research paper about cyberbullying in school

• Research article
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• Published: 14 December 2021

Bullying at school and mental health problems among adolescents: a repeated cross-sectional study

• Håkan Källmén 1 &
• Mats Hallgren   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0599-2403 2  

Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health volume  15 , Article number:  74 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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To examine recent trends in bullying and mental health problems among adolescents and the association between them.

A questionnaire measuring mental health problems, bullying at school, socio-economic status, and the school environment was distributed to all secondary school students aged 15 (school-year 9) and 18 (school-year 11) in Stockholm during 2014, 2018, and 2020 (n = 32,722). Associations between bullying and mental health problems were assessed using logistic regression analyses adjusting for relevant demographic, socio-economic, and school-related factors.

The prevalence of bullying remained stable and was highest among girls in year 9; range = 4.9% to 16.9%. Mental health problems increased; range = + 1.2% (year 9 boys) to + 4.6% (year 11 girls) and were consistently higher among girls (17.2% in year 11, 2020). In adjusted models, having been bullied was detrimentally associated with mental health (OR = 2.57 [2.24–2.96]). Reports of mental health problems were four times higher among boys who had been bullied compared to those not bullied. The corresponding figure for girls was 2.4 times higher.

Conclusions

Exposure to bullying at school was associated with higher odds of mental health problems. Boys appear to be more vulnerable to the deleterious effects of bullying than girls.

Introduction

Bullying involves repeated hurtful actions between peers where an imbalance of power exists [ 1 ]. Arseneault et al. [ 2 ] conducted a review of the mental health consequences of bullying for children and adolescents and found that bullying is associated with severe symptoms of mental health problems, including self-harm and suicidality. Bullying was shown to have detrimental effects that persist into late adolescence and contribute independently to mental health problems. Updated reviews have presented evidence indicating that bullying is causative of mental illness in many adolescents [ 3 , 4 ].

There are indications that mental health problems are increasing among adolescents in some Nordic countries. Hagquist et al. [ 5 ] examined trends in mental health among Scandinavian adolescents (n = 116, 531) aged 11–15 years between 1993 and 2014. Mental health problems were operationalized as difficulty concentrating, sleep disorders, headache, stomach pain, feeling tense, sad and/or dizzy. The study revealed increasing rates of adolescent mental health problems in all four counties (Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark), with Sweden experiencing the sharpest increase among older adolescents, particularly girls. Worsening adolescent mental health has also been reported in the United Kingdom. A study of 28,100 school-aged adolescents in England found that two out of five young people scored above thresholds for emotional problems, conduct problems or hyperactivity [ 6 ]. Female gender, deprivation, high needs status (educational/social), ethnic background, and older age were all associated with higher odds of experiencing mental health difficulties.

Bullying is shown to increase the risk of poor mental health and may partly explain these detrimental changes. Le et al. [ 7 ] reported an inverse association between bullying and mental health among 11–16-year-olds in Vietnam. They also found that poor mental health can make some children and adolescents more vulnerable to bullying at school. Bayer et al. [ 8 ] examined links between bullying at school and mental health among 8–9-year-old children in Australia. Those who experienced bullying more than once a week had poorer mental health than children who experienced bullying less frequently. Friendships moderated this association, such that children with more friends experienced fewer mental health problems (protective effect). Hysing et al. [ 9 ] investigated the association between experiences of bullying (as a victim or perpetrator) and mental health, sleep disorders, and school performance among 16–19 year olds from Norway (n = 10,200). Participants were categorized as victims, bullies, or bully-victims (that is, victims who also bullied others). All three categories were associated with worse mental health, school performance, and sleeping difficulties. Those who had been bullied also reported more emotional problems, while those who bullied others reported more conduct disorders [ 9 ].

As most adolescents spend a considerable amount of time at school, the school environment has been a major focus of mental health research [ 10 , 11 ]. In a recent review, Saminathen et al. [ 12 ] concluded that school is a potential protective factor against mental health problems, as it provides a socially supportive context and prepares students for higher education and employment. However, it may also be the primary setting for protracted bullying and stress [ 13 ]. Another factor associated with adolescent mental health is parental socio-economic status (SES) [ 14 ]. A systematic review indicated that lower parental SES is associated with poorer adolescent mental health [ 15 ]. However, no previous studies have examined whether SES modifies or attenuates the association between bullying and mental health. Similarly, it remains unclear whether school related factors, such as school grades and the school environment, influence the relationship between bullying and mental health. This information could help to identify those adolescents most at risk of harm from bullying.

