an essay about mexican culture

Mexican culture: Customs and traditions

Mexican culture brings together elements of ancient Central-American heritage and European customs.

Population of Mexico

Languages of mexico, religions of mexico, values of the mexican people, mexican food, mexican arts, mexican fashion, doing business in mexico, mexican holidays and celebrations, additional resources and reading, bibliography.

Mexican culture has undergone a tremendous transformation in its recent history with varying impacts in different regions. Many Mexicans live in cities, but smaller rural communities still play a strong role in defining the country's collective vibrant community.

Mexico can trace some of its cultural heritage back to the Aztec and Maya peoples who once controlled much of Central America, but equally it owes a great deal to the colonial heritage from Spain. Many of the customs in Mexico can be traced back through one of these branches of history.

"Mexico's characteristics set it apart from other Spanish American nations. No other country among them has so actively traced its cultural origins [through] so dramatic a history to such deep roots; none has so thoroughly fused European and non-European cultural influences," wrote Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell in " Culture and customs of Mexico " (Greenwood, 2004).

Mexico is the 10th most populous country in the world, with over 128 million people according to the United States Census Bureau estimate published on July 1, 2021 . According to the Index Mundi , Mexico consists of several ethnic groups. The mestizo (meaning people of mixed indigenous Central American heritage and European heritage) group accounts for 62% of the population. Indigenous Central American or predominantly indigenous Central American people account for 21%, while 10% of the population has a mostly European background. These groups create a culture that is unique to Mexico. However Index Mundi notes that Mexico does not collect census data on ethnicity.

According to the Mexican National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI) the median age of the population is 29 years old, which is a jump up from 2015 when it was 27. Index Mundi adds that 26% of the population is under 14-years-old, just under 17% is 15 to 24, 41% is 25 to 54, a little over 8% is 55 to 64 and nearly 8% are 65 or older.

It's estimated that 81% of the total population of Mexico lives in urban areas with Mexico City alone having a population of nearly 22 million in the wider area, according to Index Mundi, making it the fifth most populous city in the world.

The overwhelming majority of Mexicans today speak Spanish. According to the CIA , Spanish is spoken by 93.8% of the Mexican population. About 5.4% of the population speaks Spanish as well as indigenous languages, such as Mayan, Nahuatl and other regional languages. Indigenous Mexican words have also become common in other languages, including English. For example, chocolate, coyote, tomato and avocado all originated in Nahuatl.

"Much of Mexican culture revolves around religious values and the church, as well as the concept of family and inclusiveness," said Talia Wagner , a marriage and family therapist in Los Angeles. Around 78% of Mexicans identify themselves as Catholic, according to the CIA, although many have incorporated pre-Hispanic Mayan elements as part of their faith. Some of this dates back to the first colonists looking to merge the approaches of Europe and Central America to bring Christianity to the region.

"Public ritual had always been essential to both pre-Columbian religion and Spanish Catholicism. Consequently, priests quickly introduced their aboriginal parishioners to religious plays, music, and festivals, especially at Easter and Corpus Christi, both of which celebrated the Holy Eucharist," wrote Linda A Curcio-Nagy, professor of history at the University of Nevada in " The Oxford History of Mexico " (Oxford University Press, 2010), edited by Michael C. Meyer and William H. Beezley.

Other Christian denominations represented in Mexico include Presbyterians, Jehovah's Witnesses, Seventh-Day Adventists, Mormons, Lutherans, Methodists, Baptists and Anglicans. There are also small communities of Muslims, Jews and Buddhists.

Especially outside of cities, families are typically large and Mexicans are very conscious of their responsibilities to immediate family members and extended family such as cousins and even close friends. Hosting parties at their homes plays a large part of Mexican life and making visitors feel comfortable is a large part of the values and customs of the country.

"Family units are usually large, with traditional gender roles and extensive family involvement from the external members who assist one another in day to day life," Wagner told Live Science. There is a strong connection among family members. "Parents are treated with a high degree of respect, as is the family in general and there may be constant struggle, especially for the growing children between individual wants and needs and those wants and needs of the family," added Wagner.

One large event in a Mexican family is the quinceañera. This is a celebration of a young lady's 15th birthday. It signifies the girl's journey from childhood to womanhood. The party includes an elaborate dress for the girl of honor, food, dancing, friends and families. Before the party there is often a mass at the girl's church. The girl is accompanied throughout the festivities by her damas (maids of honor) and chambelánes (chamberlains), according to Encyclopedia Britannica .

Mexican cuisine varies widely between regions, as each town has its own culinary traditions, according to "Mexico For You," a publication of the Mexican Cultural Institute of Washington, D.C. Tortillas and other food made from corn are common everywhere, though, as are pepper, tomatoes and beans. Rice is also a staple, according to History.com.

Many foods that originated in Mexico are popular worldwide, including avocados, chocolate and pumpkins, in fact Mexican food is one of the country's most popular cultural exports. "Salsa now outsells catsup in the United States and $5 billion worth of tortillas are sold internationally each year," wrote Robert Buffington, Suzanne B. Pasztor, and Don M. Coerver in " Mexico: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Culture and History " (ABC-CLIO, 2004)

Mexico is known for its tequila, which is made from agave cactus that is well suited to the climate of central Mexico. Soda is a very popular drink in Mexico, as the country has a well-developed beverage industry.

Clay pottery, embroidered cotton garments, wool shawls and outer garments with angular designs, colorful baskets and rugs are some of the common items associated with Mexican folk art. Millennia-old traditions continue in silver-smithing, mosaics, textiles, pottery and basket-weaving, according to "Mexico For You."

The country is closely associated with the Mariachi style of folk music. Originated in the southern part of the state of Jalisco sometime in the 19th century, it involves a group of musicians — playing violins, guitars, basses, vihuelas (a five-string guitar) and trumpets — and wearing silver-studded charro suits and elaborate hats. "La Cucaracha" is a well-known Mariachi staple.

Two of Mexico's most famous artists are Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. Their paintings include vibrant colors and depictions of life in Mexico. Rivera was a pioneer of Muralism, a movement that used expansive wall art to educate the people. Kahlo's work drew from personal pain and also the deep history of Mexico itself. "The work of Frida Kahlo (1907–54) is also steeped in Mexicanness, although it is primarily a record of her difficult life, marked in pain, disappointment, and loneliness," wrote Helen Delpar, a professor of history at the University of Alabama in " The Oxford History of Mexico " (Oxford University Press, 2010).

A mariachi band plays music in Puebla. Marichi music is a tradition that goes back to the 19th century.

Many may not think of Mexico as a place that fosters high fashion, but many fashion designers hail from Mexico, such as Jorge Duque and Julia y Renata. There is also a Mexico Fashion Week . In the cities, fashion in Mexico is influenced by international trends, so the typical urban Mexican dresses similar to people in Europe and the United States.

Traditional Mexican clothing for women includes a sleeveless tunic-like dress called a huipil, according to Don Quijote Spanish School. Originally, these cotton dresses were made very simple with garnishes of color. However, traditional Mexican women's clothing now regularly includes lots of ornate embroidery, often including images and patterns that have symbolic meaning attached to them.

One distinguishing article of traditional men's clothing is a large blanket cape called a sarape. Boots are also a wardrobe staple. The charro suit, with its origins as the outfit worn by Mexican cowboys, is most associated with Mariachi musicians. The suit is also an acceptable substitute for a tuxedo at formal events in Mexico. The charro suit includes the sombrero, a wide-brimmed hat that provides plenty of shade.

Mexico's currency is the peso. Almost 65% of the country's GDP comes from the service sector with industry making up 31% and agriculture contributing 3.6%, according to the CIA. Its primary agricultural products are sugar cane, maize, milk, oranges , sorghum, tomatoes, poultry, wheat, green chillies/peppers and eggs.

Mexican business culture tends to value personal relationships, a strong hierarchy and a clear consciousness of status, according to Santander . "Doing business of any sort is normally preceded by a period of socializing," wrote Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell in "Culture and customs of Mexico."

The Feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe , which is celebrated on Dec. 12, is a major Mexican holiday celebrating the appearance of the Virgin Mary to an indigenous Mexican in the first years of Spanish rule. She is the patron saint of the country. This is followed closely by Posadas, a nine-day celebration in which people re-enact Mary and Joseph's journey to Bethlehem to search for a place to stay. Families go from door to door carrying candles and singing, asking for shelter until the owners open the door, at which point the party begins.

The Day of the Dead (Día de los Muertos), celebrated on Nov. 2, is a day set aside to remember and honor those who have died, according to the University of New Mexico. Carnival is also celebrated in many communities throughout Mexico to mark the period before Lent.

Independence Day , marking the country's separation from Spain in 1810, is celebrated on Sept. 16. Cinco de Mayo, which marks a Mexican military victory over the French in 1862, is more widely celebrated in the United States (as a beer promotion) than it is in Mexico.

Learn more about the colonial history of Mexico and Central America more widely by reading about one of the men who helped to shape events, Hernán Cortés .

If the culture and life of Central America before the arrival of European colonists is what interests you, then a deep dive into the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán is for you.

" Culture and customs of Mexico " by Peter Standish and Steven M. Bell (Greenwood, 2004)
" The Oxford History of Mexico " edited by Michael C. Meyer and William H. Beezley (Oxford University Press, 2010)
" Mexico: An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Culture and History " by Robert Buffington, Suzanne B. Pasztor, and Don M. Coerver (ABC-CLIO, 2004)
Mercedes Benz Fashion Week
"Mexico Business Practices" Santander Trade Markets
"Our Lady of Guadalupe" Catholic Online
" The History of Mexican Independence" Mexonline

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Jonathan is the Editor of All About History magazine, running the day to day operations of the brand. He has a Bachelor's degree in History from the University of Leeds . He has previously worked as Editor of video game magazines games™ and X-ONE and tech magazines iCreate and Apps. He is currently based in Bournemouth, UK.

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Mexican Culture

Core concepts.

Diversity (Mestizaje)

Mexico is a North American country bordering the United States, Guatemala and Belize. It is extremely geographically diverse, with deserts, high mountain plateaus and tropical coastlines. More than half of the Mexican population lives in the central regions of the country, whilst the arid north and tropical south are more sparsely populated. The dominant culture of Mexico reflects a blend of indigenous and Spanish customs; however, traditions vary greatly across the country. Many of the things often thought of as distinctively ‘Mexican’ have a local or regional origin. For example, tequila, mariachi music, embroidered sombrero and costume of the charro (gentleman rancher) originated in the west of Mexico. Each region/state generally has a unique cultural identity and accompanying cuisine, folk songs and craftsmanship that residents are very proud of. Cultural customs may also vary on a more local level, between communities, towns and cities within states.

Settlement Patterns and Regional Identities

Roughly 80% of Mexicans live in urban areas while 20% live rurally. 1 The growth of urbanisation is a continuing trend as many rural poor are attracted by the economic opportunities of industrial areas. However, city living does not ensure financial security. Differences in attitudes and practices are very noticeable between urban centres and rural areas. Those in rural towns generally continue to follow traditional lifestyles and hold quite conservative beliefs. They often maintain strong identities that are particular to their specific town or region. These may be referred to as ‘patrias chicas’ (small homelands). Such regional identities are particularly important to many indigenous communities.

On the other hand, many towns and cities are highly industrialised and cosmopolitan. Popular coastal towns are generally also quite Westernised from the influx of tourism. People from cities tend to be less conservative; however, this is still highly dependent on which region the city is in. For example, those from Guadalajara are generally more traditional than people from Mexico City. Indeed, Mexico City is somewhat of a cultural outlier in the country. It is the second biggest metropolitan area in the world. Being a global economic and cultural centre, it tends to attract more liberal and unconventional Mexicans from other areas of the country. Roughly one in six Mexicans live in the capital. 2

Social Hierarchies

Systemic inequalities and historical factors have made class differences very distinct in Mexico. Class often defines the daily activity and lifestyles of people, as well as the employment opportunities afforded to them. This becomes very noticeable when observing the difference between those who have steady employment in professional fields and those working in the informal economy (e.g. as street vendors or merchants). Indeed, there has been a marked increase in income inequality in the present era, especially following the economic crisis in the 1990s. The vast majority of professional jobs do not offer adequate pay. This has seen the middle class struggle to expand and find adaptive solutions as formal employment opportunities diminished. As a result, more than half of all Mexicans work in the informal sector. 3

Generally, the majority of the Mexican population is in the lower socioeconomic bracket. This is the case in both rural and urban areas. In the countryside, many people do not own the land they work on. Instead, they depend on small wages paid by elite agricultural landholders. Meanwhile, most cities have extensive areas of surrounding settlements (slums) that lack adequate services and resources. These situations contrast starkly with the middle and upper classes that enjoy cosmopolitan lifestyles and greater access and influence over social and economic activity. Due to these big differences in wealth, labour is cheaper and it is common to hire household services at very little cost (e.g. cleaners, nannies, dog-walkers, etc.). This is normal amongst the middle and upper-middle class, not only the elite.

Social status can be determined by one’s socioeconomic level, regional background, education and/or family name. However, class is also strongly correlated with race . Research has found that Mexicans with fairer skin have a greater chance of being in higher socioeconomic positions. 4 Meanwhile, those with darker skin (the majority) are generally in the lower classes. For example, most of the rural poor have dominant indigenous ancestry. This racial differentiation reflects the historic affluence of the European colonists over the indigenous population and the fact that centuries of economic, political and social policies favoured European inheritance of wealth.

As the effects of extreme poverty are widespread, there is a strong importance placed on having ‘simpatía’ (sympathy) towards those in disadvantaged positions. Even privileged Mexicans are usually exposed to the effects of poverty enough for most to recognise what difficult living conditions people have. However, such sympathy does not always amount to assistance, as many Mexicans have grown accustomed to this reality. Indeed, the national culture has a power distance score of 81 according to Hofstede’s dimensions; this indicates that people tend to accept the social hierarchy as the natural order and do not necessarily seek to change it.

