intervention is BAM. BAM, or Becoming a Man, is a cognitive behavioral therapy program that has been carried out in Chicago (Heller, Shah, Guryan, Ludwig, Mullainathan, & Pollack, 2015). The intervention uses activities which focus on increasing the ability to “slow down and reflect” on “automatic thoughts” (Heller et al., 2016). The program has reduced total arrests, violent-crime related arrests, readmission rates to juvenile detention facilities, and increased graduation rates. I believe part of the reason these interventions have shown promise is by breaking down associative pathways in the brain (Schneider et al., 2012). Since injustice, low social control, and coping with criminal activity are all linked to mental strain which increases criminal activity, those factors can serve as priming agents to criminal behavioral outcomes. For example, we can say a memory of injustice is a node that is related to criminal behavior. If that node is activated beyond its threshold, which is likely to be intense in Chicago based on the frequency and prevalence of injustice, then the node will fire and increase the likelihood of criminal behavior to occur. By using cognitive behavioral therapy to consider “whether a situation could be construed differently,” the person is disrupting the associative pathways in the brain (Heller et al., 2015).

Heller, S. B., Shah, A. K., Guryan, J., Ludwig, J., Mullainathan, S., & Pollack, H. A. (2015). Thinking, Fast and Slow? Some Field Experiments to Reduce Crime and Dropout in Chicago. The National Bureau of Economic Resources. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/papers/w21178

Schneider, F. W., Gruman, J. A., and Coutts, L. M. (Eds.) (2012). Applied Social Psychology: Applying Social Psychology to the Media (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. ISBN 978-1412976381

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10 Strain Theory Examples (Plus Criticisms of Merton)

Merton’s Strain Theory is a sociological theory developed by Robert K. Merton in the 1940s. It suggests that an individual’s inability to achieve culturally valued goals causes frustration, which can lead to retreatism , deviant behavior, and often illegal behavior.

An example of strain theory is someone turning to crime to earn money after losing their job.

This theory, which is also referred to as classic strain theory by criminologists, attempts to explain why some individuals turn to deviance in order to achieve success, while others remain law-abiding citizens.

Origins of Strain Theory

The origin of Merton’s theory is often credited to the work of Emile Durkheim, whose theory of “ anomie ” poses questions about the aspirations of members in various classes and what ends they purse to attain those goals (Marks, 1974, pp.334-336).

Classic strain theory suggests that crime is concentrated amongst lower-class individuals.

In particular, Merton states that Americans are expected by society to strive for wealth and prosperity, yet those in the lower classes are frequently blocked from reaching this for a number of factors.

As a result, he believed that because people from lower classes have more difficulty reaching their goals, they are more prone to pursue illegal paths to obtain them (Jang & Agnew, 2015, pp. 495-496).

10 Examples of Merton’s Strain Theory

A student who is unable to gain acceptance into their desired college due to their family’s lack of financial resources. The student turns to illegal ways of raising money to attend school, or cheating on exams to falsify grades for scholarships or entrance.
An individual may steal a luxury car in order to fit in with other peers who can afford such a vehicle.
An individual is unable to gain employment due to their lack of qualifications or experience. They may then resort to theft or fraud in order to make a living.
An individual who is unable to gain access to the same social circles as their peers due to their low income. They may then turn to crime for acceptance.
An individual who is unable to afford the latest technology due to their financial status. They may then turn to shoplifting in order to possess the same luxury items as their peers.
An individual is rejected or emotionally abused by a parent; this strain causes them to engage in deviant behavior.
An individual is bullied by peers or a social group; this strain causes them to commit a crime or engage in deviant behavior.
An individual is discriminated against by a group of people; this strain causes them to commit crime or engage in deviant behavior .
Loss of job causes someone to turn to crime to earn money.
A single parent home causes strain that in turn makes it more probable that a teenager will turn to delinquency.

Case Studies

1. family strain.

Case 1: A single parent home causes strain that in turn makes it more probable that a teenager will turn to delinquency.

Researchers have found that there are lingering negative effects of lacking a fatherly figure during childhood that continue through adolescence.

They state that an absent father increases the likelihood of adolescents smoking and or incidence teen pregnancy.

The data they have compiled also suggests that it can hinder high school graduation, and result in increased behavioral problems and decreased mental capability (McLanahan et al., 2013, 425-427).

Osgood et al.(1996) supports Merton’s theory in their research regarding a lack of an authority figure in a potential teenager’s life.

They state that the absence of “someone whose role in a situation carries a responsibility for attempting to exert social control in response to deviance” is a great detriment to a younger person. They are more likely to commit a deviant act (p. 640).

2. Poverty Strain

Case 2: An individual who is unable to afford the latest technology due to their financial status. They may then turn to shoplifting in order to possess the same material possessions as their peers.

According to Merton, people are driven to engage in deviant behavior when their motivations, or the rewards to be gained from a certain behavior, outweigh the risks.

He identified five particular motivations for people to engage in shoplifting: financial gain, revenge, a sense of power and entitlement, a way to feel special, and a form of rebellion.

However, Kraut (1996) suggests that with external constraints in place, the rate of people shoplifting dropped drastically.

He found that shoplifting was attributed to desire, and supports Merton’s theory, in that if the gains outweigh the risk, people are more likely to steal from stores (pp. 363-364).

3. Social Strain

Case 3: An individual is bullied by peers or a social group; this strain causes them to commit a crime or engage in deviant behavior.

People who are being bullied or socially excluded may feel like they have no other choice than to engage in deviant behavior as a way to cope with the uncomfortable situation.

Merton’s theory suggests that deviant or criminal behavior can be a reaction to feeling powerless or ignored in social circles in society.

In his book, Klein (2013) follows a series of tragic school shootings that were committed by younger people who were bullied. He draws conclusions between violence retaliation and the trauma of being bullied in a social setting (pp.3-227).

Strengths of Merton’s Strain Theory

Cole (2004) writes that prior to his death in 2003 “Merton was undoubtedly, not only the most famous living sociologist of science, but also the most famous sociologist in the world” (p. 829).

Merton’s strain theory has been widely accepted by the academic community and has since become a major influence in the field of sociology.

It has inspired the work of many researchers, who have built on Merton’s ideas and offered their own insights into deviance and crime. It has been used to create a better understanding of the relationship between poverty and crime, and its underlying causes.

Furthermore, Merton’s theory has been credited with opening the door for a number of positive interventions, such as job training programs, mental health services, and educational support.

Sigfusdottir et al.(2016) used Merton’s strain theory as a framework to help to develop resources, policies, and programs for adolescents who might turn to a life of drug use, self-harm, or delinquency.

They suggest in order to get closer to understanding how environmental strains cause physiological reactions in adolescents, it is crucial to start with conduct more empirical studies on the causes of strain.

They conclude that this would have essential ramifications for educational, legal, mental health and physical health policies (pp. 1088-1090). Merton’s strain theory is still widely used today, and its strengths are evident by the vast amount of supporting research.

Criticisms of Merton’s Strain Theory

Two major criticisms of Merton’s Strain Theory were brought to light in Agnew’s (1985) A Revision Strain Theory of Delinquency .

Criticism 1

The first major criticism involves aspirations and delinquency.

According to strain theory, criminality is most prevalent when a person’s ambitions are high and their prospects of achieving them are low.

To test this hypothesis, multiple studies have been conducted, generally focusing on educational and vocational objectives.

However, the majority of the studies did not back up Merton’s theory, with findings showing that delinquency is most prominent when both hopes and expectations are low, and least likely when both are high.

Criticism 2

The second significant criticism was in regards to the relationship between social class and delinquency.

Merton’s proposed theories have asserted that delinquency is usually observed in the lower socio-economic class, as those individuals are considered to be deprived of the resources that allow them to attain financial stability or middle-class status.

Recent research data has put some of these assumptions into question.

Although the connection between social class and criminal behavior remains a contentious topic, the data shows that delinquency is frequently seen in the middle class and that the associations between classes and some types of delinquency may be insignificant (pp. 151-153).

Criticism 3

Cloward and Ohlin (as cited in Barkan & Bryjak, 2011) presented a theory critiquing strain theory called differential opportunity theory.