To address these issues, we investigated the prevalence of bullying at school and mental health problems among Swedish adolescents aged 15–18 years between 2014 and 2020 using a population-based school survey. We also examined associations between bullying at school and mental health problems adjusting for relevant demographic, socioeconomic, and school-related factors. We hypothesized that: (1) bullying and adolescent mental health problems have increased over time; (2) There is an association between bullying victimization and mental health, so that mental health problems are more prevalent among those who have been victims of bullying; and (3) that school-related factors would attenuate the association between bullying and mental health.

Participants

The Stockholm school survey is completed every other year by students in lower secondary school (year 9—compulsory) and upper secondary school (year 11). The survey is mandatory for public schools, but voluntary for private schools. The purpose of the survey is to help inform decision making by local authorities that will ultimately improve students’ wellbeing. The questions relate to life circumstances, including SES, schoolwork, bullying, drug use, health, and crime. Non-completers are those who were absent from school when the survey was completed (< 5%). Response rates vary from year to year but are typically around 75%. For the current study data were available for 2014, 2018 and 2020. In 2014; 5235 boys and 5761 girls responded, in 2018; 5017 boys and 5211 girls responded, and in 2020; 5633 boys and 5865 girls responded (total n = 32,722). Data for the exposure variable, bullied at school, were missing for 4159 students, leaving 28,563 participants in the crude model. The fully adjusted model (described below) included 15,985 participants. The mean age in grade 9 was 15.3 years (SD = 0.51) and in grade 11, 17.3 years (SD = 0.61). As the data are completely anonymous, the study was exempt from ethical approval according to an earlier decision from the Ethical Review Board in Stockholm (2010-241 31-5). Details of the survey are available via a website [ 16 ], and are described in a previous paper [ 17 ].

Students completed the questionnaire during a school lesson, placed it in a sealed envelope and handed it to their teacher. Student were permitted the entire lesson (about 40 min) to complete the questionnaire and were informed that participation was voluntary (and that they were free to cancel their participation at any time without consequences). Students were also informed that the Origo Group was responsible for collection of the data on behalf of the City of Stockholm.

Study outcome

Mental health problems were assessed by using a modified version of the Psychosomatic Problem Scale [ 18 ] shown to be appropriate for children and adolescents and invariant across gender and years. The scale was later modified [ 19 ]. In the modified version, items about difficulty concentrating and feeling giddy were deleted and an item about ‘life being great to live’ was added. Seven different symptoms or problems, such as headaches, depression, feeling fear, stomach problems, difficulty sleeping, believing it’s great to live (coded negatively as seldom or rarely) and poor appetite were used. Students who responded (on a 5-point scale) that any of these problems typically occurs ‘at least once a week’ were considered as having indicators of a mental health problem. Cronbach alpha was 0.69 across the whole sample. Adding these problem areas, a total index was created from 0 to 7 mental health symptoms. Those who scored between 0 and 4 points on the total symptoms index were considered to have a low indication of mental health problems (coded as 0); those who scored between 5 and 7 symptoms were considered as likely having mental health problems (coded as 1).

Primary exposure

Experiences of bullying were measured by the following two questions: Have you felt bullied or harassed during the past school year? Have you been involved in bullying or harassing other students during this school year? Alternatives for the first question were: yes or no with several options describing how the bullying had taken place (if yes). Alternatives indicating emotional bullying were feelings of being mocked, ridiculed, socially excluded, or teased. Alternatives indicating physical bullying were being beaten, kicked, forced to do something against their will, robbed, or locked away somewhere. The response alternatives for the second question gave an estimation of how often the respondent had participated in bullying others (from once to several times a week). Combining the answers to these two questions, five different categories of bullying were identified: (1) never been bullied and never bully others; (2) victims of emotional (verbal) bullying who have never bullied others; (3) victims of physical bullying who have never bullied others; (4) victims of bullying who have also bullied others; and (5) perpetrators of bullying, but not victims. As the number of positive cases in the last three categories was low (range = 3–15 cases) bully categories 2–4 were combined into one primary exposure variable: ‘bullied at school’.