Colonisation and Diversity

Mexico has been deeply influenced by Spanish colonisation that began in the 16th century and lasted for almost three centuries. Before European occupation, the land of Mexico was home to expansive Mesoamerican civilisations, such as those of the Olmec, Toltec, Teotihuacan, Aztec, Maya and Zapotec people. The Spanish colonists conquered the existing empires in the 16th century and encouraged ‘mestizaje’ (mixing) among the population (between the indigenous Amerindians and the Europeans). The aim was to assimilate the population to become more racially homogeneous in order to develop a stronger national identity. This diminished the proportion of people who identified with their indigenous heritage; however, the population of contemporary Mexico remains incredibly diverse.

The majority of the population is mestizo , meaning they share a mixture of European and Amerindian heritage to some degree, while approximately 21.5% self-identify as indigenous. 5 There are also many people with mostly European ancestry. As international migration increased over the 20th century, communities of people with Central American, South American, Middle Eastern, Asian and African heritage have also grown. Despite this diversity, the Mexican identity is thought to supersede any racial differences. The national discourse professes that a white person (un blanquito or güero) is just as ‘Mexican’ as someone with mostly indigenous ancestry (and vice versa). However, it cannot be presumed that all Mexicans share this view.

By incorporating Mesoamerican history into the contemporary setting, the Mexican practice of traditional Spanish and Catholic customs tends to be particularly unique and colourful. However, the ‘blend’ (mezcla) of Spanish and indigenous identities has not been free from controversy. Historical factors have changed opinion over time. Mexicans have had to reach a point of acceptance that the majority of them share ancestry with both the oppressors (colonists) and oppressed (indigenous peoples of Mesoamerica). In reconciling this, pride in diversity has become a major unifying theme. Today, Mexicans celebrate the day that Columbus arrived in America as ‘Día de la Raza’ ( Race Day). This day recognises and honours the diversity of Mexico’s population, rather than commending Christopher Columbus or colonisation . Many people are very proud of the ancient indigenous heritage (indigenismo) of the country. Nevertheless, while ancient Mesoamerican cultural legacies continue to be revived and glorified by Mexicans, the indigenous people of contemporary Mexico remain marginalised.

Indigenous Peoples of Mexico

There were over 85 different ‘ pueblos indigenas de Mexico ’ (indigenous peoples of Mexico) when the Spanish first arrived. Today, roughly 65 survive, speaking over 60 languages and 290 dialects. These include both ‘detribalised’ groups, as well as those that continue to follow their traditional lifestyles and social systems, known as “Usos y Costumbres” (customs and traditions). Over the period of colonisation , many indigenous peoples died of diseases introduced by the Spanish, as well as violence.

Most indigenous Mexicans do not speak their own language and speak only Spanish.6 Of those who do speak a native language, they are usually bilingual in Spanish as well (often just fluent enough to do business). However, some may refuse to speak Spanish in order to maintain their indigenous roots. Many have retained local forms of organization and customary law to defend their culture and livelihoods. Constitutional recognition protects their right to have this cultural autonomy. However, some have witnessed the collapse of their traditions under the burden of poverty.

The indigenous peoples of Mexico continue be substantially disadvantaged. According to official figures on multidimensional data from the National Council for Evaluation of Social Development Policy, 72.3% of Mexico’s indigenous population lives in poverty. 6 Many live in small peasant communities in rural areas. Others have had to integrate into mestizo society in order to improve their living conditions. 7 Today, many make a wage by selling crafts and performing traditional dances in costume for tourists.

National and Cultural Pride

Mexicans are very proud of their country. However, this generally relates to the culture and people rather than the nation state or its institutions. The population has become very sceptical of the government, systems and authority figures due to pervasive corruption at all levels of society. Therefore, national pride is generally directed towards Mexico in the cultural sense. Many Mexicans feel their country has great cultural depth and wealth in comparison to others. There is a saying “como México no hay dos” (There is none other like Mexico), which reflects how people believe Mexico has a particular uniqueness.

Much foreign knowledge of the cultural traditions in Mexico gravitates around ideas drawn from popular culture (e.g. tequila, tacos, tortillas, mariachis). The real Mexican love for these famous aspects of their culture should not be underestimated. Furthermore, one finds that almost all Mexicans have an incredible knowledge of their country’s history. People are very proud of the Mesoamerican legacies (such as the Aztecs and Mayans) and are often very educated on the events in history that shaped the identity of their society. It is common for the average person to able to list off many ancient stories and cultural achievements. Mexicans take particular delight when their culture receives global recognition or foreign appreciation. For example, UNESCO has listed traditional Mexican cuisine as a global cultural treasure, listed as a part of the “Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity”. 9

Mexicans have generally been very careful to preserve their cultural character amidst rapid globalisation. The country’s close proximity to the US has seen people adopt many Western cultural influences. However, most foreign customs are generally assumed with an extra Mexican flair added on. For example, if one orders pizza at an Italian restaurant, they are still likely to receive chillies on the side. A person may be regarded a ‘ malinchista ’ if they have a tendency to revere or prefer foreign things. The term has negative connotations of disloyalty or treachery, as its origins trace back to an indigenous woman submitting to Spanish conquerors.

Safety, Fatalism and Prediction of Events

The global media’s portrayal of Mexico often concentrates on the country’s struggle against corruption and the violence of drug cartels. It is true that safety and security is a common concern for most people. Hard social conditions and government policies have influenced a rise in violence and crime (la delincuencia) in the present era, both anarchic and organised. Therefore, many people have to restrict their movements to avoid crimes of opportunity. It is common for friends and family members to stay in close contact with one another. For example, independent adults may have a continuous group chat with their family members or a location notification system on their phone so that each person generally knows one’s activities, whereabouts and when they have arrived home safely.

Due to past experiences where Mexicans’ safety has been directly threatened, some people may interpret the physical onset of anxiety as an omen. For instance, the panic of anxiety that triggers a feeling of the tightening of the chest may be seen as a signal for danger. If a Mexican is in a safe situation when feeling the sensation, they may then interpret it to mean an earthquake is coming or a member of their family might be in trouble.

There is a common belief throughout Mexico that God predetermines events and one’s destiny is in his hands. This fatalism has been influenced by the practice of Catholicism throughout the country. Many devout Mexicans see the Virgin of Guadalupe as the appropriate messenger and means to reaching God (see Catholicism in Mexico under Religion ). It is common for people to try and change their circumstances by revering her and asking for her to grant their prayers. Indeed, the amount of fatalism regarding one’s personal control over events often varies depending on how religious one is.

Interpretations of Death

Mexico had more homicides in 2017 than any previous year on record. 10 Due to such crime and poor public health, death is quite pervasive in society. However, Mexicans have a unique relationship with death. They are generally very fearful of it, but do not hide it or keep it as a taboo subject. Instead, they keep quite a good-humoured familiarity with it. For example, there is a longstanding tradition of celebrating the ‘Day of the Dead’ (Día de los Muertos) on the 2nd of November. During this period, it is thought that the deceased can visit family and friends. The celebration of this concept somewhat reflects the contemporary integration of past Mesoamerican traditions (the Aztecs historically venerated the goddess of death – Mictecacihuatl) .

Foreigners may observe Mexicans’ close cultural proximity to death and interpret it to mean that they are not scared of dying. On the contrary, Mexicans are often extremely fearful of death; this embracement of it is a way of coping with their mortality. Underneath the jokes, Mexicans generally have a very strong respect for the deceased and can feel very uncomfortable “playing with death” for fear there will be reprisal. See Folk Religions and Magic in Religion for more information on Mexican superstition.

Organisation and Time

Mexican society is not tightly organised and rules are not closely followed. As systems are often unreliable, people need to be adaptable. The cultural tolerance for imprecision and flexibility can encourage spontaneity and a light disregard for law and order in daily life (i.e. getting out of a car stopped at a traffic light). In some cases, people may have to pay ‘mordida’ (a bite) to public officials or authority figures to get things done. Ultimately, Mexicans have to rely on their own personal networks. People tend to structure their lives around the immediate social relationships important to them. This interdependence is largely driven by necessity, as the government cannot be depended upon to provide security and support.

To foreigners, this approach to problem solving can seem disorganised or frivolous. However, such actions are practically minded and seen as a capable way of navigating around the reality of situations. Ingenuity and improvisation are important tools for solving daily problems. One can observe this in the way Mexicans have adapted the informal economy to create job opportunities for themselves.

Mexicans have a strong work ethic, largely driven by necessity. According to data in the OECD , Mexico has the longest working week on average (41.2 hours). However, this does not always translate into high productivity. 11 This can be partly attributed to the mañana attitude. “Mañana” literally means ‘tomorrow’, but the term is also used in conversation to refer to ‘some time in the eventual future’. The mañana attitude is related to the more fluid, laid-back approach to time keeping. People often hear it employed in the context of procrastination whereby one will assure another that a task will happen at some point, so in the meantime it’s best to relax and not worry about it. A slow pace of life is particularly common among the older generation and in rural or coastal areas.

Socialisation

Mexico scores 97 out of 100 on Hofstede’s cultural dimension of indulgence , indicating that it has a highly indulgent culture. As such, people generally exhibit a willingness to realise their impulses and desires with regard to enjoying life and having fun. In indulgent cultures, there is a general tendency towards optimism, and people may place a higher degree of importance on leisure time. One commonly hears this trait of Mexican culture described in the saying that “Mexicans don’t live to work, they work to live”. Indeed, Mexicans generally devote much time to social occasions, sometimes prioritising individual relationships over other commitments.

Mexicans love socialising, and cantinas, bars, town squares and other public spaces often provide great atmospheres to do so. There is a lot of social spontaneity and improvisation in Mexico. Invitations to occasions are often open invites, and engagements progress naturally as people sense the mood to make decisions about further movements. Many Mexicans feel there is a social rigidity in the English-speaking West as many plans have a lot of detail as to who can come, what one should bring and when it starts. Some Mexican migrants may feel that social engagements are designed too meticulously.

_____________________

1 Central Intelligence Agency, 2017

2 Central Intelligence Agency, 2017

3 International Labour Organisation, 2014

4 Vazquez Maggio, 2013

5 National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples, 2015

6 National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples, 2015

7 International Fund for Agricultural Development, 2014

8 Minority Rights Group International, 2018

9 UNESCO, 2010

10 Meixler, 2018

11 OECD, 2018

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Mexican American Culture

This essay about Mexican American culture explores its vibrant essence, blending ancient Mesoamerican and Spanish colonial influences with modern American elements. It highlights the significance of culinary traditions, language, art, music, religion, and family dynamics in shaping the community’s identity. The text portrays these cultural expressions as both a connection to the past and a celebration of ongoing innovation, emphasizing the community’s resilience and contribution to American diversity.

How it works

In the kaleidoscope of American cultural diversity, few facets shimmer with the same brilliance as Mexican American culture. It’s a symphony of heritage, a fusion of ancient Mesoamerican roots and the colonial legacy of Spain, blended with the ever-evolving rhythms of modern American life. This unique fusion births a culture that dances between tradition and innovation, weaving a vibrant tapestry of customs, flavors, and values.

Central to the heartbeat of Mexican American culture is its rich culinary tradition. From the tantalizing aroma of sizzling fajitas to the comforting warmth of a bowl of homemade pozole, every dish tells a story of tradition and innovation.

Passed down through generations, recipes are treasured heirlooms, infused with the love and history of those who came before. And in the bustling kitchens of Mexican American households, cooking becomes not just a chore, but a celebration of family, community, and the bonds that tie them together.

Language, too, is a vital thread in the fabric of Mexican American identity. Spanish, with its lyrical cadences and expressive nuances, serves as a cultural bridge, connecting generations and preserving ancestral ties. But alongside Spanish, indigenous languages like Nahuatl and Mixtec whisper their ancient secrets, a reminder of the rich tapestry of cultures that have shaped Mexican American identity over centuries.

Yet, Mexican American culture is not confined to the kitchen or the spoken word; it permeates every aspect of life, from art and music to religion and family dynamics. In the vibrant hues of Chicano murals, artists paint a picture of resilience and resistance, reclaiming public spaces and asserting their cultural identity in the face of adversity. And in the rhythmic beats of conjunto music, the spirit of Mexico comes alive, bridging the gap between past and present, old world and new.

Religion, too, plays a central role in Mexican American culture, blending Catholic traditions with indigenous beliefs in a tapestry of faith and spirituality. From the solemn rituals of Semana Santa to the joyous celebrations of Dia de los Muertos, religious observances serve not only as expressions of devotion but also as opportunities for community bonding and cultural exchange.

At the heart of it all lies the cornerstone of Mexican American culture: family. Strong bonds of kinship and loyalty tie generations together, providing a sense of belonging and support in an ever-changing world. From the cherished memories of childhood summers spent with grandparents to the laughter and camaraderie of holiday gatherings, family serves as a source of strength and resilience, a reminder that no matter where life may lead, one’s roots remain firmly planted in the soil of home.

In conclusion, Mexican American culture is a tapestry woven from the threads of history, tradition, and resilience. It’s a celebration of diversity and identity, a testament to the enduring spirit of a people who have thrived in the face of adversity. As Mexican Americans continue to enrich the cultural landscape of America, their legacy serves as a beacon of hope and inspiration for generations to come.

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Marc Leroux-Parra is a member of the Harvard College class of 2022 and a proud resident of Cabot House. He is pursuing an A.B. in Art, Film, and Visual Studies – Film with a secondary in Government. He is a publications intern at ReVista .