The theory argues that strain is not the key driver of deviance. Rather, it is differential opportunities to engage in deviance .

The theory explores how illegitimate means of committing deviant behaviors (such as by joining organized groups) directly affects the types of crimes that are committed.

In other words, the focus shouldn’t exclusively be on people’s restricted access to legitimate means, but it should also explore the accessibility of illegitimate means of getting money and power.

See Next: Role Strain vs Role Conflict

Cole, S. (2004). Merton’s Contribution to the Sociology of Science. Social Studies of Science , 34 (6), 829–844. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4144345

Farnworth, M., & Leiber, M. J. (1989). Strain Theory Revisited: Economic Goals, Educational Means, and Delinquency. American Sociological Review , 54 (2), 263. https://doi.org/10.2307/2095794

Jang, S. J., & Agnew, R. (2015). Strain Theories and Crime. International Encyclopedia of the Social &Amp; Behavioral Sciences , 495–500. https://doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-08-097086-8.45088-9

Klein, J. (2013). The Bully Society: School Shootings and the Crisis of Bullying in America’s Schools . New York: NYU Press.

Kraut, R. E. (1976). Deterrent and Definitional Influences on Shoplifting. Social Problems , 23 (3), 358–368. https://doi.org/10.2307/799781

Marks, S. R. (1974). Durkheim’s Theory of Anomie. American Journal of Sociology , 80 (2), 329– 363. https://doi.org/10.1086/225803

McLanahan, S., Tach, L., & Schneider, D. (2013). The Causal Effects of Father Absence. Annual Review of Sociology , 39 (1), 399–427. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-071312-145704

Osgood, D. W., Wilson, J. K., O’Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., & Johnston, L. D. (1996). Routine Activities and Individual Deviant Behavior. American Sociological Review , 61 (4), 635. https://doi.org/10.2307/2096397

Robert Agnew. (1985). A Revised Strain Theory of Delinquency. Social Forces . https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/64.1.151 Sigfusdottir, I. D., Kristjansson, A. L., Thorlindsson, T., & Allegrante, J. P. (2016). Stress and adolescent well-being: the need for an interdisciplinary framework. Health Promotion International , daw038. https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/daw038

Gregory Paul C. (MA)

Gregory Paul C. is a licensed social studies educator, and has been teaching the social sciences in some capacity for 13 years. He currently works at university in an international liberal arts department teaching cross-cultural studies in the Chuugoku Region of Japan. Additionally, he manages semester study abroad programs for Japanese students, and prepares them for the challenges they may face living in various countries short term.

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Chris Drew (PhD)

This article was peer-reviewed and edited by Chris Drew (PhD). The review process on Helpful Professor involves having a PhD level expert fact check, edit, and contribute to articles. Reviewers ensure all content reflects expert academic consensus and is backed up with reference to academic studies. Dr. Drew has published over 20 academic articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education and holds a PhD in Education from ACU.

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Merton’s Strain Theory of Deviance and Anomie in Sociology

Charlotte Nickerson

Research Assistant at Harvard University

Undergraduate at Harvard University

Charlotte Nickerson is a student at Harvard University obsessed with the intersection of mental health, productivity, and design.

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Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

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Key takeaways

Social inequality can create situations where people experience tension (or strain) between the goals society says they should be working toward (like financial success) and the legitimate means they have available to meet those goals.
According to Merton’s strain theory, societal structures can pressure individuals into committing crimes. Classic Strain Theory predicts that deviance is likely to happen when there is a misalignment between the “cultural goals” of a society (such as monetary wealth) and the opportunities people have to obtain them.
Responding to heavy criticism of Classic Strain Theory, sociologists Robert Agnew, Steven Messner, and Richard Rosenfeld developed the General Strain Theory. This predicts that various strains (such as violence and discrimination) create negative feelings which, when there are no other viable options for coping, lead to deviance.
Modern strain theories evolved from studies of “anomie,” or normlessness. The French sociologist Emile Durkheim was the first to write about anomie. In his works, The Division of Labor in Society (1893) and Suicide (1897), Durkheim hypothesized that groups and social organizations are primary drivers of misconduct.
Principally, Durkheim claimed that a breakdown in societal norms — a result of rapid social change — made it so that societal institutions could no longer regulate individuals well.
For example, in a society where economic norms become unclear — there are weak or non-existent authorities to tell workers what they can or cannot do — aspirations become limitless, and anomie and deviant behavior (such as crime) result.

An image of the flag of the USA with a portion torn off at the bottom where the words 'American Dream' are found

Merton’s Theory of Deviance

Building off of Durkheim’s work on anomie , Merton (1957) was the first person to write about what sociologists call strain theory. To Merton, anomie was a condition that existed in the discrepancy between societal goals and the means that individuals have to achieve them.

Merton noticed that American society had high rates of crime and proposed that this was because the achievement of the American Dream — wealth attainment — was deeply ingrained by Americans, even those for whom factors such as race and class had made it highly improbable that they would ever achieve large monetary success.

Holding this cultural value in high regard, they turn to illegitimate means of obtaining wealth, becoming criminals in the process. The discrepancy or strain between the aspirations and the means of achieving them became known as “strain theory.”

Implicit in Robert Merton’s approach is that the factors that lead to order and disorder in a society (such as crime versus the order of social norms) are not mutually exclusive and that cultural values that have desirable functions often contain or produce undesirable consequences (Hagen & Daigle, 2018).

Five Responses to Strain

“The extreme emphasis on the accumulation of wealth as a symbol of success in our own society militates against the completely effective control of institutionally regulated modes of acquiring a fortune. Fraud, corruption, vice, crime, in short the entire catalogue of proscribed behavior becomes increasingly common…” (Merton, 1938, p.59).

Society’s emphasis on financial success and materialism through the mythology of the “American Dream” can be stressful for those whose chances of realizing that dreams are limited (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2012).

The rewards of conformity are available only to those who can pursue approved goals through approved means. Any other combination of means and goals is deviant in one way or another.

Merton argued that individuals at the bottom of society could respond to this strain in a number of ways. Different orientations toward society’s goals and differential access to the means to achieve those goals combine to create different categories of deviance.

Conformity : individuals are following a societal goal through legitimate means. Although a conformist may not necessarily achieve the societal goal, he has enough faith in society to follow legitimate means.

For example, a student who is going to school to advance a professional career is conforming, as he is following the American cultural value of success through an approved means (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016).

Innovation : the individual shares the cultural goal of the society but reaches this goal through illegitimate means. Thieves – who share the cultural goal of wealth obtainment but do so through breaking the law (such as drug dealing or embezzlement), are innovators.

Ritualists : individuals who have given up hope of achieving society’s approved goals but still operate according to society’s approved means. A member of middle management, for example, who accepts that they will never progress but stays in their position is a ritualist.

Retreatists (like dropouts or hermits): individuals who have rejected both a society’s goals and the legitimate means of obtaining them and live outside conventional norms altogether.

Drug addicts and figures such as Chris McCandleless — an Emory University graduate found dead in Alaska after attempting to reject capitalism, hitchhike north, and live off the land — a retreat from both societal rule and societally-approved means (Krakauer 2018).

Rebellion exists outside of Merton’s system altogether. Rebels aim to replace societal goals with those of their own and devise their own means of achieving them.

The most obvious examples of rebellion are terrorist organizations, which attempt to advance a goal, typically political, through means such as violence (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016)

Criticism of Merton’s Strain Theory

Merton’s strain theory became the basis of much criminal sociology in the 1950s and 1960s but received substantial and damaging criticism.

Writers such as Hirschi (1969), Johnson (1979), and Kornhauser (1978) have argued that Merton’s theory is not supported empirically; however, others (such as Farnworth and Lieber, 1989) argue that it does.

Direct evidence for Merton’s strain theory, though sparse, is conflicting. Some research finds that there are not particularly high delinquency rates between those with the greatest gap between aspirations and expectations — those with low aspirations and low expectations had the highest offense rates.

However, others have shown support for this hypothesis (Agnew et al. 1996; Cullen & Agnew 2003).