Assessment year was operationalized as the year when data was collected: 2014, 2018, and 2020. Age was operationalized as school grade 9 (15–16 years) or 11 (17–18 years). Gender was self-reported (boy or girl). The school situation To assess experiences of the school situation, students responded to 18 statements about well-being in school, participation in important school matters, perceptions of their teachers, and teaching quality. Responses were given on a four-point Likert scale ranging from ‘do not agree at all’ to ‘fully agree’. To reduce the 18-items down to their essential factors, we performed a principal axis factor analysis. Results showed that the 18 statements formed five factors which, according to the Kaiser criterion (eigen values > 1) explained 56% of the covariance in the student’s experience of the school situation. The five factors identified were: (1) Participation in school; (2) Interesting and meaningful work; (3) Feeling well at school; (4) Structured school lessons; and (5) Praise for achievements. For each factor, an index was created that was dichotomised (poor versus good circumstance) using the median-split and dummy coded with ‘good circumstance’ as reference. A description of the items included in each factor is available as Additional file 1 . Socio-economic status (SES) was assessed with three questions about the education level of the student’s mother and father (dichotomized as university degree versus not), and the amount of spending money the student typically received for entertainment each month (> SEK 1000 [approximately $120] versus less). Higher parental education and more spending money were used as reference categories. School grades in Swedish, English, and mathematics were measured separately on a 7-point scale and dichotomized as high (grades A, B, and C) versus low (grades D, E, and F). High school grades were used as the reference category.

Statistical analyses

The prevalence of mental health problems and bullying at school are presented using descriptive statistics, stratified by survey year (2014, 2018, 2020), gender, and school year (9 versus 11). As noted, we reduced the 18-item questionnaire assessing school function down to five essential factors by conducting a principal axis factor analysis (see Additional file 1 ). We then calculated the association between bullying at school (defined above) and mental health problems using multivariable logistic regression. Results are presented as odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (Cis). To assess the contribution of SES and school-related factors to this association, three models are presented: Crude, Model 1 adjusted for demographic factors: age, gender, and assessment year; Model 2 adjusted for Model 1 plus SES (parental education and student spending money), and Model 3 adjusted for Model 2 plus school-related factors (school grades and the five factors identified in the principal factor analysis). These covariates were entered into the regression models in three blocks, where the final model represents the fully adjusted analyses. In all models, the category ‘not bullied at school’ was used as the reference. Pseudo R-square was calculated to estimate what proportion of the variance in mental health problems was explained by each model. Unlike the R-square statistic derived from linear regression, the Pseudo R-square statistic derived from logistic regression gives an indicator of the explained variance, as opposed to an exact estimate, and is considered informative in identifying the relative contribution of each model to the outcome [ 20 ]. All analyses were performed using SPSS v. 26.0.

Prevalence of bullying at school and mental health problems

Estimates of the prevalence of bullying at school and mental health problems across the 12 strata of data (3 years × 2 school grades × 2 genders) are shown in Table 1 . The prevalence of bullying at school increased minimally (< 1%) between 2014 and 2020, except among girls in grade 11 (2.5% increase). Mental health problems increased between 2014 and 2020 (range = 1.2% [boys in year 11] to 4.6% [girls in year 11]); were three to four times more prevalent among girls (range = 11.6% to 17.2%) compared to boys (range = 2.6% to 4.9%); and were more prevalent among older adolescents compared to younger adolescents (range = 1% to 3.1% higher). Pooling all data, reports of mental health problems were four times more prevalent among boys who had been victims of bullying compared to those who reported no experiences with bullying. The corresponding figure for girls was two and a half times as prevalent.