A Reflection on Latinx Identity

by Marc Leroux-Parra | Jan 22, 2020

When I introduce myself to people, I usually don’t mention my Latinx heritage. It may come up at some point during that conversation, but I even have had instances where I surprise close friends by speaking Spanish. They sometimes say they had no idea I spoke Spanish, let alone that I am half Mexican. It occasionally leads to expressions of disbelief, since how could I, a preppy-dressing and pale-skinned college student, possibly be Mexican?

I sometimes ask myself why I don’t immediately reveal my Mexican heritage. After all, I often go to visit relatives in Mexico and I often speak Spanish at home. I have grown up with countless Latin American friends and family members with whom I have wonderful memories and relationships.

How come I do not wear my Mexican heritage on my sleeve? Why do I keep it hidden behind the outer layers of who I present myself to be? The easy answer would be to say: “I don’t know, that’s the way I’ve done things so far and so I’ll continue to do so.” Fortunately I have never quite been a fan of these cop-out answers. Unfortunately, there is no concrete way to answer that question. But I can try.

One could start by pointing out the turbulent political climate in the United States, as reflected in the response of disbelief that someone like me could be Mexican. When a cultural or ethnic people is unfairly singled out, as Mexicans are often singled out by the conservative voices in the United States, it makes sense to try and minimize that “otherness” in order to fit in. One could go as far as to say that the United States pressures its immigrant communities to abandon their strong cultural ties and pledge absolute allegiance to the “American” way of life. Cultural assimilation is good, they say, because it makes newcomers feel welcomed by this country. They feel like they fit in with everyone else.

Notwithstanding the wonderful lie that is, those are not quite the reasons. I don’t readily share my Mexicanness because I feel culturally pressured to hide it, although that is the truth for many first-generation immigrants. If anything, everything about my Latinx heritage demands, screams, to be shared with the world. My parents have always taught me about Mexican history and culture, and stressed how proud my brother and I ought to be to come from such a distinguished people. Every story I write is shaped by the experiences I have had visiting family in Mexico, and my worldview is defined by my Mexicanness.

In spite of all that, I can’t help but feel somewhat out of place when it comes to publicly embracing my Latinx heritage. It’s a feeling that I am immensely proud of who I am and the culture with which I identify, yet simultaneously not being identified with that culture.

My mom has occasionally asked me whether or not I have considered joining Latinx or Latin American organizations on campus. My honest reply has always been “yes, I have considered it, but no, I do not plan on joining.” I have never really felt comfortable in campus Latino organizations mainly because I don’t fit into one of the two primary archetypes of Latinos: one being the white, upper- and upper middle-class students who have come to the U.S. to study at elite universities or whose families fled one of the many redistributive leftist regimes in Latin America; the other being the students of color who generally come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, whose families are either fleeing persecution and violence or lack of economic opportunity in their countries of origin. These organizations also have other archetypes, like the few mestizo , or multi-racial, immigrants from the upper classes, or even rarer, the mestizo immigrant from the lower classes. Instead, I am a white-passing, second-generation immigrant student from the middle class who dresses like a stereotypical preppy, or fresa in Mexican Spanish, young adult. I cannot deeply relate to any of these categories, simply because I have not lived and experienced the archetypical conditions of these students’ backgrounds.

As a result, I am a member of a third archetype in the Latinx community: those caught in the middle. At the organizational level at an elite institution of higher education, both of the primary archetypical groups come into conflict, sometimes quite seriously. There is a marked over- representation of the white-passing, upper-class students in many elite colleges and their ethnic organizations, particularly in leadership positions. This naturally causes a divisional rift, where students of underrepresented communities feel further underrepresented. A good friend of mine, Caesar (name changed for anonymity), mentioned to me that this conflict boiled over at Emerson College, where students of color fairly criticized the white and wealthy leadership of the Latino organizations, the response to which was quite abrasive.

At a superficial level, this degree of conflict within the Latinx community seems baffling. How could a people as committed to unity and solidarity as the Latinx be subject to these bitter conflicts amongst themselves? Yet it makes a lot of sense at an institutional level. In Latin American countries, the key, politically salient societal division is socio-economic status. This is what political elites use to mobilize support, what irritates people most, the lens to which they analyze and try to solve injustice. In the United States by contrast, that key, politically salient societal division is race. That is not to say that race does not play a crucial role in Latin America—it definitely does due to the racial distribution of socio-economic levels—nor that economic class does not play a crucial role in the United States; rather, race in Latin America and class in the United States still do not drive political mobilization.

The importance behind this distinction means that being Latinx means different things to different people. And ultimately, everyone, to some extent, defaults to the stereotypes they have internalized from their respective societies. For immigrants, being Latinx means having Latin American heritage, although people from similar socio-economic backgrounds develop stronger familiar bonds. For Latinx-Americans, being Latinx is defined by the experience of being a racial minority community which faces systematic racism and often outright hostility by members of the majority. In my view, herein lies the clue to understanding the conflict occurring at elite college campuses. The white, upper-class immigrants tend to see the organizations as collections of Latin Americans as a whole, and feel offended when they are criticized on the basis of racial discrimination because they, for the first time, are experiencing some degree of racial “otherization” since Latinxs are all labeled as a racial minority here in the United States. Their naïveté puts them in a position where they expect strong solidarity from the Latinx community, because they fail to understand that the Latinx community itself is further subdivided by race, even if the broad category of peoples is already a minority; minorities and discriminations stack. The Latinx of color tend to be frustrated by the difficulty in achieving leadership status and approaching their organizations, and further bristle at the economic inequality inherent in the elite college environment.

Those of us caught in the middle are quite different, because there are a lot of Latinx people who don’t fit into these archetypes for reasons as diverse as Latin Americans themselves. In my case, I feel like I don’t belong because my physical appearance categorizes me as one of the upper class, white elites. Yet I can in no way relate to this group because I grew up between two middle-class households, each of which had one of my divorced parents working modest jobs and struggling with the demands of being a single parent. That upbringing makes me more sympathetic to Latinx peers with similar socio-economic background. Yet I also cannot fully relate with the majority of them either because I do not struggle with the racial difficulties that Latinx of color confront daily. I’m sure the white-passing Latina from a middle-class family in Texas who was in my Freshman Seminar would relate with being caught in the middle as well, for her own reasons. Reasons which do not lend themselves to the creation of an umbrella organization, for they are too far apart, but to lend themselves as a simple point of connection.

Unfortunately, the saliency of the racial pressures placed upon everyone living in the United States makes it challenging to avoid being “otherized” by your own people. Personally, I experience this most painfully in the form of language. I have practically given up trying to speak Spanish to strangers I know are native speakers, because the overwhelming response I get is English. The assumption triggered by my stereotype-breaking appearance, someone who learned Spanish in high school and is using it to pander—while a fair assumption—hurts. In a country where language is a political flashpoint—all you have to do is look at Sam Huntington’s thoughts on the Spanish language and conservative pundits assertions across the media landscape—this denial of such a fundamental point of connection serves as the ultimate “you are not a part of my community.” What hurts most is that I have seen and heard of friends of mine who are Chicano receiving this same response, simply because they can’t speak the language at the highest level of standard fluency.

This sense of “otherization” from within the Latinx community is precisely the reason I keep telling my well-intentioned mom that I don’t want to go study abroad in Mexico. I love visiting my various family members, but outside the cozy, confined walls of their homes creeps a lack of belonging. Even with close family friends my age I feel this subconscious tug that I don’t quite belong. And why would I? I am Mexican-American after all. Growing up in the United States has made me an American, whether I like it or not. Yet this feeling of not belonging is this subliminal undertow by everyone which seems to say, “you’re a visitor, here for a short while before going back to that other place.” While it doesn’t bother me anywhere else, it hits different when it is my heritage rebuffing my place in it.

I do not share the experience of deported dreamers or Mexican-American children, but I can empathize with their lack of place in Mexican society, although the rebuffal in their case is worse because Mexico doesn’t see them as temporary visitors, but an inconvenient problem with no easy solutions. To add insult to injury, they often have few personal connections to Mexico themselves—they are culturally American— thus being dropped in a place where they are told they belong by the United States, only to realize that they cannot belong because they are not members of that people. They are abandoned by their country and rebuffed by their heritage.

Which makes me wonder, can Latinx even encompass the entire Latinx community? Is it fair for every one of Latin American heritage to fall under the same label? To what extent should we further fragment the Latin American community? Does our collective political power in America not come from a unified front? Does the term Latin American not inherently refer to a people which transcends the geopolitical borders of more than a continent and a half—South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean?

Our identity as Latin Americans is one of the most diverse identities in the world. There are very few places where citizens of two different nations could identify with each other as strongly as Latin Americans. That is because the struggles of the continent are incredibly similar: all of the countries have vibrantly colorful cultures which carry the visible imprint of colonialism, all are politically mobilized by class, all have been subject to U.S. imperialism in some form, most all speak the same primary language, and most all suffer similar injustices of different magnitudes. Yet that cohesive strength erodes when you include the United States. The experiences of Latinx-Americans are strikingly diverse, not to mention the drastic differences between them and immigrants, both temporary and permanent—both types of which have their own differences. It is important that we Latinx recognize each of these vast experiential differences as being legitimate in their own right. To drive conversations both with the wider U.S. public, and, most importantly, within the Latin American communities. For we are a diverse people, and the strength of diversity comes with understanding those experiences, and being able to find those similarities which bridge us, rather than those differences which would divide us.

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Mexican and American: The challenges of belonging to two cultures

Fourteen years ago, Maria del Rosario Jasso from Coahuila, Mexico, realized her dream of moving to the United States with her husband and son. The couple had three more children after moving to the states and had to face an unexpected challenge: teaching their children Spanish and Mexican culture while residing in the United States.

Mexicans are the largest group of immigrants in the United States. Mexican immigrants to the U.S. added up to 11.4 million in 2008 (30.1 percent of the immigrants in the country), which meant about 10 percent of the Mexicans in the world, according to migrationpolicy.org.

“The main definition of American is if you were born in the United States, but now people can have dual citizenship and vote in both countries,” said Jacob Rugh, a professor of sociology at BYU who specializes in Latin American studies.

In Utah, 87.1 percent of children with immigrant parents were U.S. citizens in 2009, according to data from the Urban Institute.

The children of these immigrants can have dual citizenship and belong to two cultures. They were born in the United States, can vote in elections, and go to school where they learn American history and geography; but their heritage and ethnicity is still Mexican. They are part of a group called Mexican Americans. These children might face some challenges in living and integrating in both cultures.

“I know from some studies that people are judged by both the receiving country culture and also the home country culture, and people expect them to assimilate into both cultures,” Rugh said.

The movie “Selena” (1997), directed by Gregory Nava, portrays the story of a Mexican American singer who reached fame and success in in the United States and Latin America. It depicts some of the challenges Mexican Americans face including that Mexicans expect them to speak Spanish perfectly and know all about Mexico, while Americans expect them to speak English just as well and know all about the United States. In the movie, being a Mexican American is described as “exhausting.”

Because some immigrant parents do not speak English, their children have to take care of phone calls, people who come to the door and other tasks requiring an english speaker.

“Many children have to take a parent role, and they may sometimes know more information than their parents,” Rugh said.

Jasso said her two younger sons who still live with her find some aspects of being Mexican easy, but others increasingly hard.

“They don’t want to wear Mexican clothes and listen to Mexican songs, but they love tacos and other Mexican dishes,” she said.

David Jasso, Maria Jasso’s youngest son who is nine, said most of his friends are Americans but he feels comfortable speaking both languages. He also said he considers himself to be American because he was born here, albeit a different kind of American because of his strong connection with the Mexican culture.

The Jasso family has visited Mexico recently, but the children do not view the country in a positive light.

“There were too many dogs on the street,” said Brandon Jasso, who is 11 and attends Franklin Elementary School in Provo.

Not many Mexican Americans have the same opportunity to visit the country their parents are from, making them unaware of cultural aspects such as expressions and songs.

“Many of the Mexican Americans don’t have connections with Mexico except for the language and food, so when I make cultural jokes, they don’t understand,” said Alejandra Bradford, a Mexican from Guanajuato, Mexico, who moved to the United States to go to BYU, married an American and will have Mexican-American children.

Bradford said she and her husband will work hard to help their children love Mexico and be part of its culture.

“Me and my husband love Mexico, and we will visit it a lot so my children will feel more connected with it,” she said.

Brandon and David Jasso plan to live in the United States all their lives; that would help them avoid a problem Mexican Americans face if they go back to Mexico.

“I have read about some families who had to go back to Mexico because of the economic recession, and the Mexican American children didn’t really have an identity in Mexico,” Rugh said. “We can’t follow up to what is happening to them now, but I bet it is different going to Mexico because in here they can do karate and get trophies and in there the school system is different, so it presents challenges in a global society.”

Whether in Mexico or the United States, Mexican Americans continue to face challenges. The future will show how well the Mexican culture will blend with the American one.

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Mexican Values and Ideologies, and How They Affect Mexicans Individually and Collectively: A Cultural Psychology Assessment from an Insider Perspective

Atenas Barquet-Toledo

PSY 280H 0900

Prof. Komolova

May 02, 2023

Introduction

Within the cultural psychology umbrella, it is essential to remember not to define individuals by cultural stereotypes, nor to reduce them to be completely detached from their cultural values, or to presume that cultural values are nonexistent. After months of deeply studying cultural psychology and analyzing different cultures and different psychological perspectives of the psycho-socio-cultural factors that homogenize these cultures into a whole , I have reached a self-reflective point for my individual self, my collective self, and my acculturation and socialization as a Mexican woman in the United States.

In this academic paper, I have gathered empirical data on traditional Mexican values, supported by research that reveals the psychological effects of cultural values and ideologies on the individual and collective self. I explore carefully how socially and culturally constructed concepts affect one’s notion of what is , and therefore, who I am .

This research paper primarily focuses on concepts of intelligence and cognate, power and status, emotional affection, gender norms, mental health stigma, and how these concepts affect self-identification and result in self-fulfilling prophecy induced behaviors which create a systematic cycle that leads to a struggling society.