Outside of empirical measurement, criticisms of Merton’s strain theory emphasize Merton’s assumption that the U.S. uniformly commits to materialistic goals when, in reality, the U.S. has highly pluralistic and heterogeneous cultural values (people tend to set themselves a variety of goals).

For example, people might prioritize helping others less fortunate than themselves (such as teachers or nurses) or striving for a healthy work-life balance over material success (Valier, 2001).

Sociologists have also criticized Merton’s emphasis on criminality in lower classes, failing to examine why elites break laws, such as corporate and white-collar criminals (Taylor et al., 1973).

Lastly, the theory emphasizes monetary and not violent crimes and brings up the question: If Merton is correct, why does the U.S. have lower property crime rates than many other developed countries? (Hagen & Daigle, 2018).

Some have attempted to revise Merton’s strain theory. One such revision introduces the concept of “relative deprivation” — those who have less in comparison to those around them have higher rates of criminality.

Others have argued that adolescents pursue a variety of non-monetary goals, such as popularity, grades, athletic prowess, and positive relationships with parents (Agnew et al., 1996; Cullen & Agnew, 2003; Hagen & Daigle, 2018).

Agnew’s General Strain Theory

General Strain Theory’s core is that individuals who experience stress or stressors often become upset and sometimes cope with crime (Agnew & Brezina, 2019).

According to General Strain Theory, strain increases crime because it leads to negative emotions such as anger, frustration, depression, and fear.

Individuals want to do something to correct these emotions, and their circumstances may make it so that committing a crime is an individual’s most accessible option for coping (Agnew & Brezina, 2019).

These negative emotions may also lower the barriers to crime. For example, angry people often have a strong desire for revenge (Agnew 2006).

Agnew (1985) argues that delinquency is most common among those experiencing negative life events , such as divorce or financial problems (Hagen & Daigle, 2018).

He also argues that delinquency comes from an inability to avoid painful environments – such as a school environment where there are interaction problems with teachers.

This creates negative affect, and delinquency becomes a means of obtaining what one has been prevented from obtaining (instrumental), retaliation, or escapism (Hagen & Daigle 2018).

Consequently, there are three types of strain, according to Agnew (Agnew & Brezina, 2019):

Strain from people losing something they value. For example, their money could be stolen, a friend may die, or a romantic partner may leave them.
Strain from being treated in an adverse or negative way, such as being verbally or physically abused.
Strain from people being unable to achieve their goals: for example, being unable to obtain the money or respect that they want.

General Strain Theory differentiates between strains on two different axes: objective vs. subjective strain and experienced, vicarious, and anticipated strains.

Objective strain happens because of events and conditions that most people in a given group dislike, while subjective strain results from events and conditions disliked by one particular person or the particular persons being studied. This is an important distinction because the negativity of an experience can differ radically between individuals.

For example, one person may call divorce the worst experience of their life, while another may consider it a cause for celebration (Agnew & Brezina, 2019; Agnew, 2006).

Most researchers ask about objective levels of strain — whether or not individuals have experienced events that researchers assume are negative — however, it is important to consider that some so-called negative events can be positive to certain individuals and vice-versa (Agnew & Brezina, 2019).

Agnew (2002) also differentiates between experienced, vicarious, and anticipated strain. Experienced strains are strains directly experienced by someone. Vicarious strains are strains experienced by others, often those that the individual feels protective toward.

Finally, anticipated strains are strains that individuals expect to experience, especially in the near future.

Examples of Strain

However, General Strain Theory does not consider negative emotions to be the only factor that increases crime in trained individuals.

Strain can reduce levels of social control, such as how much someone values conformity and the belief that crime is wrong.

When strain comes from negative treatment from those in authority — such as parents, teachers, employers, and the police — this can decrease the individual’s stake in conformity and conventional society.

Rather than conforming to traditional ideas of social controls , strained individuals tend to adopt a values system that minimizes concern for others and prioritizes self-interest (Agnew & Brezina 2019; Brezina & Agnew 2017; Konty, 2005).

Strain can also encourage the social learning of crime. A student who is bullied can be regularly exposed to models of aggression, and chronically employed individuals living in communities where there is little room for economic opportunity may belong to groups that believe theft and drug dealing are acceptable.

The strains most likely to result in crime are those that are high in magnitude, that are seen as unjust, strains associated with low social control — such as parental rejection — and strains that create a pressure or incentive to cope criminally — such as a desperate need for money (Agnew & Brezina, 2019).

Many sociologists have researched which strains are the most likely to cause crime (such as Arter, 2008, Baron & Hartnagel, 1997, and Ellwanger, 2007), and Agnew (2002) compiles a list of these strains:

Familial : parental rejection, child abuse and neglect, marital problems, use of humiliation, threats, screaming, and physical punishments.
School : low grades, negative student-teacher relationships, bullying, and otherwise abusive peer relationships.
Economic : Work that involves unpleasant tasks, little autonomy, low pay, low prestige, and limited opportunities for advancement; unemployment; homelessness (which combines a desperate need for money with frequent conflicts and criminal victimization); residence in poor urban areas.
Being the victim of a crime
Discrimination based on factors such as race, gender, and religion

Some sociologists, such as De Coster and Kort Butler (2006) have found that strains in certain life domains — such as family, school, and peer groups — are especially related to delinquency in that domain (Agnew & Brezina, 2019).

Langton (2007) found that general strain theory is able to explain certain types of upper-class “white-collar crimes” (such as tax fraud) but that Agnew’s theory cannot generalize to all corporate crimes.

Indeed, Langton suggests, the types of strain and negative emotions experienced by white-collar workers may differ from those of other populations.

Not all individuals respond to stress with crimes.

For example, someone can cope with living in a poor urban area by moving away, a lack of financial resources by borrowing money, or low grades by studying more effectively.

Nonetheless, General Strain Theory outlines a few factors that make criminal coping more likely (Agnew & Brezina 2019):

Poor conventional coping skills.
Resources to commit crimes, such as physical strength and fighting ability
Low financial and emotional support and direct help in coping.
Low control by society, holding little belief in conformity.
Criminal peers. Beliefs that favor criminal coping.
Negative emotions and low constraint.
Situations where the costs of crime are low and the benefits high.

Institutional Anomie Theory

Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld, in their book Crime and the American Dream (2012), extend Agnew’s General Strain Theory into “Institutional Anomie Theory.”

In this view, society is made up of social institutions (such as family, religion, and economic structure), and greater rates of crime result when one institution — the institution of economic structure — trumps all others.

People in this society begin to try to accumulate material wealth at the cost of all else, and a lack of control and authority by noneconomic institutions institutionalized anomie.

Bullying and Self-Harm in Adolescents

Hay & Meldrum (2010) examined self-harm in 426 adolescents in the rural United States from the perspective of Agnew’s General Strain Theory.

They emphasized two seldom spoken-about areas of strain and deviance: self-harm as deviance and bullying as strain. Self-harm, according to Hay & Meldrum, is an internalized deviant act (as it usually only affects oneself) and can result from strainful relationships with peers (such as bullying).

Hay & Meldrum hypothesized three things. Firstly, bullying is significantly and positively associated with self-harm. Secondly, this self-harm is mediated by the negative emotional experiences of those who are bullied — such as anxiety, depression, and low self-worth.

Thirdly, prosocial, authoritative parenting and high levels of self-control would be associated with lower levels of self-harm. Hay & Meldrum considered authoritative parenting to be a “moderating variable” because it indicates high access to family support.

Ultimately, the researchers found that General Strain Theory did align with the behavior they observed. Adolescents who experienced bullying, in-person or over the internet, had more negative emotions.

These negative emotions were especially high among females, people of color, those living in immigrant or non-intact households, and those low in self-control.

And those who had more negative emotions but few avenues to “mediate them” (such as through strong, prosocial family support) had higher levels of self-harm (Hay & Meldrum, 2010).

Many researchers have attempted to create theories of terrorism by accounting for particular types of strain — such as poverty — but they consider all of the factors that could lead to terrorism (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey, 2016).

Terrorism is likely to result from a group or collective experiencing “collective strains” (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016). These strains can be because of several factors, such as race and ethnicity, religion, class, politics, or territorial groups.