Associations between bullying at school and mental health problems

Table 2 shows the association between bullying at school and mental health problems after adjustment for relevant covariates. Demographic factors, including female gender (OR = 3.87; CI 3.48–4.29), older age (OR = 1.38, CI 1.26–1.50), and more recent assessment year (OR = 1.18, CI 1.13–1.25) were associated with higher odds of mental health problems. In Model 2, none of the included SES variables (parental education and student spending money) were associated with mental health problems. In Model 3 (fully adjusted), the following school-related factors were associated with higher odds of mental health problems: lower grades in Swedish (OR = 1.42, CI 1.22–1.67); uninteresting or meaningless schoolwork (OR = 2.44, CI 2.13–2.78); feeling unwell at school (OR = 1.64, CI 1.34–1.85); unstructured school lessons (OR = 1.31, CI = 1.16–1.47); and no praise for achievements (OR = 1.19, CI 1.06–1.34). After adjustment for all covariates, being bullied at school remained associated with higher odds of mental health problems (OR = 2.57; CI 2.24–2.96). Demographic and school-related factors explained 12% and 6% of the variance in mental health problems, respectively (Pseudo R-Square). The inclusion of socioeconomic factors did not alter the variance explained.

Our findings indicate that mental health problems increased among Swedish adolescents between 2014 and 2020, while the prevalence of bullying at school remained stable (< 1% increase), except among girls in year 11, where the prevalence increased by 2.5%. As previously reported [ 5 , 6 ], mental health problems were more common among girls and older adolescents. These findings align with previous studies showing that adolescents who are bullied at school are more likely to experience mental health problems compared to those who are not bullied [ 3 , 4 , 9 ]. This detrimental relationship was observed after adjustment for school-related factors shown to be associated with adolescent mental health [ 10 ].

A novel finding was that boys who had been bullied at school reported a four-times higher prevalence of mental health problems compared to non-bullied boys. The corresponding figure for girls was 2.5 times higher for those who were bullied compared to non-bullied girls, which could indicate that boys are more vulnerable to the deleterious effects of bullying than girls. Alternatively, it may indicate that boys are (on average) bullied more frequently or more intensely than girls, leading to worse mental health. Social support could also play a role; adolescent girls often have stronger social networks than boys and could be more inclined to voice concerns about bullying to significant others, who in turn may offer supports which are protective [ 21 ]. Related studies partly confirm this speculative explanation. An Estonian study involving 2048 children and adolescents aged 10–16 years found that, compared to girls, boys who had been bullied were more likely to report severe distress, measured by poor mental health and feelings of hopelessness [ 22 ].

Other studies suggest that heritable traits, such as the tendency to internalize problems and having low self-esteem are associated with being a bully-victim [ 23 ]. Genetics are understood to explain a large proportion of bullying-related behaviors among adolescents. A study from the Netherlands involving 8215 primary school children found that genetics explained approximately 65% of the risk of being a bully-victim [ 24 ]. This proportion was similar for boys and girls. Higher than average body mass index (BMI) is another recognized risk factor [ 25 ]. A recent Australian trial involving 13 schools and 1087 students (mean age = 13 years) targeted adolescents with high-risk personality traits (hopelessness, anxiety sensitivity, impulsivity, sensation seeking) to reduce bullying at school; both as victims and perpetrators [ 26 ]. There was no significant intervention effect for bullying victimization or perpetration in the total sample. In a secondary analysis, compared to the control schools, intervention school students showed greater reductions in victimization, suicidal ideation, and emotional symptoms. These findings potentially support targeting high-risk personality traits in bullying prevention [ 26 ].

The relative stability of bullying at school between 2014 and 2020 suggests that other factors may better explain the increase in mental health problems seen here. Many factors could be contributing to these changes, including the increasingly competitive labour market, higher demands for education, and the rapid expansion of social media [ 19 , 27 , 28 ]. A recent Swedish study involving 29,199 students aged between 11 and 16 years found that the effects of school stress on psychosomatic symptoms have become stronger over time (1993–2017) and have increased more among girls than among boys [ 10 ]. Research is needed examining possible gender differences in perceived school stress and how these differences moderate associations between bullying and mental health.