Finally, as a conclusion, I offer some thoughtful insights, at a smaller and greater scale, on how to target these sociocultural issues.

Intelligence and Cognate

In most cultures throughout the mid-twentieth and twenty-first centuries, intelligence has been measured by cognitive testing. Tests such as IQ tests, achievement tests, and other standardized tests have been thought to be biased, used to manipulate minority groups throughout history, and have been unsuccessful in capturing the true intelligence of a person (which is abstract and subjective, and therefore can’t be measured through such determined, specific and technical ways). Moreover, intelligence and cognitive testing are a controversial discourse due to the student’s psychological influences when taking standardized tests, the creation and measurement of these tests, and the consequences these tests have on the student.

The psychological influences on IQ and other cognitive testing are genetic and environmental. Research concludes there is indeed a genetic influence on children’s intelligence, but there is also a strong influence from the child’s environment. Three observations were made from a research conducted by Doctor Virginia Welle regarding the correlation between environmental influences and test results: The connection between early social deprivation and poverty and lower IQ scores, the importance of schooling and early childhood interventions, and the exposure to environmental toxins and its impact on intelligence (Welle, V., 2017).

Mexico’s standardized testing doesn’t differ much from the United States in matters of structure, subjects of study/intelligences to be measured, and creator bias. The structure of the trimestrial diagnostic evaluation from the public education bureau (SEP) is similar to that of the Regents exams in regards of length, regulations, timing and organization. The subjects of study, or intelligences to be measured, are also based on logical mathematical, or of orthodox intelligence standards, excluding any artistic, linguistic, or creative intelligences. Lastly, there are environmental and opportunity factors disregarded in the creation process of these intelligence-measuring tests. These standardized tests enhance the lack of opportunity that those with lower IQs possess, which in Mexico, like in the United States, are most likely those living in poverty who haven’t been offered a proper education, a higher education, or a fair quality of life and upbringing.

One’s environment does affect one’s intelligence, or the construct of what intelligence means according to culture. First, it’s important for me to highlight that intelligence is defined differently in Mexico than it is in the United States. In her academic article on intelligence assessments in the U.S. being inadequate for outsiders of American culture, Patricia M. Greenfield, writes about the difference between Educacion and education. Educacion in spanish-speaking cultures reflects values of etiquette, respectful or correct behavior, and social skills and status quo. Contrastingly, education in the U.S. has more cognitive connotations (Greenfield, P. M., 1997).

Additionally to the point made by Greenfield, there is a section in the Mexican diagnostic evaluations called “Educacion Civica y Etica”, which is taught from middle school up to high school and it translates to “Civic and Ethical Education”. This systematic educational approach reveals the importance of traditional Mexican values, such as Educacion , and the impact these values have on Mexicans’ psyche, life, and behavior.

Through this approach of intelligence, we can begin to understand that indeed, as Greenfields mentions, the meaning of intelligence is reliant on the shared values, knowledge, and communication of a symbolic culture. Through ethics, morality, and communication, Mexicans share an intelligence based on the values of respect, dignity, honor and problem-solving. Mexicans’ conceptualization of education, or Educacion , helps conserve an individual’s “normalcy” apart from how literate they are, without thinking of him or her as less valuable than those with higher IQs, because cognition isn’t attached to individual value. Therefore, power in Mexico has not such a sharp correlation with “intelligence” or cognate. Power in Mexico is more closely related to money and connections, which contrastingly from the U.S., is not always acquired through an education or a successful business.

Power and Status

As mentioned, cognitive intelligence in Mexico is considerably neutral in regards to value and identity. Thus, a Mexican’s value, within a cultural and social scale, is not defined by their intelligence. Power, on the other hand, is a much stronger element when it comes to defining one’s identity in Mexico.

Power is the capacity to influence others, differently from status, which is the respect one gets from peers and colleagues (Keltner, D., 2021). “Respect”, as Keltner mentions, is one of those essential Mexican traditional values, both to be respectful and to be respected , and this is where other values such as dignity and morality blend in as well. I remember watching the show Friends with my uncle Carlos Toledo, a 45 year-old Mexican now living in the U.S., and there was a scene in which Joey uses the phrase, “You bastard” as a joke. My uncle then turned to me and said, “In Mexico, calling someone a bastard, back when I was a kid, was the worst insult you could possibly tell somebody. It was worse than “fuck you” or any other curse word. It was about respect–you were pretty much disrespecting their entire family and identity.”

The desire for respect is what leads Mexicans to seek power, status, and even dominance. The search for personal value within these cultural principles and desires can lead to greater-scale negative consequences. In Mexico, according to the national institute of statistics and geography (INEGI), only 18% percent of Mexicans have a college degree, which means, deducibly and empirically, that there are a lot of people that have money, power and status that do not employ lawful jobs. Although one could argue that due to this being the same percentage of middle to upper class Mexicans,formal education and class in Mexico do have an orderly and inductive relationship. According to a NYTimes article, 10% of Mexicans living in Mexico are upper class, only 8% are middle class, and 82% are lower class (living in red poverty or moderate poverty). But there are still concerns and questions on how the political system in Mexico executes their power on their people–how lawful it truly is and which potentially illicit organizations it’s aligned with.

On an external level, power affects how the Mexican government works through the endless ambition and dissatisfaction of political leaders and the corruption techniques they use and abuse to keep as much of the national income as they can, even if it means less for the people. Mexico’s government applies kleptocracy to their ruling strategies. Kleptocracy is defined as a society in which the ruling people use their power to steal their country’s resources. Mexico is a megadiverse country, meaning it offers a lot of natural resources, such as raw oil, minerals and agricultural goods. The trade balance surplus Mexico earned in 2021 was a total of 14.87 billion USD, according to the International Trade Administration (ITA). And although policy making and policy applicability is expensive, Mexicans can’t help but wonder where most of the national income goes.

Corruption doesn’t just play a part at a government level, these same practices effectuate throughout the whole nation, including federal agencies, and sadly even amongst Mexicans, as we can understand and associate this with high crime rates. “Despite recent improvements, Mexico’s homicide rate remains near historical highs, at 26.6 deaths per 100,000 people, resulting in over 34,000 victims. This equates to 94 homicides per day on average in 2021” (Vision of Humanity, 2022).

In Mexico, Mexicans are more scared of police officers than criminals, because the police officers are criminals themselves (the same goes for the military). These political and federal abuses of power and corruption are also interrelated with status, because the reason for these immoral behaviors is the desire for money, recognition, and respect. Moreover, these same corrupt powers are aligned with the Mexican puppet masters, the Narcos . Sadly, the trafficking imperium is still the most powerful entity in Mexico today, not just drug trafficking, but sex trafficking as well, making Mexico a dangerous place for Mexicans, and especially Mexican women. In sixteen years, there were reports of 80,000 women disappearances in Mexico after the “war against Narcos ” was declared by former Mexican president Felipe Calderon (Arista, L., 2022).

On an internal level, the status desired by Mexicans affects self-esteem, identity and emotions. The need for status; to be respected and have a sense of dignity, affects the Mexican’s self-image and self-value, triggering an unhealthy cyclic process of thought-emotion-behavior, in which a thought is created, “I have no money, so I cannot buy the same pretty shoes and clothes as Jenni. Therefore, I am not as cool and popular as she is”, then an emotion, “I feel less valuable, less loved and less respected by others because I am of lower class and status than some of my classmates”, then behavior, “I start looking for ways to make easy money, even if that means not finishing school”. In the last example of the thought-emotion-behavior process, the exemplified behavior is what happens to a lot of Mexicans and the reason why there is a drop-out trend. In Mexico, there are very minimum and hard to find part-time jobs, almost negligible in quantity, therefore, since students cannot go to school and work at the same time, as in the U.S., drop-outs are very common. Being of low-class and not having the status or quality of life desired, therefore, can create low self-esteem due to the link between class and identity in Mexico; I am what I have, if I don’t have a lot or can’t afford a lot, I am not a lot; I am of low value.

Mexicans exist in this dichotomy of corruption and warmth, which makes it a difficult culture to understand because of its complexity. But these cultural concepts ingrained in the Mexicans psyche are the door to entering what could be a new Mexican reality. See, if Mexicans understood the psycho-cultural connotations of cultural constructs; and how values of respect, dignity and honor affect the thought-emotion-behavior process, then perhaps there could be an exponential growth through changing one’s initial thoughts that leads to negative behavior–from a single individual to the entire Mexican society. “My value is not in the status or the power I hold. I have dignity and honor, despite what others think of me, despite how much money I have, and despite how ‘intelligent’ I am according to questionably designed tests”.

But this desperation for power and status, the lack of proper education, a low quality life, environment and upbringing, plus the desire and social comparison of what the media (mostly from first-world countries) portrays as the “proper way of living and looking”, makes it difficult to ever change one’s initial, damaging thought.

Emotions and Affection

The corruption and crime in Mexico contrast the warmth, friendliness, and humor of the characteristic Mexican personality and service that is so cherished by tourists and Mexicans.

In an informal poll I conducted on Instagram asking my Mexican friends and acquaintances to define a Mexican’s personality, some said, “loving”, “warm”, “sociable”, “romantic”, and “funny”. These are all descriptions that can be linked with emotions; emotions of love, happiness, etc. Mexicans are indeed warm and welcoming, as many tourists have described from their experiences of traveling to Mexico and meeting Mexican people, as well as how we Mexicans describe ourselves.

Some of my first cultural shocks when I moved to the United States from Mexico were actually regarding the “coldness” or lack of physical demonstration of affection and emotion in the U.S. There are three experiences I could highlight as examples (1) In Mexico, we have a custom of always saying “good morning”, “good afternoon”, and “good night” to friends, family, neighbors, and strangers. I was walking my aunt’s dog, and out of habit (because it is a habit for Mexicans), I said “good afternoon” to two older ladies walking their dogs. I’d never seen them before and neither had them, since I’d just moved into the neighborhood. I kept walking the dog and then the ladies came back and said to me, “You know, no one says ‘good afternoon’ anymore, especially young people. It is so nice and refreshing to hear it from you”. (2) I moved to the U.S. during my Sophomore year of high school. In the hallways when I was walking to find my class, there were two things that stood out about me from the rest of the students. One, I smiled a lot, to absolutely everyone, even if I didn’t know them. Two, I asked a lot of questions: “Where’s the bathroom?” “What does this mean?” “Where is this room?” Etc. A lot of other students were surprised, but seemed to appreciate the friendly gesture and smile back, or answered my questions kindly. Others were thrown off and either didn’t know what to do, looked away, looked at me with a facial expression of confusion, or answered my questions with indifference. (3) The funniest one to me was how my “natural” way of showing affection appeared as “flirting” within the high school environment I was in. Interestingly and funny enough, I was as affectionate towards my girlfriends as towards my guy friends, if not more towards girls, but for some reason I was only “flirty” towards guys. Because I would hug my guy friends often and some of them had girlfriends, it was immediately assumed by the other students that I was romantically interested, when this wasn’t the case at all. If they only knew that in Mexico, in some families it is customary for family members to kiss each other on the mouth; parents, kids, siblings, cousins, no exceptions. My brother and I too had to kiss our family members, not each other ever (thankfully), on the mouth; mom, dad, grandma, some aunts, until we were old enough to decide we didn’t want to do that anymore. Most of my family members still practice kissing each other on the lips without any sexual or romantic connotations.

There are many more ways in which Mexicans show affection and emotion towards each other that can be very physical. Kissing, hugging, smiling and polite interactions with strangers are just some of them. It is also common for Mexicans to have to sleep next to each other (not with each other) when they live with multiple family members in smaller houses. I myself had to sleep with my mom until I turned fifteen and moved to the U.S. We used to cuddle, watch movies, and before we went to sleep we would kiss each other on the lips, up until I was fifteen. It wasn’t sexual or weird, as many Americans may think of it–perhaps even grossed out by this practice. It is a simple peck, and it is just part of the culture.

Another common practice to show affection is dancing and laughing, usually within a party environment. My brother and I always dance salsa and cumbia together at parties, and I even sit on his lap sometimes, which is another “sexual” behavior in American culture, but not within Mexican culture. It’s very common to sit on a friend’s or family member’s lap, especially if there is nowhere else to sit, or just because . It is not seen as sexual behavior.

Some of the practices Mexicans employ to demonstrate affection, or just customary behaviors and habits, could be described as warm, sociable and loving, which are related to emotions that characterize our culture and Mexicans.

In recent research conducted by Paul K. Piff and Jake P. Moskowitz, it was found that social class is aligned with emotions. Social class underlies patterns of attending to the self versus attending to others. Higher class was found to be more self-oriented with feelings of contentment and pride, while lower class was found to be more prone to other-oriented feelings of compassion and love, with a greater awe (Piff, Paul K. and Moskowitz, Jake P. 2017).

These research’s findings could be associated with the link of “warm cultures” to third-world countries. Additionally, Mexicans are a part of a collectivist culture, which means empathy and compassion are essential when interacting with each other within a social environment. In an interdependent model of the self, the individual is not alone responsible for her own well-being or behavior; instead, people who are interdependent bear some responsibility for each other. This model emphasizes that the person is inherently and fundamentally connected to others, stressing empathy, reciprocity, belongingness, kinship, hierarchy, loyalty, respect, politeness, and social obligations (Markus, H., R., & Kitayama, S. 1991). This model aligns with Mexican values, personality traits, emotions and behavior.

Understanding emotions and how they could be triggered, enhanced, or provoked by cultural beliefs is primary to understanding oneself as an individual within one’s culture. And understanding oneself is imperative to taking responsibility over one’s behavior.