However, the strains mostly resulting in terrorism are high in magnitude with civilian victims, unjust, or caused by more powerful others (Agnew 1992).

For example, case studies of terrorist organizations such as the Tamil Tigers, Basque Homeland and Liberty, Kurdistan Workers Party, and the Irish Republican Army reveal that the strains faced by these groups involved serious violence — such as death and rape — threats to livelihood, large scale imprisonment and detention, and attempts to eradicate ethnic identity (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey, 2016).

These strains happened over long periods and affected many people, largely civilians (Callaway and Harrelson-Stephens 2006, Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016).

Members of terrorist groups that do not seem to have experienced high-magnitude strains still report experiencing high-magnitude strains (Hoffman 2006).

For example, some right-wing terrorists in the United States believe in a “Zionist Occupation Government,” which threatens their values (Blazak, 2001; Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey, 2016).

These strains must be seen as unjust — for example, if they violate strongly held social norms or values or if they differ substantially from how members of the collective have been treated in the past.

These strains lead to strong negative emotions — such as anger, humiliation, and hopelessness, and make it difficult to cope legally and militarily, leaving terrorism as one of the few viable coping options (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016).

They also reduce social control and provide models for and foster beliefs favorable to terrorism (Inderbitzen, Bates, & Gainey 2016).

As a result, following General Strain Theory, terrorist groups resort to deviance in the form of collective violence.

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De Coster, S., & Kort-Butler, L. (2006). How general is general strain theory? Assessing determinacy and indeterminacy across life domains. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 43 (4), 297-325.

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What is the difference between Merton’s Strain Theory and role strain?

Merton’s Strain Theory deals with broader societal structures and the consequent deviance, while role strain focuses on difficulties experienced in meeting multiple expectations of a single societal role. For example, a working mother might experience role strain in balancing job responsibilities with parental duties.

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5 Sociological Theories of Crime: Strain Theories

Tracy Meehan; Lucy Forrester; and Jaana A. Haaja

Learning Objectives

Explain the fundamental concepts of traditional strain theory and their connection to society.
Identify how traditional strain theories were adapted into General Strain Theory and be able to explain the fundamental concepts of GST.
Assess the relevance of strain theory in understanding modern social issues, such as juvenile delinquency and the strain experienced in First Nations communities.

Before You Begin

Do you think different communities have different ways to measure success? Give some examples of your thinking.
What is your idea of a ‘good life?’ How will you know that you have ‘made it’ in your life?
How do you deal with stress or disappointment? What things make you feel better?

INTRODUCTION

It will come as no surprise to you that our culture has a very specific idea of what success is: an education, a good career, a house, and a family. Maybe even a pet and an annual vacation. And all of this should be attainable with a strong work ethic, by following the rules of society. This is a standard westernised idea of success, but it is one that has become shared by many cultures all over world. Individuals may hold different values but most of our social institutions are designed to support this very narrow definition. After all, you are most likely reading this because you are a student in a university degree, hoping to graduate and find a fulfilling career that will allow you to have the kind of life you want. And there’s no shame in that; most of us fall into this category.

But what happens when society is set up in such a way that certain groups cannot achieve the agreed version of success, no matter how hard they try? How do we explain that? Classical theories of criminology, like deterrence, put much of the blame on individual level decision making. But sociologists in the 1920s and 1930s started asking how our wider cultural norms contribute to criminal behaviour. This school of criminological soon led to several new theoretical perspectives. In this chapter, we will discuss the perspectives known as strain theories. The two main theories in this chapter are: traditional strain theory, often known as anomie theory; and General Strain Theory (GST).

Traditional strain theory is a macro -level theory. This means that it strives to explain the impact of social structure and institutions on social phenomena, like crime. It is not intended to explain the experience of individuals, but rather of society. General Strain Theory is a micro -level theory. This means that it strives to explain the behaviour of individuals. It is the more common form of strain theory that we test and apply today.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, which means that it aims to provide an explanation for social level phenomena, like crime rates. It was developed by American sociologist Robert K. Merton in the early 20th century, it emerged as a ground-breaking perspective within the field of criminology. The theory itself took shape in the 1930s and 1940s, a period marked by the Great Depression and the aftermath of World War II (Akers, 1998, 2000). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour, departing from earlier criminological theories that predominantly focused on individual pathology.

Born in 1910, Merton was influenced by the social and economic transformations in the United States during his youth (Akers, 1998; 2001; 2006). Merton sought to understand the relationship between societal structures and deviant behaviour. Drawing inspiration from Émile Durkheim’s concept of anomie , Merton’s strain theory revolves around the idea that social structure exerts pressure on individuals, leading to a disconnect between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them. Anomie is a term that refers to a condition of dysregulation, or breakdown of the rules, that happens in society. When this breakdown happens, people do not know the expectations and a form of social chaos can ensue (Durkheim & Coser, 1984).

In post-World War II America, there was a prevailing cultural emphasis on the “American Dream [1] ,” promoting the pursuit of material success through hard work and dedication (Durkheim, 1989; Broidy, 2001 & Agnew, 2006). This material success could be considered a cultural goal . But Merton observed that not everyone had equal access to the approved or legitimate means for achieving success. After all, not everyone can attend a prestigious school or afford a fancy car. Traditional strain theory is Merton’s explanation of what will happen to various types of societies when this breakdown occurs.

Strain theory has been influential in shaping criminological thought and has been applied to various social contexts to analyse the relationship between societal pressures, cultural expectations, and deviant behaviour. But it did not help scholars understand why individuals committed crime. Many criticised it as being too deterministic and pointed out that plenty of people in a society that is dysregulated will still follow the law. In the late 1970s, sociologist Robert Agnew [2] It is here that we see the extension of General Strain Theory, which proposed that individuals who experienced certain types of strain may commit crime.

Each of these theories is explained in detail below.

Table 5.1: Strain Theory – Timeline

Theory description, traditional strain theory.

Traditional strain theory emphasises the role of social structure in influencing individual behaviour. It underscores how unequal access to opportunities and resources can lead to strain, pushing individuals toward various forms of deviance (Agnew, 1985, 1992, 2006). Social structure, including factors like socioeconomic status, education, and employment opportunities, plays a crucial role in shaping the ways that societies or subcultures react to this unequal access. Merton proposed five reactions, or adaptations , that societies could have. Each adaptation is a way to deal with the disconnect, or disjuncture , between cultural goals and the legitimate means for achieving those goals.

Each adaptation is a response to society expectations. Figure 5.1 presents the five adaptations. The five adaptations are: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion (Akers, 1998; Agnew, 2006). Each on represents a relationship between the acceptance ( ) or rejection (-) of cultural goals and legitimate means.

Figure 5.1: Five Reactions to Anomie

Conformity is the adherence to both cultural goals and legitimate means. In a society where opportunities are readily available and accessible, individuals are more likely to conform and pursue the culturally prescribed goals through approved means. Conformity is the most prevalent response when the alignment between goals and means is intact (Agnew, 2001).

Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the pursuit of cultural goals but continue to rigidly adhere to the institutionalised means. These individuals may follow societal norms and rules diligently, even though they no longer harbour aspirations for the original cultural goals (Kaufman et al., 2010; Akers, 2001).

When individuals face a strain between societal expectations and the means available, they may turn to innovation to achieve cultural goals. Innovation involves accepting culturally approved goals but rejecting or modifying the means to reach them. This can lead to deviant behaviours, such as engaging in criminal activities or adopting unconventional strategies to attain success (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990).

Retreatism involves rejecting both cultural goals and institutionalised means, leading individuals to withdraw from conventional societal structures. Substance abuse and vagrancy are examples of retreatist behaviours, where individuals disengage from societal norms altogether (Henry & Lukas, 2009).

Rebellion is a more proactive response to societal strain. Individuals who rebel against the existing cultural goals and means seek to replace them with alternative values and structures. This can take the form of social or political movements that challenge the established order (Agnew, 2001; Lilly & Cullen, 2007). Rebellion represents an effort to create a new system that aligns more closely with the values and goals of the dissenting group.

This video from ShortcutsTV demonstrates the five modes of adaptation.