Strengths and limitations

Strengths of the current study include the large participant sample from diverse schools; public and private, theoretical and practical orientations. The survey included items measuring diverse aspects of the school environment; factors previously linked to adolescent mental health but rarely included as covariates in studies of bullying and mental health. Some limitations are also acknowledged. These data are cross-sectional which means that the direction of the associations cannot be determined. Moreover, all the variables measured were self-reported. Previous studies indicate that students tend to under-report bullying and mental health problems [ 29 ]; thus, our results may underestimate the prevalence of these behaviors.

In conclusion, consistent with our stated hypotheses, we observed an increase in self-reported mental health problems among Swedish adolescents, and a detrimental association between bullying at school and mental health problems. Although bullying at school does not appear to be the primary explanation for these changes, bullying was detrimentally associated with mental health after adjustment for relevant demographic, socio-economic, and school-related factors, confirming our third hypothesis. The finding that boys are potentially more vulnerable than girls to the deleterious effects of bullying should be replicated in future studies, and the mechanisms investigated. Future studies should examine the longitudinal association between bullying and mental health, including which factors mediate/moderate this relationship. Epigenetic studies are also required to better understand the complex interaction between environmental and biological risk factors for adolescent mental health [ 24 ].

Availability of data and materials

Data requests will be considered on a case-by-case basis; please email the corresponding author.

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Acknowledgements

Authors are grateful to the Department for Social Affairs, Stockholm, for permission to use data from the Stockholm School Survey.

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HK conceived the study and analyzed the data (with input from MH). HK and MH interpreted the data and jointly wrote the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Principal factor analysis description.

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Källmén, H., Hallgren, M. Bullying at school and mental health problems among adolescents: a repeated cross-sectional study. Child Adolesc Psychiatry Ment Health 15 , 74 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13034-021-00425-y

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Florida’s school safety dashboard helps parents and teachers address root causes of bullying, fighting and other misbehavior

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Florida updated its school safety dashboard in April 2024, and it is now one of the most comprehensive in the nation. F. Chris Curran is an education policy professor at the University of Florida who partnered with Safe Schools for Alex , a nonprofit created by Max Schachter following the murder of his son Alex in the Parkland massacre in 2018 , to release the new version of the dashboard. The Conversation asked him how parents and schools can benefit from the dashboard and what other states might learn from it as well.

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How can schools use the dashboard?

School districts and educators can see their school safety data in relation to other schools and districts – and how such data relates to standardized test scores, community violence and other indicators. So, for example, a school might see an increasing trend in its community of students in poverty or living without health insurance and focus on connecting families with external social support resources. In contrast, a school that sees increases in school incidents despite improving community indicators might instead focus on improving school engagement and disciplinary responses.

In partnership with Safe Schools for Alex, my team also developed training that uses the dashboard to start conversations about school safety and find solutions. School leaders can use the dashboard to identify areas of concern in their own school – such as an increasing pattern of fights. The dashboard and the training then facilitate conversation about root causes of the issue. The dashboard’s list of resources provides evidence-based approaches to developing and implementing solutions. For example, school leaders might find a new bullying prevention program to implement or identify another school with decreasing fights to reach out to and learn from.

Could there be unintended consequences?

Unfortunately, research has shown that data dashboards can result in a stigma toward certain schools and lead to more affluent families leaving those schools . Public rankings of schools have been linked to increases in economic, racial and educational segregation . Lower-ranked schools, in turn, can lose enrollment and resources as wealthier parents opt for higher-ranked schools.

The Safe Schools for Alex dashboard purposefully avoids ranking or labeling schools as “safe” or “unsafe” for this reason. The dashboard includes a range of indicators so educators and parents can avoid a simplistic view of a school as safe or not. While parents often want a single indicator of a school’s performance, such indicators often misrepresent safety or achievement, as they tend to be more indicative of other factors , such as the poverty level of students served.

What does the dashboard reveal about violence in schools today?

Schools nationwide have reported increases in student misbehavior over the past several years. The dashboard shows this increase too. However, while some of the increase in safety-related incidents is due to violence such as fights, a large part is driven by nonviolent incidents – particularly vaping.