Although Mexicans are proud of their collective love, emotional expression, friendliness, service, and humor, Mexicans should still take responsibility for their actions, which is something we can lack in collectivist cultures. Perhaps taking responsibility for wrong-doings, thinking critically about victimization and leaving a side prejudice and pride, could help us see more clearly the negative side that comes from our cultural beliefs and values.

Another important and worth-mentioning part of emotions employed in Mexican culture is the dichotomy between how men and women express their emotions.

Gender Roles

According to Mexican traditional ideologies, only men and women exist, and not on the same terms. Consequently excluding any gender and sex fluid individuals and creating a dangerously obvious imbalance between men and women.

Mexico is a country that, after its independence in 1810 from the Spanish monarchy, adopted radical and fundamentalist religious beliefs, customs and values. According to the INEGI, in 2020, 78.6% of Mexicans identified as Catholics. Traditional catholic and biblical teachings can be interpreted in various ways in an anti-secular context. Unfortunately, a lot of religious values practiced by Mexican catholics are associated with prudery, virginity, hegemony, heteronormativity and throughout history have been used to oppress, creating a patriarchal society.

Patriarchal societies are characterized by inequality between men and women, even outside of a legal umbrella. Meaning that even if the law says that men and women are equal, social practices say otherwise. Gender stereotypes in American media reflect women as passive, private, emotional, and sexually objectified, while men are stereotyped as active, public, logical, and sexual subjects (Otto, Brian L. and Mack, Robert L. 2014). These traditional gender roles may apply to other cultures outside of the American culture, which may be influenced by the American media, but are appropriate and suitable to any patriarchal system nonetheless. Furthermore, Mexican media throughout history has done a similar job as American media in making sure that these gender norm messages are encoded in the most famous and recognized Mexican telenovelas and movies; offering a fantasy of a woman that is mistreated and/or misunderstood by society, usually an emotional, passive and private woman, who is then rescued by the handsome man who usually has a better status and holds a greater power than the woman; an active, public, logical man. Some of these media examples include Betty la Fea , one of the most famous Latin American shows (which has a Mexican adaptation), of an “ugly” woman that is shy and insecure, but then receives a make-over, becoming more beautiful and now recognized and valued by society. After this transformation, and other dramatic events, Betty finally gets the man of her dreams, the Galan de Telenovelas . Others follow similar sexist plots, of a poor girl who’s been mistreated because of her low status, falls in love with the rich boy, and finally becomes “somebody” in society after overcoming the challenges to be with the man subject, such as Maria la del Barrio , Esmeralda , Marisol , Cuidado con el Angel, La Gata , etc.

As a result of gender norms and stereotypes in Mexican culture, men and women have been affected emotionally, socially, economically, and psychologically. Within a patriarchal system, when it comes to expressing emotions, women are stereotyped as emotional and men as rational. This has a great effect on the suppression of emotions from men. Growing up, men have toxic masculinity ideals ingrained in their psyche, thinking that they ought to be strong and rational. Men are raised to be providers, strong and silent, and are discouraged and even shamed for expressing vulnerable and tender emotions. They are required to engage in masculine practices and avoid feminine practices. Unlike their sisters, they receive little, if any training in nurturing others, being sensitive and being empathic (Levant, Ronald F. 2003).

The lack of emotional education rooted from environmental factors has consequences in the way men suppress their emotions; leading to poor anger management, anger issues, frustration, and other reactive behaviors. The National Library of Medicine conducted a study on gender differences regarding emotional intelligence and concluded that women are more prone to identify intended, target, and subtle emotions than men, as well as believing that they are more emotionally intelligent than men (Fischer, Agneta H. 2018).

Traditional gender norms don’t just impact emotional intelligence, they also affect socialization amongst Mexicans. The role we are given by society makes us who we are; the social-self , unconsciously manipulating the perception we have of ourselves through the view of others. The social-self , within this context, is the meeting point between this is how it is and this is who I am . Otherwise explained as a syllogism: Mexican women stay home to cook, clean and raise children; I am a Mexican woman; I stay home, cook, clean and raise children (because this is how it is ). In Mexico, only 45% of women work, unlike men, “the providers”, that make up 78% of working men, according to recent INEGI findings. According to this same data, women make 54.5% less than men yearly, and men make 34.2% more hourly. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why women decide to stay home with their children.

These emotional, social, and economic repercussions of traditional gender norms in Mexico have a psychological impact on the self; on how one views themselves, on their collective and interdependent values, on how one interacts with others, and on how one falls into the self-fulfilling prophecy of the “Mexican” by believing and accepting these roles. 69.3% of low-income Mexican women have suffered some type of violence, 70.1% between the ages of 25 to 37. Furthermore, 42.6% of Mexican women have been sexually abused, 37.8% have been raped. There are abnormal and environmental psychological reasons as to why an abuser may commit a crime of this sort, as well as major psychological consequences of these traumatic experiences for the victims.

The traditional gender norms adopted from malleable religious interpretations have had violent effects in Mexicans. And perhaps it is not just the cultural or religious construct of gender norms, but how they are unconsciously decoded and practiced by Mexicans. Although things have been changing in Mexico, with more awareness, feminist, social, and activist movements than ever before, contrastingly and statistically, there has also been more femicides and violence in Mexico than ever before. Wherever these horrific practices of violence are rooted from, culturally and/or psychologically, we need a new approach, one that starts with deep analysis, self-reflection, and collective reflection.

Mental Health Stigma

In Mexico today, there is still a stigma regarding mental illness. According to the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), 1 out of 4 people globally have had mental health issues or mental illness. In Mexico, only 20% of people go to a therapist or psychiatrist when they have accepted to have psychological problems or disorders. Apart from the financial burden that is paying for therapy when you can barely afford meals for the week, it is common for Mexicans to “shove it under the rug”.

My grandma is one of those people who didn’t believe in therapy until now. In junior high school in Mexico, my friends were already going to therapy and taking medical treatment. When I told this to my grandma, back when I was thirteen years-old she laughed and said, “As my mom would say, with a couple of slaps you’ll be fixed”. This is the way a lot of Mexicans think. I recall another conversation with my grandma in which she told me she’d never been anxious. But later on told me that there were times in which she couldn’t sleep throughout the entire night just thinking about her worries, and I said, “Mom, that’s anxiety”. She laughed as a form of agreement, but didn’t explicitly agree with me.

My grandma is always happy, or she appears to be. She always says, Feliz toda la vida , which translates to “Always happy”, that’s her motto. She’ll always say she is happy, but there is a lot of trauma which she’d never talked about to anyone, until I started asking. She will deny that it affects her, but I’ve seen her cry and she’s told me things that, as a student of psychology, I could only define as deep, untreated wounds.

My mom, on the other hand, doesn’t say much. She has a cut on her finger from a traumatic experience, I know this because I was told by someone else what had happened. When I asked my mom what happened she said she cut herself cutting an onion. She lies because she doesn’t want to talk about it, because “it’s in the past”. In Mexico, a lot of people believe in just letting go of the past and moving on, because when you live day by day; paycheck to paycheck, it makes life easier to believe this.

There are a lot of factors previously mentioned that interrelate here; identity, power, status/class, gender norms, violence, and deeper psychological factors that influence the behavior of Mexicans, like traditional values, upbringing, environment and trauma. The impact of trauma and PTSD is very profound and impactful on individuals and society. It disrupts interpersonal relationships; increases risk of anxiety, depression and substance abuse and addictions; increases drop-out risk and academic failure; and reduces the ability to work (Kearney, D. J. and Simpson, T.L. 2020).

So despite “shoving trauma under the rug”, trauma comes back through incomprehensible, negative behavior: Why do I stay in a relationship in which I am abused? Why can’t I stop doing drugs? Why can’t I stop having sex with strangers? Why do I push my friends away? Why do I make bad decisions? A lot of these questions are related to coping mechanisms, which we employ to “deal” with trauma instead of treating it.

It is hard to encourage Mexicans to treat their psychological wounds when the stress, anxiety, poor emotional management, and negative coping behavior might not only be rooted in biological factors, but most likely in environmental factors. It is even harder to attack a long-time corrupted and patriarchal system. Nonetheless, ideologies are changing, and that is a good way to start. Sometimes traditions may be beautiful, healthy and admirable; like Mexican folklore dances, traditional food, holistic medicine practices, classic Mexican music, warmth and demonstration of affection, and even certain traditional practices like learning how to saw, cook, and clean at a young age (although it should be implemented for all children, not just girls). But not all traditions are healthy and cheerful. As I’ve mentioned, certain cultural ideologies, traditions, beliefs and values, can have a negative impact on how Mexicans live life.

Conclusion–How to Target Negative Behavior, Systematic Cycles, and a Struggling Mexican Society

The Environment

Ideologies are changing. This is already having an individual and collective impact. But systematically, we need more. As mentioned, the statistics of people with a higher education in Mexico are concerningly low. Education is a major environmental factor that, if improved, may affect the individual and collective bodies positively.

Mexican president, Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador, said in La Mañanera, a political news show broadcasted to the entire Mexican nation, that most of the people that go against his re-election campaign are those who have a college degree, a higher education, or are middle class. As innocent as this might sound, and emotionally reactive from the president, it says a lot about democracy in Mexico. When more than 80% of a nation is living in poverty, is uneducated, and is reasonably desperate for a better quality of life, Mexican politicians use this to their advantage. This political strategy is called demagoguery, and in Mexico, it is employed through a “buying votes” technique. A “More for the poor” motto that offers pensions and promotes “better quality of life” promises, but these promises are empty and tend to lack a structured, organized plan on how to get there.

The Mexican environment needs to change for a better quality of life for Mexicans. And perhaps the Narco imperium might be the most difficult target to start with, so I would propose to target education first. A higher quality, more available and reachable education, and with a strategy that allows and encourages all Mexicans to attain it. Improving the Mexican education system is key to improving the Mexican economy, well-being, quality of life and lowering crime rates.

This political proposal could be effectuated through creating safer and more rigidly supervised environments in public schools in Mexico; adding more variety in programs of study and international opportunities to public universities; creating a healthier, free meal plan in all public schools to also target food insecurity; offering free school supplies and books; and encouraging Mexican and international businesses to employ full-time as well as part-time jobs for students, this will not only increase job opportunities, it will also result in higher income for the businesses and overall Mexican economy, as well as give Mexican students a chance to attain an education while supporting their families or themselves.

The Smaller Scale Plan: The Self

Education has a powerful impact on how we see the world. The more we learn and know, the more we understand. The more we understand ourselves, the more we are capable to self-reflect and to think critically, as well as to develop a growth mindset.

I still remember when I was in 4th grade and in the last two class periods we were taken to the auditorium for a speaker event. I remember it vaguely, but he spoke about the “first-world mindset” vs the “third-world mindset”. He offered this example: “In the United States, when a person sees someone who is successful, they say to themselves ‘How did they get there? I must work hard and be smart to get to where they are.’ When in Mexico, we say, ‘How did he get there? That’s so unfair. He probably had money, that’s why.’ We feel jealous and try to bring the other person down instead of trying to get to their same level of success.”

Although I wouldn’t have used the same terms that the speaker used, he was referring to a growth mindset vs a fixed mindset. Carol Dweck wrote a book using this terminology in 2007, Mindset: The New Psychology of Success . A growth mindset means going from “failure is the limit of my abilities” to “failure is an opportunity to grow”; from “my abilities are unchanging” to “I can learn to do anything I want”; from “feedback and criticism are personal” to “feedback is constructive”; from “I could never be like them” to “I am inspired by the success of others”; from “I stick to what I know” to “I like to try new things”.

The Mexican mindset could be a growth mindset, but that requires self-reflection and taking responsibility, which contradict some of the interdependent-self constructs. From a cultural psychology perspective, it is fair to say that although there is an admirable beauty in the empathy and compassion of the collective, it is also important to detach oneself from the Whole to be the Self and to take responsibility for who we are, especially to become who we want to be.

My grandmother is an example of breaking through negative cultural values and practices to engage in a positive family dynamic, which led to growth. My grandma was raised conservative. She held grudges against her mom, but made sure she didn’t make the same mistakes of oppressing her own children because of the “traditional” beliefs she was raised with. My grandmother changed . She shifted her mindset, her ideologies, and her behaviors, to end the cycle of oppression. My grandmother raised me like her own, in the way that she couldn’t raise my mom because she was too young when she had her, while my mom worked hard to afford to pay the bills and my brother and I’s private school, so we would get the best education possible, the education no one else in our family was able to get. I grew up with values of education, love, sympathy and achievement. My grandmother always taught me that I could be and do anything I wanted, even if my dreams seemed “unreachable” to others, she would say they were crazy. I can’t remember a single time in which she ever put me down, not once.

It’s a mindset. If you grew up in an oppressive environment, be the one to break the cycle. That’s how real change begins, through awareness, reflection, ownership and action, or in this case, by changing the thought, that will change the emotion, that will change the behavior. It starts with the self, and a single growth mindset could lead to a better life for all Mexicans.

References

Welle, Virginia (2017). Issues in Intelligence and Testing. APA, 4. https://www.apa.org/ed/precollege/topss/welle-lesson.pdf

Greenfield, P. M. (1997). You can’t take it with you: Why ability assessments don’t cross cultures. American Psychologist, 4. https://bbhosted.cuny.edu/bbcswebdav/pid-75044876-dt-content-rid-570446359_1/xid-570446359_1

Keltner, Datcher (2021). Power: How you get it, how it can change you. APA, 3. Power: How you get it, how it can change you, with Dacher Keltner, PhD (apa.org)

¿Qué Porcentaje de la Población Tiene Estudios Universitarios? INEGI, 1. Qué porcentaje de la población mexicana tiene estudios universitarios? – Todo sobre el alumnado (unate.org)

Rios, Viri (2020). No, No Eres Clase Media. The New York Times. No, no eres clase media – The New York Times (nytimes.com) .