General Strain Theory

Because traditional strain theory is a macro-level theory, it can be difficult to test or interpret. Traditional strain theory mainly focused on blocked paths to success and was mainly applied to criminal behaviour among low socioeconomic status, mostly male offenders. Critics argued that traditional strain theory was oversimplified and early research did not have empirical support (Froggio & Agnew, 2007). General Strain Theory [3] (GST) addresses these weaknesses.

In contrast to Merton’s classical strain theory, GST takes a micro-level approach. GST shifted the focus of strain from a structural explanation of crime to one rooted in the psychosocial understanding of strain (Broidy, 2001). Consequently, GST expanded the understanding of strain past just thwarted opportunities to encompass a wider range of stressors linked to strain. This perspective no longer assumes a universal cultural of shared goals, making GST more adaptable to individual variations in goals, as well as differences in class, culture and gender (Broidy, 2001). Furthermore, GST enhanced the versatility of applying strain to outcomes that include criminal behaviour and factors outside of crime and delinquency.

The heart of GST is the impact of negative relationships and the resulting psychological distress they induce. These connections may involve individuals or societal frameworks, yet in both scenarios, individuals feel they are being treated in a way that goes against their desires (Froggio & Agnew, 2007).

Agnew (1992) outlined three primary routes where negative relationships can exert influence (p. 47):

strain stemming from the actual or expected failure to achieve positively valued goals.
strain arising from the actual or anticipated loss of valued stimuli.
strain originating from the actual or anticipated exposure to undesirable stimuli.

When individuals experience these strains, one outcome is negative emotion . Negative emotion then leads individuals to come up with coping mechanisms to help alleviate those negative feelings. Coping mechanisms can be positive or negative, but one potential outcome is that people engage in crime and antisocial behaviour to deal with the negative emotion that they are feeling.

The intensity , duration , recentness , and centrality of strain play crucial roles in shaping its effects. The more severe a strain in terms of intensity, the stronger the potential impact. Particularly intense strains may reduce the perceived costs of resorting to criminal behaviour for coping (Baron, 2004). Persistent strain (duration) that occurs over an extended period (chronic stressors) or tend to exert more influence than occasional ones, especially if the ongoing or frequent strains persist without resolution (Agnew, 2001).

A white man with his hands over his head in distress. This is a black and white photo.

APPLICATIONS OF THEORY

Strain theory and offending.

Examples of strains include parental abuse, excessive parental discipline and rejection, adverse school experiences that can include failing grades or strained relationships with teachers, victimisation by bullying or peer mistreatment, experiences of criminal victimisation, marital conflicts, unemployment or underemployment, racial discrimination, residing in economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods, homelessness and the inability to fulfil the desires for wealth, excitement, and social status (Agnew, 1992, 2001; 2006).

According to GST, the stress resulting from experiencing negative emotions due to strain serves as a catalyst for engaging in antisocial behaviours as a coping mechanism (Baron, 2004; Broidy, 2001; Froggio & Agnew, 2007). Individual resources such as self-esteem, self-worth, and self-efficacy, along with personal characteristics affecting coping abilities such as intelligence, creativity, and problem-solving skills, may shape the link between strain and antisocial outcomes (Agnew, 1992; Broidy, 2001).

Strains and Adaptations: Merton’s Framework in First Nations Disadvantage

Merton’s Strain Theory provides one framework for examining the complexities of disadvantage experienced by First Nations people in Australia. This perspective enables an in-depth examination of the historical and contemporary societal factors that contribute to the challenges faced by these communities. The theory illuminates the strains experienced by First Nations individuals in Australia and the various ways in which they adapt in response. Merton’s emphasis on using legitimate means to achieve culturally accepted goals is particularly relevant for First Nations communities, whose norms and aspirations revolve around preserving cultural identity, traditions, and community well-being (Smith, 2012). However, the imposition of colonial policies and enduring effects of historical trauma have disrupted the alignment between these cultural goals and the available means for their realisation.

The history of First Nations people is characterised by dispossession, violence, and cultural assimilation, with colonial policies leaving a lasting impact on cultural continuity (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This historical trauma creates significant strain, disconnecting culturally accepted goals from viable means for attainment.Cultural marginalisation further compounds this strain as First Nations people navigate a society that often dismisses or misunderstands their cultural practices (Cunneen & Tauri, 2019). This strain becomes evident in the clash between cultural identities and societal expectations, compelling individuals to navigate the complexities of conforming to mainstream norms while preserving their Indigenous heritage.

Socioeconomic disparities compound these strains, as evidenced by high unemployment rates, educational and healthcare inequities, inadequate resources, lack of community connectedness, and over-representation in the criminal justice system (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022; Dockery, 2010; Marmot, 2011).

In this context, anomie may occur because of a disjunction between culturally prescribed societal goals and the limited access to legitimate means available to First Nations communities. Anomie manifests as a complex social phenomenon, reflecting the struggles of First Nations communities in reconciling cultural identity within social structures that perpetuate disadvantage.

The interplay of these factors creates a web of strains that individuals navigate through conformity, rebellion, innovation, retreatism, and ritualism.

Case Study: General Strain Theory and Intimate Partner Violence Prevention

Eriksson and Mazerolle (2013) suggest General Strain Theory (GST) as a valuable framework to better understand the perpetration and non-perpetration of intimate partner homicide (IPH). By assessing gender-specific strains, negative emotions toward strains, and conditional factors of strains, GST not only provides insight into why men are overrepresented as perpetrators of IPH but also why some women resort to such violent acts.

Gender-Specific Strains: Men and women experience different strains leading up to an IPH. Strain experienced by male perpetrators of IPH include challenges to their control or authority, loss of the relationship (separation), forms of legal actions such as protection orders or arrest, and infidelity. For female perpetrators of IPH, strains often involve enduring abuse, restricted freedom, and threats to themselves or their children.
Negative Emotions to Strain: There are distinct differences in the emotional responses to strain between male and female perpetrators of IPH. Male perpetrators are more likely to respond to strain with negative emotions of jealousy, intense anger, and abandonment-rage, whereas female perpetrators often act out of fear or desperation. Gender-specific negative emotions stemming from strain play a crucial role in mediating the path towards violent behaviour, particularly in the context of (IPH).
Conditional Factors of Strain : Male and female perpetrators of IPH are influenced by different conditional factors that either exacerbate or mitigate the pathway from strain to violence. For male perpetrators of IPH, factors such as impulsivity, sensitivity to perceived threats, and connections with criminal peers exacerbate strain. For female perpetrators, negative reactions to strain are increased by a perceived lack of social support and limited access to essential resources.

Recognising the distinct experiences of strain that lead male and female perpetrators to commit IPH is essential for developing effective prevention strategies.

GST highlights the necessity of developing prevention programs that cater to the specific experiences and needs of men and women. By focusing on the specific strains and emotional processes that lead to violence, these intervention aims to address some of the underlying causes of IPH, fostering safer and healthier relationships.

Enhancing access to social support and legal assistance plays a pivotal role in how individuals cope with strain, making it imperative for IPH prevention initiatives to bolster community support systems, and improve access to legal and social services. Educating practitioners and the public about the relational strains that can escalate into IPH can assist in the early identification of those at risk.

Finally, the application of GST to IPH calls for ongoing research to further understand the complex interaction of strain, emotions, and violence within intimate relationships. Policymakers can use these insights to develop targeted strategies for IPH prevention, focusing on reducing strains.

THEORY CRITICISMS

Critics argue that traditional strain theory places too much emphasis on economic success as the primary goal in society. It may not fully account for individuals who have different goals or aspirations, such as achieving social recognition, personal satisfaction, or community involvement, which may not align with conventional success as defined by society (Bernard, 1984). They also argue that it does not adequately address cultural variations in goals and means as different cultures could have different definitions of success, and what constitutes strain and deviance can also vary significantly across societies (Briody, 2002; Jensen, 2020).

Another criticism is that strain theories offer a simplistic explanation for deviant behaviour. While GST explains how individuals might turn to deviance when they cannot achieve success through legitimate means, the theory does not account for the diversity of deviant behaviours or the complex motivations behind them (Briody, 2002). Merton’s Strain Theory assumes a universal pursuit of success and conformity to cultural goals. There is the argument that these theories primarily focus on explaining street-level crimes and neglect aspects of white-collar crimes and elite deviance. It does not account for how individuals with privileged access to resources may engage in deviant behaviours or evade punishment (Bernard, 1984; Kornhauser, 1978).