The data also shows that while rates of some incidents are increasing, so are state resources such as funding for school safety and mental health. Specifically, state funding per student for mental health has doubled from about $24 per student to $48 per student in Florida over the past five years. Meanwhile, funding for implementing security practices such as hiring school police officers has increased by about 15% .

Ultimately, the dashboard reveals that there is a lot of variation across schools and districts. Some have high and some have low rates of violence; some are increasing and some are decreasing.

What’s next?

School safety is a top priority of students, parents and educators. Just as schools have embraced the use of data to improve academic instruction , the use of data to ensure school safety is also growing. Yet, we have found that a quarter to a third of states currently do not make school safety or discipline data publicly available.

Along with the Florida dashboard, Safe Schools for Alex has dashboards for Kentucky , Pennsylvania , New Hampshire and Virginia . These other dashboards are in the process of being enhanced to include more data and features like the Florida one.

A number of other states, including Georgia , have their own dashboards that similarly include wide-ranging data points and interactive features. And some states, such as Kentucky , have integrated such measures into their broader school report cards.

These dashboards do not have all the answers, but they can help parents and school leaders know what questions to ask and where to find resources to make schools safer, fairer and more conducive to learning.

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Teens and Video Games Today

85% of u.s. teens say they play video games, and about four-in-ten do so daily. teens see both positive and negative sides of video games – from problem-solving and making friends to harassment and sleep loss, table of contents.

• Who plays video games?
• How often do teens play video games?
• What devices do teens play video games on?
• Social media use among gamers
• Teen views on how much they play video games and efforts to cut back
• Are teens social with others through video games?
• Do teens think video games positively or negatively impact their lives?
• Why do teens play video games?
• Bullying and violence in video games
• Appendix A: Detailed charts
• Acknowledgments
• Methodology

Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to better understand teens’ use of and experiences with video games.

The Center conducted an online survey of 1,453 U.S. teens from Sept. 26 to Oct. 23, 2023, through Ipsos. Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents, who were part of its KnowledgePanel . The KnowledgePanel is a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey was weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with their parents by age, gender, race and ethnicity, household income, and other categories.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, an independent committee of experts specializing in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

Here are the questions used for this analysis , along with responses, and  its methodology .

There are long-standing debates about the impact of video games on youth. Some credit them for helping young people form friendships and teaching them about teamwork and problem-solving . Others say video games expose teenagers to violent content, negatively impact their sleep and can even lead to addiction.

With this in mind, Pew Research Center surveyed 1,423 U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 about their own video game habits – from how often they play to the friends they’ve made and whether it gets in the way of them doing well in school or getting a good night’s sleep. 1

Key findings from the survey

• Video games as a part of daily teen life: 85% of U.S. teens report playing video games, and 41% say they play them at least once a day. Four-in-ten identify as a gamer.
• Gaming as a social experience: 72% of teens who play video games say that a reason why they play them is to spend time with others. And some have even made a friend online from playing them – 47% of teen video game players say they’ve done this.
• Helpful with problem-solving, less so for sleep: Over half of teens who play video games say it has helped their problem-solving skills, but 41% also say it has hurt their sleep.
• Bullying is a problem: 80% of all teens think harassment over video games is a problem for people their age. And 41% of those who play them say they’ve been called an offensive name when playing.
• Boys’ and girls’ experiences differ: Most teen boys and girls play video games, but larger shares of boys identify as gamers (62% vs. 17%) and play every day (61% vs. 22%). Boys who play them are also more likely to experience positive things from it, like making friends, and more troubling things like harassment.

Jump to read about: Who plays video games | Socializing over video games | Views about video games’ impact | Harassment and violence in video games      

Playing video games is widespread among teens. The vast majority of U.S. teens (85%) say they play them. Just 15% say they never do, according to the survey conducted Sept. 26-Oct. 23, 2023.

In addition to asking whether teens play video games, we also wanted to learn whether they consider themselves gamers. Overall, four-in-ten U.S. teens think of themselves as gamers. Just under half of teens (45%) play video games but do not think of themselves as gamers.