Mexico – Mining and Minerals . International Trade Administration. Mexico – Mining and Minerals (trade.gov)

Homicides in Mexico – Statistics . Vision of Humanity. Homicides in Mexico – Statistics | Mexico Peace Index (visionofhumanity.org)

Arista, Lidia. (2022). En Mexico, 80,000 Reportes de Mujeres Desaparecidas en 2006 . Expansión Política. En México, 80,000 reportes de mujeres desaparecidas desde 2006 (expansion.mx)

Piff, Paul K. and Moskowitz, Jake P. (2017). Wealth, Poverty, and Happiness. APA, 902. Wealth, Poverty, and Happiness (apa.org)

Religious Beliefs in Mexico . WorldAtlas. Religious Beliefs In Mexico – WorldAtlas

Markus, H., R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review.

Otto, Brian L. and Mack, Robert L. (2014). Critical Media Studies. WILEY Blackwell .

Levant, Ronald F. (2003). Men and Boys: What Happened to Emotions? APA, 1. notebookjuly.qxd (apadivisions.org)

Fischer, Agneta H. (2018). Gender differences in emotion perception and self-reported emotional intelligence: A test of the emotion sensitivity hypothesis. PMC. Gender differences in emotion perception and self-reported emotional intelligence: A test of the emotion sensitivity hypothesis – PMC (nih.gov)

Brecha salarial, una de las grandes barreras para la igualdad de género. OCDE. Brecha salarial, una de las grandes barreras para la igualdad de género | Comisión Nacional para Prevenir y Erradicar la Violencia Contra las Mujeres | Gobierno | gob.mx ( www.gob.mx )

ESTADÍSTICAS A PROPÓSITO DEL DÍA INTERNACIONAL DE LA ELIMINACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA CONTRA LA MUJER. INEGI. Violencia2020_Nal.pdf (inegi.org.mx)

Kearney, D. J. and Simpson, T.L. (2020). Mindfulness-Based Interventions for Trauma and Its Consequences. APA, 5. Mindfulness-Based Interventions for Trauma and Its Consequences (apa.org)

Dominguez, Pedro (2021). De nivel licenciatura hacia arriba, quienes más apoyan campañas en mi contra: AMLO. MILENIO. https://amp.milenio.com/politica/amlo-de-licenciatura-hacia-arriba-quienes-apoyan-campanas-en-contra

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Course Content for ETHN 116

ETHN 116 COURSE CONTENT

Order and emphasis of core topics may vary from instructor to instructor.

I. Introduction to Chicano Studies

A. Chicano/a Studies as a field of scholarly inquiry

B. History and culture as a dynamic processes

C. Main historical periods in Chicano History

1. Pre-Columbian era, pre- 1519

2. Spanish colonial era, 1521-1821

3. Mexican independence and nationalism, 1821-1846

4. Anglo period, 1846-1960s

5. Diversity and modern Chicano issues

II. Historical roots of Chicano culture and society

A. Pre-Columbian period

1. Human evolution in Mesoamerica

a. Ecological adaptation

b. Agricultural adaptation

c. Sociocultural life

2. Mesoamerican civilization and societies

b. Huastecas

d. Teotihuacanos

e. Zapotecos

3. Aztec civilization, society and social order

a. History – Chichimecas to Tenochtitlan

b. Social hierarchy

c. Land system and the calpulli

d. Artisan production

e. Alliances and trade

f. Mythology

g. Culture, religious practices and education

4. Spanish conquest

a. Spanish society and culture – Reconquest – 16th century

b. Background to exploration and discovery

c. Hernan Cortes versus Moctezuma and the legend of Quetzalcoatl

d. The fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan

e. The legacy of conquest in the Chicano worldview

B. Spanish colonialism in Mexico – 1521 – 1810

1. Cross-fertilization of Spanish and Aztec societies

a. The Columbian exchange

b. Religious syncretism – Virgin of Guadalupe

c. Mestizaje

d. The forging of the “cosmic race”

2. Economy and Social order

a. Gold, encomienda and repartimiento

b. Hacienda system and debt peonage

c. Social role of hacendados

d. Life of debt peons

e. Castas, mestizaje and the social hierarchy

3. Culture

a. Daily changes in indigenous ways of life

b. Introduction of Catholicism

1. Cultural aspects of mestizaje

c. Indigenous resistance to Spanish culture

d. Women and family life

4. Color and racism

a. Spanish ethnocentrism

b. Race and social class

c. Effects of racism

d. The flexibility of mestizaje

C.The making of Mexican nationalism – 1810-1840s

1. Politics and the break up of the colonial social order

a. Influence o indigenous elites – caciques

b. Influence of the age of Enlightenment

c. Bourbon reforms and imperial crisis

d. Liberals versus conservatives

e. El grito de Dolores and the war for independence

f. Rise of caudillo

g. Post-war instability in Mexico

2. Class – Mexican society under criollo rule

a. Conservatives versus liberals

b. Social groups and economic enterprises in the north

c. Break up of California missions

d. Hispanics and indigenous in New Mexico

e. Cattle ranching in California and the Californios

3. Culture – rise of a Mexican identity

a. The decline of cultural imperialism

b. Mexican influence in California and New Mexico

c. Increasing mestizaje and its challenge to racism

4.The break-up of Mexico and a new system for Mexican-Americans

a. Anglo-American expansion – Manifest Destiny

b. Annexation of Texas

c. Mexican American War

d. Mexican resistance and social banditry

e. Treaty of 1848

f. Anglo expropriation of Mexicans’ lands

g. New cultural blending in US Southwest and California

h. Economic growth and Mexican labor

D. Anglo-American period – 1846-1960s

1. Social order and social classes in the United States

a. Industrialization and economic expansion

b. Chicano role in the economy

c. Mexican Revolution and immigration

d. Chicano discrimination in the workplace

e. Chicanos in trade unionism

f. Chicanos on the margin of political process

2. Culture – assimilation versus nativist acculturation

a. American versus Mexican culture

b. Strategies and problems of Mexican adaptation to American culture

c. Syncretism – pachucos

d. Separatism

e. American work ethic versus Mexican celebration

f. Cultural imperialism and educational practices

3. Race and racism

a. Roots of prejudice and discrimination

b. Tejano versus Anglo culture

c. Anglo violence toward Tejanos

d. White supremacists in California

e. Institutional racism and public barriers

f. Chicano reactions to mistreatment – reverse racism

g. The continuation of mestizaje

E. The Chicano movement of the 1960s-70s

1. Roots of Chicano resistance and organization

2. Precursors of change

a. Black Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s

b. Johnson’s War on Poverty

c. The Vietnam War.

3. Chicano political organizations, groups and actions

a. The Brown Berets

b. United Mexican American Students

c. Los Angeles high school walk outs

d. La Raza Unida Partido

e. Chicano moratoriums of the 1970s

f. Association of Mexican-American Educators

g. Movimiento Estudiantil Chicanos de Aztlan – MECha

h. August 29 Moratorium

i. Diversity within the movement

4. Chicano cultural expression

a. Chicanozaje/Chicanismo

b. Mestizaje to Chicanismo

c. Chicano arts

d. Educational transformations

III. Selected contemporary social, economic and/or cultural issues related to Mexican Americans

A. Economic principles of Mexican immigration

1. Reasons for immigration

2. History of Mexican immigration to US

a. The Mexican Revolution and economic expansion in the US, 1910 – 1929

b. The Depression and the Bracero program, 1930 – 1964

c. Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 and increased Mexican immigration

d. Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, Amnesty and increased restrictions

e. Immigration Act of 1990 and limits on family-sponsored immigration

3. Racism and increased risks for undocumented immigrants crossing the border

4. Selected personal accounts/case studies

B. Mexican immigrants in the US today – social and economic issues

1. Economic and demographic profiles

2. Income and poverty

3. Settlement patterns

4. Wage assimilation

5. Economic impacts of immigration

6. Undocumented immigrants

7. Naturalization

8. Selected personal accounts/case studies

C. Mexican immigrants and cultural development in US urban centers

1. Becoming Mexican-American/Chicano/a

2. Settlement patterns

3. Divided loyalties

4. New nationalism, Mexican style

5. Religious adaptations

6. Music and growth of mass culture

7. The rise of communities

8. Ambivalent Americanism

D. The education of Mexican Americans

1. Educational profiles

2. Secondary education

3. Bilingual education

4. College education

5. California Community Colleges and Chicanos Studies

6. Education, language and empowerment

7. Economic incentives to invest in education

8. Social and cultural factors affecting the decision to invest in education

9. Selected personal accounts/case studies

E. Mexican Americans in the labor market

1. Employment patterns

2. Occupational patterns

3. Annual income

4. Wages, human capital and discrimination

5. Selected personal accounts/case studies

F. Mexican Americans toward the middle class

1. Income distribution

2. Factors affecting poverty rates

3. Public assistance

4. Mexican americans as an exception to the underclass model of poverty

5. Wealth and asset accumulation

6. Mexican American home ownership

7. Selected personal accounts/ case studies

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The ways Hispanics describe their identity vary across immigrant generations

The terms Hispanics in the United States use to describe themselves can provide a direct look at how they view their identity and how the strength of immigrant ties influences the ways they see themselves. About half of Hispanic adults say they most often describe themselves by their family’s country of origin or heritage, using terms such as Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican or Salvadoran, while another 39% most often describe themselves as “Hispanic” or “Latino,” the pan-ethnic terms used most often to describe this group in the U.S.

The terms Latinos use to describe their identity differ across immigrant generations

Meanwhile, 14% say they most often call themselves American, according to a national Pew Research Center survey of Hispanic adults conducted in December 2019.

The use of these terms varies across immigrant generations and reflects their diverse experiences . More than half (56%) of foreign-born Latinos most often use the name of their origin country to describe themselves, a share that falls to 39% among the U.S.-born adult children of immigrant parents (i.e., the second generation) and 33% among third- or higher-generation Latinos.

For this analysis of what Hispanics think is important to their identity, we surveyed 3,030 U.S. Hispanic adults in December 2019 as part of Pew Research Center’s 2019 National Survey of Latinos. The sample includes 2,094 Hispanic adults who were members of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. It also includes an oversample of 936 respondents from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel, another online survey panel also recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling), or in this case the whole U.S. Hispanic population.

To further ensure that this survey reflects a balanced cross-section of the nation’s Hispanic adults, the data is weighted to match the U.S. Hispanic adult population by gender, nativity, Hispanic origin group, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .

For the purposes of this report, references to foreign-born Hispanics include those born in Puerto Rico. Individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birth. The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish.

Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

Meanwhile, the share who say they most often use the term “American” to describe themselves rises from 4% among immigrant Latinos to 22% among the second generation and 33% among third- or higher-generation Latinos. (Only 3% of Hispanic adults use the recent gender-neutral pan-ethnic term Latinx to describe themselves. In general, the more traditional terms Hispanic or Latino are preferred to Latinx to refer to the ethnic group.)

The U.S. Hispanic population reached 60.6 million in 2019. About one-third (36%) of Hispanics are immigrants, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data. Another third of Hispanics are second generation (34%) – they are U.S. born with at least one immigrant parent. The remaining 30% of Hispanics belong to the third or higher generations, that is, they are U.S. born to U.S.-born parents.

A large majority of Hispanics who are third or higher generation see themselves as typical Americans

The December 2019 survey also finds U.S. Hispanics are divided on how much of a common identity they share with other Americans, though views vary widely by immigrant generation. About half (53%) consider themselves to be a typical American, while 44% say they are very different from a typical American. By contrast, only 37% of immigrant Hispanics consider themselves a typical American. This share rises to 67% among second-generation Hispanics and to 79% among third-or-higher-generation Hispanics – views that partially reflect their birth in the U.S. and their experiences as lifelong residents of this country.

Speaking Spanish seen as a key part of Hispanic identity

What it means to be Hispanic can vary across the group. Hispanics most often say speaking Spanish is an essential part of what being Hispanic means to them, with 45% saying so. Other top elements considered to be part of Hispanic identity include having both parents of Hispanic ancestry (32%) and socializing with other Hispanics (29%). Meanwhile, about a quarter say having a Spanish last name (26%) or participating in or attending Hispanic cultural celebrations (24%) are an essential part of Hispanic identity. Lower shares say being Catholic (16%) is an essential part of Hispanic identity. (A declining share of U.S. Hispanic adults say they are Catholic .) Just 9% say wearing attire that represents their Hispanic origin is essential to Hispanic identity.

The importance of most of these elements to Hispanic identity decreases across generations. For example, 54% of foreign-born Hispanics say speaking Spanish is an essential part of what being Hispanic means to them, compared with 44% of second-generation Hispanics and 20% of third- or higher-generation Hispanics.

For U.S. Hispanics, speaking Spanish is the most important part of Hispanic identity across immigrant generations

Most Latinos feel at least somewhat connected to a broader Hispanic community in the U.S.

About six-in-ten Hispanic adults say what happens to other Hispanics affects what happens in their own lives

For U.S. Latinos, the question of identity is complex due to the group’s diverse cultural traditions and countries of origin. Asked to choose between two statements, Latinos say their group has many different cultures rather than one common culture by more than three-to-one (77% vs. 21%). There are virtually no differences on this question by immigrant generation among Latinos.

Few Hispanics report a strong sense of connectedness with other Hispanics, with only 18% saying what happens to other Hispanics in the U.S. impacts them a lot and another 40% saying it impacts them some. Immigrant Hispanics (62%) are as likely as those in the second generation (60%) to express a sense of linked fate with other Hispanics. This share decreases to 44% among the third or higher generation.

Note: Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology .

Comparison of Generations
Hispanic/Latino Identity
Immigrant Populations
Integration & Identity
Racial & Ethnic Identity

Ana Gonzalez-Barrera is a former senior researcher focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center

Large shares in many countries are pessimistic about the next generation’s financial future

Key facts about asian americans, a diverse and growing population, u.s. millennials tend to have favorable views of foreign countries and institutions – even as they age, younger, more educated u.s. adults are more likely to take part in citizen science research, on the cusp of adulthood and facing an uncertain future: what we know about gen z so far, most popular.