THE FUTURE OF THE THEORY

As with many criminological theories, strain theories will be put to the test with emerging technologies and emerging crimes that come as the result of these new ways to communicate and interact. Recent research with cybercriminals (Dearden et al., 2021) found that high levels of anomie was correlated with increased cybercrime activity. Even in cyberspace, economic strain continues to affect individuals’ behaviours and choices.

Many people have raised concerns that the post-COVID world has led to more loneliness and relationship breakdown. Could this be a sign of increased anomie? As economic stress takes its toll on younger generations, will new structural goals emerge? What will they be?

Strain theories provide a framework to understand the complex relationship between societal pressures and criminal behaviour. They suggest that individuals may resort to deviance when confronted with a disjuncture between societal expectations and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to a state of anomie. By identifying structural strains as catalysts for criminal conduct, traditional strain Theory sheds light on the societal roots of deviant behaviour. General Strain Theory offers an explanation for how these strains may affect individuals and individual decision making. These theories provide ongoing explanations about the interplay of societal structures and individual responses to strain, contributing significantly to our understanding of the dynamics of criminal behaviour within a broader sociological context.

Check Your Knowledge

Discussion questions.

How does the concept of “anomie” relate to Merton’s Strain Theory, and why is it important in understanding deviance?
Merton’s theory suggests that American society places a high value on success and the “American Dream.” How do you think this holds up in modern day Australia?
What is the relationship between negative emotion and crime/delinquency? Can you think of examples of negative emotions that you think would be more likely to lead to antisocial behaviour?

Agnew, R. (1989). A longitudinal test of the revised strain theory. J ournal of Quantitative Criminology , 5 (4), 373–387.

Agnew, R. (1992). Foundation for a general strain theory of crime and delinquency. Criminology , 30 (1), 47–88.

Agnew, R. (1997). S tability and change in crime over the life course: A strain theory explanation. In T. P. Thornberry (Ed.), Developmental theories of crime and delinquency (Vol. 7, pp. 101–132). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

Agnew, R. (2001). Building on the foundation of general strain theory: Specifying the types of strain most likely to lead to crime and delinquency, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency , 38(4), 319–361.

Agnew, R. (2006). Pressured into crime: an overview of general strain theory (1st ed.). Roxbury Pub.

Akers, R. (1998). Social learning and social structure: A general theory of crime and deviance . Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Akers, R. (2000). Criminological theories: Introduction, evaluation, and application. Los Angeles: Roxbury.

Baron, S. W. (2004). General strain, street youth and crime: A test of Agnew’s revised theory, Criminology , 42(2), 457-483.

Bernard, T. J. (1984). Control Criticisms of Strain Theories: An Assessment of Theoretical and Empirical Adequacy. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 21 (4): 353–372. doi : 10.1177/0022427884021004005

Broidy, L. M. (2001). A test of general strain theory. Criminology . 39( 1): 9–36. doi: 10.1111/j.1745-9125.2001.tb00915.x. ISSN 0011-1384

Broidy, L. M., & Agnew, R. (1997). Gender and crime: A general strain theory perspective. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 34 (3), 275–306. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022427897034003001

Cunneen, C., & Tauri, J. M. (2019). Indigenous peoples, criminology, and criminal justice. Annual Review of Criminology , 2 , 359–381

Dearden, T. E., Parti, K., & Hawdon, J. (2021). Institutional anomie theory and cybercrime—cybercrime and the American dream. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice , 37 (3), 311–332. https://doi.org/10.1177/10439862211001590

Dockery, A. M. (2010). Culture and wellbeing: The case of Indigenous Australians. Social Indicators Research , 99 , 315-332.

Durkheim, É., & Coser, L. A. (1984). The division of labor in society . (W. D. Halls, Trans.). Free Press.

Durkheim, É., Spaulding, J. A., & Simpson, G. (2002). Suicide: a study in sociology (Ser. Routledge classics). Routledge.

Eriksson, L., & Mazerolle, P. (2013). A general strain theory of intimate partner homicide. Aggression and violent behavior , 18 (5), 462-470. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2013.07.002

Froggio, G., & Agnew, R. (2007). The relationship between crime and “objective” versus “subjective” strains. Journal of Criminal Justice , 35 (1), 81–87. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2006.11.017

Jensen, G. F. (2020). Salvaging structure through strain: A theoretical and empirical critique. In The legacy of anomie theory (pp. 139–158). Routledge.

Kaufman, J. M., Agnew, R., & Henry, S. (2010). Anomie, strain and subcultural theories of crime . Taylor and Francis.

Kornhauser, R. (1978). Social sources of delinquency: an appraisal of analytic models . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Lilly, J. R., Cullen, F. T., & Ball, R. A. (2007). Criminological theory: context and consequences (4th ed.). SAGE Publications.

Marmot, M. (2011). Social determinants and the health of Indigenous Australians. Medical Journal of Australia , 194 , 512–513. doi: 10.5694/j .1326-5377.2011.tb03086.x

Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies (2nd ed.). Zed Books.

The American Dream as a term has become a reflection of many of the goals that occupy Westernised society, including things like financial security, a house in the suburbs, and a stereotypical family. ↵
Interested in learning more about Professor Robert Agnew and his contributions to criminology? Check out his interview with Professor Timothy Brezina as part of the Oral History Project of the American Society of Criminology . ↵
For an in-depth discussion about General Strain theory given by Professor Agnew, check out a recent lecture at the University of Tampa. ↵

a condition of instability resulting from a breakdown of standards and values or from a lack of purpose or ideals.

Developed by Robert Agnew, General Strain Theory (GST) states that individuals engage in criminal behaviour due to experiences of strain or stress. GST identifies several sources of strain, including the failure to achieve positively valued goals, the removal of positively valued stimuli, and the presentation of negative stimuli. These strains lead to negative emotions, which may prompt individuals to engage in crime as a coping mechanism.

Perspectives that focus on large-scale social processes, structures, or phenomena. Macro-level studies might examine how societal-level factors, such as economic conditions, cultural norms, or legal systems, contribute to crime rates or patterns of deviance.

small scale, involving small quantities; when used in the social sciences, usually referring to individual level descriptions

The objectives, values, and interests that a society or culture deems desirable and worthy of pursuit. In the context of strain theories, the emphasis is often on material success and wealth as primary cultural goals.

The socially approved ways or methods of achieving cultural goals, such as education and employment. Strain theories often discuss the accessibility or availability of legitimate means to all members of society.

The ways individuals respond to the strain resulting from the disjuncture between cultural goals and the availability of legitimate means to achieve them. Robert Merton outlined five modes of adaptation: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion.

The gap or misalignment between cultural goals and the legitimate means available to achieve them, leading to strain and potentially prompting deviant responses.

An adaptation where individuals accept both the cultural goals and the legitimate means of achieving them, even when they experience strain.

Ritualism occurs when individuals abandon the cultural goals but rigidly adhere to the legitimate means, often out of a sense of obligation or habit.

Innovation involves accepting cultural goals but using illegitimate or socially unapproved means to achieve them, often associated with criminal behaviour.

Retreatism describes rejecting both cultural goals and legitimate means, leading to withdrawal from societal expectations, which can manifest in drug addiction or vagrancy.

Rebellion involves rejecting both existing cultural goals and means and substituting them with alternative goals and means, aiming to create societal change.

A central concept in General Strain Theory, referring to the adverse feelings (such as anger, frustration, or depression) that result from experiencing strain.

The strength or magnitude of the strain experienced by an individual, which can influence the likelihood of resulting in criminal behaviour.

The length of time an individual is exposed to strain, with prolonged exposure potentially increasing the risk of deviance.

How recently strain has been experienced by an individual, with more immediate strains having a potentially greater impact on behaviour.

How central or significant the source of strain is to the individual's life, with more central strains having a stronger effect on behaviour.

Strategies or methods individuals use to deal with strain and negative emotions. Effective coping can reduce the likelihood of engaging in criminal behaviour as a response to strain.

Introduction to Criminology and Criminal Justice Copyright © 2024 by Tracy Meehan; Lucy Forrester; and Jaana A. Haaja is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Anomie and Strain Theory

Introduction, durkheim’s anomie.

Defining Anomie
Causes of Anomie
Durkheim’s Anomic Suicide
Anomie and Merton’s Strain Theory
General Strain Theory
Institutional-Anomie Theory
Zhang’s Strain Theory of Suicide

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Anomie and Strain Theory by Seth B. Abrutyn LAST REVIEWED: 23 June 2020 LAST MODIFIED: 25 September 2018 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0157

Few concepts truly belong to the sociological lexicon like anomie does. First appearing in French theorist Émile Durkheim’s earliest work as an abnormal form of the division of labor, the concept has become a cornerstone to thinking about some of the effects of large, urban, heterogeneous societies such as the United States. For Durkheim human nature was defined by self-interest, insatiable desires, and limitless aspirations. Moral regulation, in the form of collective conscience or a sense of shared norms and known sanctions, was essential to placing constraints on our desires in ways that were healthy. That is, regulation fostered a sense of purpose and meaning by anchoring our individual nature in a collective nature that offered security, warmth, and clarity. Paris during the 19th century (and much of continental Europe as he extrapolated) exhibited the good and bad consequences of capitalism. On the one hand, and in his estimation, humans had far greater freedoms of expression and individuality. On the other hand, these denizens of modernity were faced with (1) chronic anomie in the form of never-ending goals, endless material pursuits, and heterogeneity that rendered the collective conscience feeble and (2) abrupt, acute forms of anomie as economies rapidly grew or collapsed, increasingly massive wars were won or lost, and old social moorings—e.g., (real or imagined) life-long happy marriages—were torn asunder by liberalism and the tolerance of phenomena like divorce. Anomie, for Durkheim, meant the breakdown of a sense of shared moral order and the collective or individual loss of social anchorage or moorings. And, as his famous argument in Suicide noted, it was both a pathological consequence of this breakdown and a cause of other serious pathologies like suicide. Ultimately, the sociological use of anomie is (and has been) plagued by the fuzziness with which Durkheim defined and operationalized it, the total reconceptualization of it for American audiences by Robert Merton, and broader sociological conventions regarding classical texts and concepts. Future research will have to continue to contend with these ambiguities until sociology generates a final definition for anomie.

According to Deflem 2015 , the word anomie is of Greek origin and means lack of (“a”) law (“nom”). However, as Besnard 1987 demonstrates, its meaning has taken many forms from the conventional normlessness or lawlessness to other closely related uses like meaninglessness, as well as to a sense of “derangement.” For the interested reader, Orrù 1987 presents a more expanded history of the concept and its evolution. Durkheim himself first used the concept anomie in Book 3 of The Division of Labor in Society to capture the pathological form of the division of labor in which overspecialization leads classes of people to become isolated from each other. Later, in Suicide , Durkheim presented the more well-known description of anomie as one of his three social forms of suicide. As Olsen 1965 argues, the former captures a more collective form of anomie, found in the structural composition of the economic order. This chain of thought is exemplified in Powell 1962 , a study of urbanization, or, more recently, Zhao and Cao 2010 , a cross-national study of economic upheaval. Whereas the latter, despite Suicide ’s macro-level orientation, has been treated more so as a social psychological or individual-level phenomenon predicated on other macro-level causes. For instance, TenHouten 2016 (cited under Defining Anomie ) and Gunderson 2016 both examine different emotional dynamics that are at the heart of experiencing anomie. In any case, Durkheim’s intended meaning has been of much debate, as the following sections will show, but as Orrù 1989 points out, it is conventionally presumed to be related to the breakdown of moral regulation at the structural level.

Besnard, Philippe. 1987. L’anomie: Ses Usages Et Ses Fonctions Dans La Discipline Sociologique Depuis Durkheim . Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

Besnard provides the reader with a sociological analysis of knowledge. He reviews the evolution of the term anomie, examining the effects historical and social context has on its meaning.

Deflem, Mathieu. 2015. Anomie: History of the concept. In International encyclopedia of the social and behavioral sciences . Edited by James D. Wright, 718–721. Amsterdam and Boston: Elsevier.

Deflem provides a brief overview of the history of the term, pushing further back historically than most reviews. He begins with its slightly different meaning in ancient Greece and works his way up toward the various sociological versions.

Durkheim, Émile. 1997. The division of labor in society . Translated by W. D. Halls. New York: Free Press.

Durkheim first used anomie to describe a type of division of labor characterized by overspecialization and, subsequently, disconnect between occupations. Originally published 1893.

Durkheim, Émile. 1951. Suicide: A study in sociology . Translated by J. A. Spaulding and G. Simpson. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

The most cited source on anomie in which Durkheim presents anomic suicide as one social type predicated on a lack of normative regulation. Originally published 1897.

Gunderson, Ryan. 2016. Anomie’s eastern origins: The Buddha’s indirect influence on Durkheim’s understanding of desire and suffering. European Journal of Social Theory 19.3: 355–373.

DOI: 10.1177/1368431015599627

Gunderson attempts to trace the roots of Durkheim’s concept using a social psychology of religion approach.

Olsen, Marvin. 1965. Durkheim’s two concepts of anomie. The Sociological Quarterly 6.1: 37–44.

Compares the Division of Labor and Suicide versions of anomie, highlighting the differences between the two.

Orrù, Marco. 1987. Anomie: History and meanings . Boston: Allen & Unwin.

Orrù, too, provides the reader with an extensive historical look at the term anomie.

Orrù, Marco. 1989. Weber on anomie. Sociological Forum 4.2: 263–270.

DOI: 10.1007/BF01112425

Traces the role anomie played in Weber’s work on non-Western religious doctrines. Weber’s use of the term is literal in that some religious doctrines emerge out of the absence of ultimate values.

Powell, Elwin H. 1962. The evolution of the American city and the emergence of anomie: A culture case study of Buffalo, New York 1810–1910. British Journal of Sociology 13.2: 156–168.

DOI: 10.2307/587892

By examining massive urban changes in Buffalo over a century, Powell highlights how anomie has less to do with urban ecology and everything to do with economic change and disruption.

Zhao, Ruohui, and Liqun Cao. 2010. Social change and anomie: A cross-national study. Social Forces 88.3: 1209–1229.

DOI: 10.1353/sof.0.0312

Using sophisticated modeling techniques, Zhao and Cao show that rapid sociopolitical change, measured at the macro-level, generates higher rates of anomie. Particularly, this occurs where highly authoritative societies transition rapidly to democratic forms, undermining the strong regulative aspect of the former in favor of individual freedoms in the latter.

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A level sociology revision – education, families, research methods, crime and deviance and more!

Merton’s Strain Theory of Deviance

Crime is a result of a ‘strain’ between legitimate goals and lack of opportunities to achieve those goals.

Table of Contents

Last Updated on November 16, 2023 by Karl Thompson

Strain Theory argues that crime occurs when there aren’t enough legitimate opportunities for people to achieve the normal success goals of a society. In such a situation there is a ‘strain’ between the goals and the means to achieve those goals, and some people turn to crime in order to achieve success.

Strain Theory was first developed by Robert Merton in the 1940s to explain the rising crime rates in the USA. Strain theory has become popular with Contemporary sociologists.

Strain Theory: The Basics

Merton argued that the cultural system of the USA was built on the ‘American Dream’. This was a set of meritocratic principles which assured the American public that equality of opportunity was available to all, regardless of class, gender or ethnicity.

The ‘American Dream’ encouraged individuals to pursue a goal of success which was largely measured in terms of the acquisition of wealth and material possessions. People were expected to pursue this goal through legitimate means such as education and work. The dominant cultural message was if you are ambitious, talented and work hard, then income and wealth should be your rewards.

However Merton pointed out that these goals were not attainable by all. The structural organisation of the USA meant that the means to get on were not fairly distributed. It was difficult, if not impossible for some to compete an achieve financial success.