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3.3: Social Relations in Mexican California

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Page ID 126953

Robert W. Cherny, Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo, & Richard Griswold del Castillo

Robert W. Cherny, Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo, & Richard Griswold del Castillo
San Francisco State University, Saint Mary's College of California, & San Diego State University via Self Published

Political independence from Spain did not radically change the cultural and social patterns of Spanish California. Patriarchy continued to hold sway in social relations and the family continued to be the primary social and political unit. Indians were still at the bottom of the hierarchy. Major changes in the 27 years of Mexican administration included the creation of a landed class that had pretensions of aristocracy and the opening up of California to increased trade with foreigners. Both factors would undermine the older Spanish colonial conventions and ideals.

The Growth of Town Governments

Town governments grew in the Mexican period as former soldiers and their families settled near the presidios where they had once served. Spain had given the civilian population living in Monterey a pueblo government and lands in 1794. Monterey’s municipal government was occasionally overshadowed by the territorial government, as in the period from 1839 to 1840, when the centralist governor abolished the local town council. The population surrounding the presidio of Monterey was more numerous, including seven missions and the Spanish villa of Branciforte (Santa Cruz), with a total of about 1600 gente de razón by 1840. By the time of the U.S.-Mexican War, about 550 people lived in the town.

San Diego’s civilian settlement was located just downhill from the site of the first presidio. By 1834, the town finally had a sufficient population—400 people—to qualify for pueblo status, with the right to elect local officials and to obtain a grant of land from the government. This lasted until 1838, when the declining population and political competition with Monterey resulted in the loss of their local government. In 1845, Governor Pío Pico confirmed San Diego’s ownership of 48,000 acres of former mission lands, including water rights. It was the largest such concession ever given to a Mexican town in California.

San Francisco also was established as a pueblo government in 1834 after achieving a sufficient number in population, probably about 200 individuals between the peninsula and Contra Costa. The settlement of Yerba Buena, the nucleus of modern-day San Francisco, grew as town lots were sold by the pueblo government out of its four square leagues of public lands, which had been granted by the Mexican governor. From the beginning, the settlers of this new town were multiethnic and multinational, including Americans, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Spaniards, Mexicans, and native Californios. By 1840, Yerba Buena had 50 residents; 16 of them were foreigners.

In 1835, the military garrison at San Francisco was transferred north and thus Sonoma, another Mexican-era pueblo, was founded. In the town itself there were probably not more than 200 people, a mixture of Hispanicized mission Indians and former soldiers and their families. Nearby was the Petaluma hacienda of Mariano Vallejo, the comandante whose energetic policies of pacification of the northern Indians through alliances made it possible for more than 80 ranchos to be established.

Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo was born in Monterey on July 4, 1807, and became a professional soldier during the Mexican regime, rising in rank and authority to become comandante-general of California by 1838. Vallejo was in charge of the colonization of the frontera norte , the region north of San Pablo Bay and the Sacramento River. Vallejo was skilled at forming lasting alliances with the local Indians, and more than 50 of the presidio soldiers in Sonoma were native California Indians. He was instrumental in helping to organize the town governments of San Francisco and Sonoma. Much of the time he paid for the expenses of the Mexican military out of his own pocket. He opposed the Russian settlement at Fort Ross as well as the growth of Sutter’s Fort in Sacramento. Vallejo also opposed Governor Juan Bautista Alvarado, who he thought was incompetent and lacking initiative. Partly because of his public dissatisfaction, Micheltorena was sent to replace Alvarado. In 1844, Vallejo disbanded the military forces in Sonoma because he could no longer afford to pay them. Thereafter, he supported annexation by the United States even after being imprisoned by the Bear Flag rebels in 1846.

Californianas: Mexican Californian Women

Indian and Mexican women were largely responsible for the growth of a domestic Hispano-Indian culture and society in California. Under Mexican government, the established patriarchal forms of life continued. The government and men considered women’s reproductive capacities most important for the success of the colony. Accordingly, women were expected to bear large families. Teresa de la Guerra, for example, had 25 children; Francisca Benicia Vallejo had 16 children; and Angustias de la Guerra Ord had 11 children. Unfortunately, infant mortality was quite high, as was death from childbirth. Mexican culture accorded a woman status through her production of children and women were thus valued within the family for their role as childbearers.

In addition to childbearing, women played a key role in the Californio economy. They worked in the domestic production of clothes, soap, candles, and other household items. The wealthier Californianas supervised scores of domestic servants and worked alongside them. Californianas, moreover, were trained to ride horses from an early age. Some of the stereotypes about Mexican patriarchal society have to be modified when considering the female rancheras of California. On small ranchos, women and men worked side by side in the many labors associated with farming and ranching. Fermina Espinosa, for example, was the owner of Santa Rita rancho. Because her husband was not so inclined, she ran the ranch—riding, roping, and branding—in addition to bearing many children. On Rancho Sal-Si-Puedes, the four daughters of Vicente Ávila dressed like men and rode about the rancho doing the work of livestock raising—in addition to weaving blankets, churning butter, and making cheese.

Historian Rosaura Sanchez has studied many examples of female independence and agency in Mexican California and has warned against overgeneralizing. Women were still subject to male authority. Arranged marriages were the norm, especially among the wealthier classes. Single women were not free to choose their own suitors, and elaborate rituals regulated courtship. The first communications of love may have found their way around the watchful eyes of the parents, but their approval was necessary for meetings and marriage. Women were generally considered male possessions to be protected and controlled. Although women did have property rights and the right to divorce and file lawsuits against their husbands, these rights were not commonly exercised.

One story that illustrates the many complexities of women’s status inMexican California is that of Josefa Carrillo, daughter of Joaquin Carrillo of San Diego. In 1829, she eloped with Henry Delano Fitch, an American merchant sea captain, thus becoming one of the first Californianas to marry a foreigner. While the account of this affair has been told a number of times by California historians, the narration she gave in 1875 at the age of 65 gives her version of events.

When Captain Henry D. Fitch made a call on the port of San Diego in 1826, he was introduced to Josefa and fell in love. Within a year, he requested her hand in marriage and her parents approved. Several years passed before Captain Fitch agreed to become a Catholic and a Mexican citizen so the two could be married. The marriage was scheduled for April 15, 1829, the day after his baptism. Halfway through the marriage ceremony, a message arrived from Governor Echeandía ordering the rites to cease, because the marriage was in violation of a law prohibiting non-Catholics from marrying Catholics.

Henry and Josefa decided to elope, sailing south and eventually marrying in a Catholic ceremony in Valparaiso, Chile. A year later, Captain Fitch’s ship returned to the San Diego harbor, and Josefa learned that her father considered the family dishonored by the elopement and had “promised to kill her on sight.”

Nevertheless, courageously, and determined to be either reconciled or killed, Josefa went to beg her father’s forgiveness. Entering his study, she threw herself on her knees and “in a humble tone begged for pardon, reminding him that if she had disobeyed him it had been only to cast off a hated tyranny [Governor Echeandía] who overturned the laws and customs.” Her father responded, saying, “I pardon you daughter, you are not to blame if our

California vaqueros rounding up cattle. Widely praised for their skills as horsemen, the Californios rarely dismounted.

governors are despots.” Josefa and her husband eventually went to Monterey, where Captain Fitch faced charges of forcible abduction, and he was sent to Mission San Gabriel for three months. As a penalty for his crime, he was given a penance of donating a 50-pound bell to the church at the Los Angeles pueblo, and the couple was commanded to hear high mass with lighted candles for three días festivos , or special days.

This love story involved family honor, governmental intervention, and paternal power. Josefa threw herself on her father’s mercy and cleverly politicized her actions so he could accept her return with honor. She succeeded in manipulating the patriarchal system. The most important part of Josefa’s 1875 narration, rendered in the most detail with the greatest passion, was not the interrupted marriage, the elopement, or the trial, but rather her confrontation with her father. Josefa may have been subject to male authority, but she knew how to manipulate it to her advantage.

Mexican–Indian Relations

With the secularization of the missions, thousands of native Californians tried to return to the lives they had once known, fleeing inland and into the foothills to join with remnants of their peoples or with other native groups. They soon found that things had changed, even for tribes far from the missions. Numerous diseases had decimated their numbers, and the ecology of traditional gathering grounds had been forever changed by the grazing of Mexican livestock and the introduction of European plants. The cattle and even horses were tempting targets for hungry natives who had grown used to mission food. Consequently, native groups periodically raided outlying ranchos, and military retaliation inevitably followed.

Aside from the mission revolts (see Chapter 2), the most notable periods of Mexican–Indian violence took place in the 1830s in southern California, following secularization. One memorable incident was an Indian attack in 1837 on Rancho Jamul, located east of San Diego, and owned by Doña Eustaquia López, who lived at the rancho with her two unmarried daughters and young son. A band of Kumeyaay assisted by some servants attacked the rancho, killing the foreman, his son, and several others. The Indians carried off both daughters, Tomasa and Ramona, aged 15 and 12. They were going to kill the mother and her little boy but, because of their pleadings, the Indians spared them. Instead, they stripped them naked and left, taking with them the livestock and other valuables and burning the ranch houses. Several expeditions went out from San Diego to try to recover the girls. Ransoms were offered but refused, and rumors later flourished that the girls had married Indian chiefs.

Later that year, in 1837, other bands of Kumeyaay planned to attack the pueblo of San Diego with the assistance of local servants. The plot was foiled when a loyal Indian told her mistress of the plan. Immediately, the military officer in charge, Alférez Macedonio Gonzalez, rounded up the named conspirators, all of whom worked as house servants for the local pueblo families, and forced them to confess. The following day, he took them to a nearby cemetery and executed five of them by a firing squad. In the years that followed, fear of Indian servants and the possibility of revolt from within colored the nightmares of many Californios.

A large and uncounted number of former neophytes lived in quasipeonage. In Los Angeles, Father Duran noted that 200–300 Indians lived as virtual slaves, paying off debts that had been advanced to them for food, goods, or liquor. Every Mexican settlement had its floating population of natives who survived on the margins, working as occasional laborers or prostitutes, and sometimes even selling their children in order to eat. The lucky ones worked on the ranchos as servants, farmers, or vaqueros. They too were debt slaves and had to endure the racial pretensions of their masters. These Indians were bound to the land by their indebtedness just as many Mexican peons on the haciendas in Mexico during a later era. By custom, the natives had to remain at the rear of the church during mass, and they were buried in plots separate from the Californios. The Los Angeles ayuntamiento passed laws to ensure that the local Indians did not live too close to the pueblo or pollute the water of the local irrigation ditches.

At the same time, almost every Californio family could point to a servant who had been raised with their own children and who was considered a member of the family or could, if they chose, remember how cousins and nieces were related to the local Indian tribes by blood. As long as the Hispanicized Indians accepted a Californio paternalism and knew their place, they were accepted within the patriarchal rancho system. There were real friendships and occasional bonds of marriage and compadrazgo (godparentage) between some Californios and the Hispanicized Indians. General Mariano Vallejo’s Indian ally, Chief Solano, lived with Vallejo’s family in his old age, and the two were compadres, sharing their mutual misfortunes well into the American era.

Immigrants and Foreigners

Alta California’s population grew slowly, but not nearly enough to challenge the native Indians’ demographic dominance. In 1820, at the beginning of the Mexican period, there were perhaps as many as 3000 of Hispano-Indian stock, excluding the mission Indians. By 1848, at the end of the Mexican era, there were probably about 7000 who considered themselves Californios. At the same time, although the native population was declining due to deaths from diseases, they numbered probably more than 100,000 in 1846, most of them not Hispanicized.

As David Weber pointed out in his study of this era, the Mexican government was losing its ability to defend its northern territories because of the lack of northward migration. Political instability in Mexico City made for changing policies regarding the frontier. Mexicans could not be induced to leave family and town for the uncertainties of life on the frontier. Many were economically unable to afford such a journey, and many others were peons who were not free to move even if they so desired. Moreover, the Spanish administrative mentality had endured, making it difficult for individuals to strike off on their own without governmental approval. Additionally, California was isolated from Mexico by the forbidding Sonora and Mojave Deserts, lands inhabited by Indians who had proven their dislike of Spanish and Mexican interlopers.

The Mexican government made one major effort to send new colonists to California, but it ended in disaster and discouraged further attempts. The Mexican government regarded the Russian colony at Fort Ross as a threat to its political control of Alta California. Beginning in 1812, the Russian government had established several small agricultural settlements some 90 miles north of San Francisco. Fort Ross (Rus or Russia) was the hub intending to supply growing seal and otter stations that the Russian-American Company had founded along the coast as far north as Alaska. To counter this threat, in 1833, the government authorized José María Padrés and José María Híjar to recruit 204 Mexican settlers to go to California. The plan was for these newcomers to take possession of vacant mission lands. This, of course, antagonized the Californios, who wanted those lands for themselves. The Californios were in luck, however, because en route, a change in the central Mexican government revoked the Padrés-Híjar commission. The expedition continued to California nevertheless and upon arrival, Governor Figueroa, a native Californio, refused to let them have the lands they had been allocated and ordered them to return to Mexico. Most of the colonists ignored this order and settled throughout California, in the pueblos and on some lands in the Sonoma Valley given to them by General Vallejo. Members of the Padrés-Híjar expedition brought much-needed skills to California and were responsible for many improvements in local life, especially in the pueblos.