Merton developed the concept of ‘anomie’ to describe this imbalance between cultural goals and institutionalised means. He argued that such an imbalanced society produces anomie – there is a strain or tension between the goals and means which produce unsatisfied aspirations.

Crime: A consequence of Anomie

Anomie was a socially fostered state of discontent and deregulation that generated crime and deviance. American society promised so much to everyone but denied many people equal access to achievement.

People might have been motivated to succeed, but they confronted class, race and other social barriers which contradicted the myth of openness. For example, it was not easy for a poor, inner-city teenager to gain qualifications or get a job.

In American society at the time failure was interpreted as a sign of personal rather than structural weakness. Failure tended to lead to individual guilt rather than collective or political anger.

The pressure to succeed could be so powerful that impelled disadvantaged people to bypass legitimate careers and adopt illegitimate careers.

As Merton puts it:

‘The culture makes incompatible demands… In this setting, a cardinal American virtue – “ambition” – promotes a cardinal American vice – “deviant behaviour” Merton (1957) Social Theory and Social Structure.

Five Adaptations to Strain

Merton argued that when individuals are faced with a gap between their goals and their current status, strain occurs. When faced with strain, people have five ways to adapt:

Conformity: pursing cultural goals through socially approved means.
Innovation: using socially unapproved or unconventional means to obtain culturally approved goals. Example: dealing drugs or stealing to achieve financial security.
Ritualism: using the same socially approved means to achieve less elusive goals (more modest and humble).
Retreatism: to reject both the cultural goals and the means to obtain it, then find a way to escape it.
Rebellion: to reject the cultural goals and means, then work to replace them.

Strain Theory, Social Class and Crime

Merton’s strain theory can be applied to explain why there is higher rate of crime among the working classes.

Merton developed his theory from a well-established observation from official statistics – that a higher proportion of acquisitive crime is committed by those from unskilled manual backgrounds (or ‘lower social classes’).

Merton noted that American society promoted material success as a ‘legitimate goal’, and encouraged self-discipline and hard work as the ‘legitimate means’ of pursuing that goal, with the idea that any individual, irrespective of their background could, with sufficient effort, achieve material success.

HOWEVER, Merton argued that for those from lower social classes, this ‘dream’ had become an ideology, masking the fact that the legitimate opportunities are not available to all, and worse, those who failed to achieve success via legitimate means were condemned for their apparent lack of effort.

This situation puts great pressure on people to achieve material success by illegitimate means (acquisitive crime) to avoid being branded a failure.

In short, Merton argued that America was a highly unequal and divided society which promoted goals that only some of its population could realistically hope to achieve. Many young, working class men especially had internalised the desire to achieve material success (they wanted cars and nice clothes for example), but the only way they could meet these goals was through crime.

Thus, it is not so much the individual’s flaws that lead them to crime, but rather ‘anomie’ in society – the combination of the pressure to be materially successful and the lack of legitimate opportunities to achieve that success.

Criticisms of Strain Theory

Not all working class individuals turn to crime , and so we need something else to explain why some of them do and some of them do not. Subcultural theorists argued that the role of working class subcultures plugs this gap in the explanation – deviant subcultures provide rewards for individuals who commit crime.
Merton’s reliance on official statistics means he over-estimates the extent of working class crime and underestimates the extent of middle class, or white collar crime.
Strain theory only really explains economic crime , it doesn’t really explain violent crime.
Marxists argue Merton is not critical enough of capitalism . They point out that lack of equality of opportunity is at the heart of the Capitalist system. (Elites make the system work for them, which disadvantages the lower classes).

The Continuing Relevance of Strain Theory

Merton’s strain theory is an important contribution to the study of crime and deviance – in the 1940s it helped to explain why crime continued to exist in countries, such as America, which were experiencing increasing economic growth and wealth.
Baumer and Gustafson (2007) analysed official data sets in the USA and found that instrumental crime rates were higher in areas where there was a ‘high commitment to money success’ alongside a ‘weak commitment to legitimate means’..
It is possible to apply Merton’s theory of anomie to explain White Collar Crime – white collar criminals (those who commit fraud at work, for example) might be those who are committed to achieving material success, but have had their opportunities for promotion blocked by lack of opportunities – possible through class, gender or ethnic bias, or possible just by the simple fact that the higher up the career ladder you go, the more competition for promotion there is.
The (2009) applies Merton’s strain theory to explain rising crime rates during a period of economic growth in Malaysia, suggesting we can apply this theory to developing countries and that a ‘general theory of crime’ may thus be possible.
Philip Bourgeois (1996) In search of respect shows us that some of the most despised criminals have actually internalised Merton’s success goals.
Carl Nightingale: On the Edge – Carl Nightingale developed Merton’s Strain Theory, applying it to inner city youths in the 1990s.

Applying Strain Theory to Mass Shootings in America…

Merton’s Strain Theory can be applied to explain the rise in mass shootings in recent years in the United States. However, we need to take into account more than just Strain Theory. We also need to recognise that mass shooters tend to be white, working class men. Thus the ‘crisis of masculinity’ has a lot to do with the increasing trend of mass shootings too!

Kalish et al (2010) argue that a culture of hegemonic masculinity in the US creates a sense of aggrieved entitlement conducive to violence.

Today in America young men face barriers to achieving traditional markers of male success. Getting a decent paying job, buying a house and finding a partner are all harder than ever. There are a significant number of young men who fail to achieve any of these normal masculine success goals. Many men feel they are entitled to these things, which is part of patriarchy. Not achieving these goals means lots of men feeling anxious and their masculine sense of identity threatened.

When this happens, some of these men blame others for taking their opportunities away from them. Some of them (wrongly) blame ethnic minorities for taking their jobs, houses, and women. Some of these enact these feelings through mass-murdering ethnic minorities.

This kind of white-male racist reaction has a long history in America as outlined in this article in The Conversation .

The article above also notes that many of these mass shootings end with the shooter committing suicide. Suicide fits in with the masculine narrative: a pre-planned, successful suicide is the final way a young man can assert their masculine identity. (This may sound bonkers, but read the article, it’s in there!).

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Signposting/ Related Posts

Merton’s Strain Theory is taught as part of consensus theory within the A-level sociology Crime and Deviance syllabus.

Other consensus theories include:

The Functionalist Theory of Crime
The ‘Social Control’ Theory of Crime
Subcultural Theories of Deviance

References and Sources to Find out More

Giddens and Sutton (2017) Essential Concepts in Sociology

This post offers a useful discussion and evaluation of Strain Theory.

Merton (1957) Social Theory and Social Structure.

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The Palgrave Handbook of International Cybercrime and Cyberdeviance pp 1–19 Cite as

General Strain Theory and Cybercrime

Carter Hay 3 &
Katherine Ray 3
Living reference work entry
First Online: 12 June 2019

654 Accesses

2 Citations

An important priority in cybercrime research is to use theory to better understand and organize information on cybercrime offending. Recent efforts in this area have informatively applied theories such as social learning, self-control, and routine activities, but there is room to apply additional theories. Agnew’s general strain theory (GST) provides an appealing possibility for this by emphasizing key causal variables that are neglected in other theories. Specifically, it hypothesizes that strainful social relationships and events give rise to negative emotional states that, in turn, are catalysts for aggressive and criminal behavior. This chapter describes how these arguments can be applied to cybercrime to better understand the causes of cyberoffending and the consequences of cybervictimization. For both areas, the relevant theoretical arguments and empirical evidence are described. The chapter concludes with a discussion of key priorities for future research.

General strain theory
Negative emotions
Cyberoffending
Cyberbullying
Cyber dating abuse
Cyberterrorism

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Hay, C., Ray, K. (2019). General Strain Theory and Cybercrime. In: The Palgrave Handbook of International Cybercrime and Cyberdeviance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90307-1_21-1

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90307-1_21-1

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Published : 12 June 2019

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Strain Theory. Strain theory is a sociological and criminological theory developed in 1938 by Robert K. Merton. The theory states that society puts pressure on individuals to achieve socially accepted goals (such as the American Dream), even though they lack the means to do so.This leads to strain, which may lead individuals to commit crimes, like selling drugs or becoming involved in ...
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