The Mexican government did not encourage foreign immigration to Alta California. After a decade of encouraging American immigration into Texas in 1836, the foreigners revolted against the national government. This seemed to be ample proof that this was an unwise policy. Nevertheless, foreigners did make their way to this remote territory, many for commercial purposes. By the 1830s, the ranchos were developing a thriving trade in hides and tallow with Yankee clipper ships, and hundreds of thousands of hides found their way east to make shoes for the Anglo Americans and the English. Some of the sailors on the American and English ships chose to stay behind. Alfred Robinson, for example, stayed behind and married into the de la Guerra family in Santa Barbara. His book Life in California (1846) described the native Californios in a sympathetic light. This was not the case for Richard Henry Dana, who also came on a clipper ship and later wrote his immensely popular account, Two Years Before the Mast (1840), in which he deprecated the Californios as an “idle, thriftless people” who were “proud, and extravagant, and very much given to gaming.” Dana did, however, praise the lush environment and urged others to come to develop it. He wrote: “In the hands of an enterprising people, what a country this might be!” Dana’s views had wide circulation in the East and helped shape sentiments of Manifest Destiny.

The Americans were slow to find their way overland to California and the first ones who came entered illegally. In 1826, the fur trapper Jedediah Smith came overland from Salt Lake into southern California. He was subsequently jailed in San Diego, Mission San José, and Monterey before being expelled for lacking a passport. Smith was the first American to cross the Sierra Nevada Mountains and open a trail to Salt Lake. He was also the first American to open the coastal trade route from California to Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River. Among his greatest exploits, Smith blazed a trail across the deserts of the American West—the first American to enter California by crossing the Mojave Desert and the first to traverse the vast Great Basin Desert to return east.

In 1828, Sylvester and James Ohio Pattie, father and son, also fur trappers, arrived in San Diego after an exhausting overland trek from the Colorado River. Governor Echeandía believed them to be spies for Spain and had them imprisoned. The father, Sylvester, died in prison but James, who had brought with him a supply of smallpox vaccine, was allowed to leave the San Diego jail to inoculate the local population. Eventually, he traveled up the California coast and vaccinated 22,000 people. He returned home to New Orleans via Mexico in 1830. Later trappers such as Ewing Young and Joseph R. Walker found new ways of entering California from the east, developing trails that later immigrants found useful.

By 1830, fewer than 100 foreigners were living in California, most of British or American nationality. Under the Mexican Colonization Laws of 1824 and 1828, territorial governors were allowed to grant lands to noncitizens. The regulations governing the procedures were sporadically—and not very effectively—enforced. Despite the availability of free lands, few foreigners took advantage of these laws in California. Most of the best lands were tied up in the missions until the secularization of the mid-1830s. Thereafter, the Californios used their family influence to gain most of the desirable properties.

In spite of their small numbers, the foreigners’ influence was felt to a degree that was out of proportion to their numbers. Many had settled in California because of their recognition of the rich opportunities for hunting, trapping, trading, and land acquisition. Others simply sought adventure or had fallen in love with a beautiful Californiana. Most became partially Mexicanized, learning to respect the culture and the language and marrying the daughters of important Californio landholders. As sons-in-law of large extended families, they had a stake in California’s future. One prominent example is William E. P. Hartnell, an Englishman who came to California as a merchant in 1823, married into the powerful de la Guerra family in Santa Barbara, became a naturalized Mexican citizen, and received a large rancho land grant. In the 1830s, he won appointments to a number of official posts as a customs officer, a teacher, and a translator. In the American era, he served as the official Spanish-language translator for the California constitutional convention.

Other foreigners participated in rebellions. In 1836, Isaac Graham, an American settler, gathered a company of American riflemen to help Juan Bautista Alvarado in his successful revolt against the government. Later, in 1840, Graham and a few British settlers were arrested by Governor Alvarado on charges of treason but were later sent to Mexico, where they were released. John A. Sutter was a Swiss immigrant who became important in the California Gold Rush. He came to California after having traveled to Santa Fe, Oregon, and Hawai‘i. In 1840, he received an 11-square-league (48,000 acres) grant of land from the Mexican governor, and he set about building a fort at the junction of the Sacramento and American Rivers. He employed local Indians as well as Hawaiian Kanakas and purchased the movable property of Fort Ross from the Russians, including more than 40 cannon, to build his fort. Sutter’s Fort became a mecca for the foreign community in California, particularly the Americans, who began to enter California in larger numbers. Sutter began developing local industries such as fur trading, wheat farming, and weaving, providing employment to anyone who wanted to work.

In 1837, a merchant named John Marsh immigrated to California from Independence, Missouri, after he had become bankrupt. Marsh claimed to be a medical doctor, having an A.B. degree from Harvard. This was sufficient, however, for him to get a license from the Los Angeles ayuntamiento. Marsh traveled north to San Francisco, and eventually purchased four square leagues of land in what is now Contra Costa County, where he settled down to become a ranchero. Marsh was active in writing letters back home urging more Americans to come to California, suggesting that they could easily “play the Texas game” and take over the Mexican province. As a result of these publicity efforts, Marsh’s friends in Missouri formed the Western Emigration Society in 1841 and set about encouraging settlers to go to California. One of those who began organizing a wagon train of immigrants was 22-year-old schoolteacher John Bidwell.

Bidwell encouraged some 68 Midwesterners to join the first overland wagon train of Americans to California. They set out from Sapling Grove, Kansas, on May 18, 1841. The elected captain of the group was John Bartleson, and the expedition became known as the Bidwell-Bartleson party. They were guided by a Jesuit priest, Father DeSmet, who was going to Oregon, and by an experienced mountain trapper who knew the route. In Idaho, about half the group chose to continue on to Oregon instead of to California. One member of the expedition mortally wounded himself with a gun and four others turned back. They had to abandon their wagons in the Sierra mountains and were reduced to eating mules and coyotes until they reached the California coast. After six months, 32 men, a woman named Nancy Kelsey, and her baby staggered onto Dr. Marsh’s rancho. The Americans in the Bidwell-Bartleson party were illegal immigrants, lacking passports, but Mariano Vallejo, the comandante of the region, was convinced that they did not need this formality and he allowed them to stay. Roughly five years later, some of these same Americans repaid this kindness with insult when they supported Vallejo’s imprisonment and backed an American military conquest of California.

The Bidwell-Bartleson expedition opened the door for other overland immigrant wagon trains. The same year, a group of 134 Americans left Santa Fe, New Mexico, under the direction of John Rowland and William Workman. They followed a route called the “Old Spanish Trail” from New Mexico to southern California, a route that had been partially used by the Spanish and Mexican traders and was well known by the 1830s. After reaching Los Angeles, some of the Americans decided to become permanent residents. Workman, Rowland, and several other members of the expedition became rancheros in the Los Angeles region, and they, too, later supported the American acquisition of California.

Bidwell’s written account of the 1841 overland trip to California found its way into the papers in the Midwest. Other accounts of California also enjoyed wide circulation, encouraging more immigration. California, however, had to compete with Oregon as a destination, and, until the publication of Bidwell’s journal in 1842, California was losing the publicity campaign. This was due to the negative views of Thomas J. Farnham, an American who had briefly visited California in 1840 and whose published letters criticized the Mexican government’s efforts to control immigration. Nevertheless, in 1843, several more American wagon trains found their way west to California. Joseph B. Chiles led 59 people into Sacramento via the northern route, and Lansford W. Hastings set out with 53 more from Missouri, although most of them decided to go to Oregon instead. In 1844, Andrew and Benjamin Kelsey brought 36 settlers overland following the by-then well-known trail, and Elisha Stevens and a large family of Murphys entered California with more than 50 settlers. The latter expedition was notable in that, for the first time, wagons were able to cross the Sierras. The next year, more than 250 Anglo American settlers made the crossing or entered the San Joaquin Valley via Oregon.

The most famous of the overland expeditions to California before the U.S.-Mexican war was the Donner party. In early 1846, 87 men, women, and children left Springfield, Illinois, for California, following the established route. Instead of taking the trail that would have led them north of the Great Salt Lake, they chose a shortcut. This route slowed them down, however, because they had to clear a trail for their wagons, and they lost some oxen in the process. Because of this delay, they arrived at the California mountains late in the fall and that year the snows came early. Soon, the Donner party found themselves caught in the mountains without supplies for the winter. At a lake near the summit (later named Donner Lake), they camped in 10 feet of snow, without adequate firewood or food. Faced with sure death, a small group of 15 set out to try to reach Sutter’s Fort to get help. Only seven reached the San Joaquin Valley after having killed and eaten their two Indian guides and several other companions. When the rescue parties finally reached the stranded pioneers, they found more evidence of cannibalism. Only 45 of the original 87 had survived the ordeal. The Donner expedition became a macabre reminder of the perils of crossing the Sierras in the winter.

The same year as the Donner disaster, another group of immigrants entered California by sea. These were 200 Mormon settlers led by Sam Brannan. They had been sent by Joseph Smith to colonize the western outposts of Desert, the proposed Mormon national state, which was expected to stretch from the Great Salt Lake to southern California. Earlier settlers had been sent to San Bernardino, near the Mexican settlement of San Salvador, to establish a colony. The Mormon settlers who came in 1846 increased the presence of English-speaking residents, laying the foundation for an eventual American conquest.

Among the foreigners, one of the most influential was Thomas O. Larkin, who came to California in 1832 and established himself as a leading merchant in Monterey. Unlike other Americans who settled before the 1840s, Larkin did not marry into a Californio family and become a ranchero. He married an American woman and remained a U.S. citizen while learning Spanish and

As this image illustrates, the overland journey to California was fraught with peril. In the left foreground a party comes across a ruined wagon, a dead ox or horse, and its equally unfortunate owner.

slowly amassing a fortune as a merchant. Later, he was appointed the U.S. consul general and acted as a confidential agent for President James K. Polk, reporting on British interest in California. He also secretly worked to convince influential Californios to secede from the Mexican Republic and join the United States.

It is estimated that by 1846, on the eve of the U.S.-Mexican War and the American acquisition of California, there were about 1300 foreign-born settlers in California. About three-fourths of them were Americans, and European nationalities were represented as well. Except for those who had become Mexican citizens in order to receive land grants, most were immigrants who had entered without due authorization from the Mexican government. Local officials were only too glad to have new skilled workers, and they ignored the letter of the law. They did not fully realize that many of the new immigrants had no intention of assimilating into the Californio society. They did not learn Spanish, rejected the Catholic faith, and brought their own families with them instead of intermarrying with the Mexican population. This contrasted with the scores of Mexicanized Americans who had settled prior to the overland migrations of the 1830s, men like Don Abel Stearns in Los Angeles, Henry Delano Fitch in San Diego, John B. R. Cooper in Monterey, and Alephs B. Thompson in Santa Barbara. These men had married into Californio families, become Mexican citizens, and accepted Mexican society. But these individuals were also of lukewarm loyalty to the Mexican Republic, and most sided with the Americans during the war that resulted in the conquest of California by the United States.

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An Essay On Mexican Culture
The culture of Mexico reflects the country's complex history and is the result of the gradual blending of native culture with Spanish culture and other immigrant cultures. Mexico's culture revolves around and is most prominent in music, food, and celebrations. The combination of beliefs and customs creates the unique Mexican culture.
How Mexicans in the United States see their identity
Cinco de Mayo also is a good time to take a look at how Mexicans in the United States view their identity. A 2011 survey by the Pew Hispanic Center found that 52% of U.S. Hispanics of Mexican origin usually described themselves as "Mexican" or "Mexicano," while 26% described themselves as Hispanic or Latino and 19% most often said they ...
Mexican Values and Ideologies, and How They Affect Mexicans
Another important and worth-mentioning part of emotions employed in Mexican culture is the dichotomy between how men and women express their emotions. Gender Roles . According to Mexican traditional ideologies, only men and women exist, and not on the same terms. Consequently excluding any gender and sex fluid individuals and creating a ...
Mexican culture: How People Enjoy Life at Their Own Pace
Essay, Pages 4 (883 words) Views. 3. Mexico is filled with so much diversity and culture. Mexico's culture is filled with uniqueness. Uniqueness such as their food and their style of life. As you can tell food is probably the most important element in the Mexican culture. There are many other elements that make up Mexico as it is.
Topic Ideas
3. Culture - rise of a Mexican identity. a. The decline of cultural imperialism. b. Mexican influence in California and New Mexico. c. Increasing mestizaje and its challenge to racism. 4.The break-up of Mexico and a new system for Mexican-Americans. a. Anglo-American expansion - Manifest Destiny. b. Annexation of Texas. c. Mexican American ...
Mexican Culture
Pages • 6. Paper Type: 1400 Word Essay Examples. The Culture in Mexico is rich in tradition and the people have a heritage that dates back to the indigenous population. Although there are many areas in Mexico that deal with poverty, there are also wealthy areas of Mexico.
How Hispanics see themselves varies by number of generations in US
About half (53%) consider themselves to be a typical American, while 44% say they are very different from a typical American. By contrast, only 37% of immigrant Hispanics consider themselves a typical American. This share rises to 67% among second-generation Hispanics and to 79% among third-or-higher-generation Hispanics - views that ...
Culture in Mexico
Mexico is located in the "Ring of Fire". Mexico introduced chocolate, corn, and chilis to the world. The largest monument is the Pyramid of Cholula in Mexico. Mexico is second to Brazil in the number of Catholic citizens. Mexico is the most populated Spanish-speaking country in the world and the United States is the second.
Exploring the Variety of Customs in Mexican Culture
Essay Sample: Mexican Culture Mexico is a country located in the Middle America, bordering the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf between Belize and the United States. It is on ... Students looking for free, top-notch essay and term paper samples on various topics. Additional materials, such as the best quotations, synonyms and word definitions to make ...
3.3: Social Relations in Mexican California
Mexican-Indian Relations. Immigrants and Foreigners. Political independence from Spain did not radically change the cultural and social patterns of Spanish California. Patriarchy continued to hold sway in social relations and the family continued to be the primary social and political unit. Indians were still at the bottom of the hierarchy.