Nearly all boys (97%) say they play video games, compared with about three-quarters of teen girls. There is a substantial gap by gender in whether teens identify as gamers: 62% of teen boys do, compared with 17% of girls. 2

By gender and age

Younger teen girls are more likely than older girls to say they play video games: 81% of girls ages 13 to 14 compared with 67% of those ages 15 to 17. But among boys, nearly all play video games regardless of age. 

Similar shares of teens play video games across different racial and ethnic groups and among those who live in households with different annual incomes. Go to Appendix A for more detail on which teens play video games and which teens identify as gamers.

We also asked teens how often they play video games. About four-in-ten U.S. teens say they play video games daily, including 23% who do so several times a day.

Another 22% say they play several times a week, while 21% play them about once a week or less.

Teen boys are far more likely than girls to say they play video games daily (61% vs. 22%). They are also much more likely to say they play them several times a day (36% vs. 11%).

By whether someone identifies as a gamer

About seven-in-ten teens who identify as gamers (71%) say they play video games daily. This drops to 30% among those who play them but aren’t gamers.

By household income

Roughly half of teens living in households with an annual income of less than $30,000 (53%) say they play video games at least daily. This is higher than those in households with an annual income of $30,000 to $74,999 (42%) and $75,000 or more (39%).

Go to Appendix A to see more details about who plays video games and identifies as a gamer by gender, age, race and ethnicity, and household income.

Most teens play video games on a gaming console or a smartphone. When asked about five devices, most teens report playing video games on a gaming console (73%), such as PlayStation, Switch or Xbox. And 70% do so on a smartphone. Fewer – though still sizable shares – play them on each of the following:

• 49% say they play them on a desktop or laptop computer
• 33% do so on a tablet  
• 24% play them on a virtual reality (VR) headset such as Oculus, Meta Quest or PlayStation VR

Many teens play video games on multiple devices. About a quarter of teens (27%) do so on at least four of the five devices asked about, and about half (49%) play on two or three of them. Just 8% play video games on one device.

Teen boys are more likely than girls to play video games on four of the five devices asked about – all expect tablets. For instance, roughly nine-in-ten teen boys say they ever play video games on a gaming console, compared with 57% of girls. Equal shares of teen boys and girls play them on tablets.  

Teens who consider themselves gamers are more likely than those who play video games but aren’t gamers to play on a gaming console (95% vs. 78%), desktop or laptop computer (72% vs. 45%) or a virtual reality (VR) headset (39% vs. 19%). Similar shares of both groups play them on smartphones and tablets.

One way that teens engage with others about video games is through online platforms. And our survey findings show that teen gamers stand out for their use of two online platforms that are known for their gaming communities – Discord and Twitch :

• 44% of teen gamers say they use Discord, far higher than video game players who don’t identify as gamers or those who use the platform but do not play video games at all. About three-in-ten teens overall (28%) use Discord.
• 30% of teens gamers say they use Twitch. About one-in-ten other teens or fewer say the same; 17% of teens overall use the platform.

Previous Center research shows that U.S. teens use online platforms at high rates .

Teens largely say they spend the right amount of time playing video games. When asked about how much time they spend playing them, the largest share of teens (58%) say they spend the right amount of time. Far fewer feel they spend too much (14%) or too little (13%) time playing them.

Teen boys are more likely than girls to say they spend too much time playing video games (22% vs. 6%).

By race and ethnicity

Black (17%) and Hispanic (18%) teens are about twice as likely than White teens (8%) to say they spend too little time playing video games. 3

A quarter of teens who consider themselves gamers say they spend too much time playing video games, compared with 9% of those who play video games but don’t identify as gamers. Teen gamers are also less likely to think they spend too little time playing them (19% vs. 10%).

Fewer than half of teens have reduced how much they play video games. About four-in-ten (38%) say they have ever chosen to cut back on the amount of time they spend playing them. A majority (61%) report that they have not cut back at all.

This share is on par with findings about whether teenagers have cut back with their screen time – on social media or their smartphone.

Although boys are more likely to say they play video games too much, boys and girls are on par for whether they have ever cut back. About four-in-ten teen boys (39%) and girls (38%) say that they have ever cut back.

And gamers are as likely to say they have cut back as those who play video games but don’t identify as gamers (39% and 41%).

A main goal of our survey was to ask teens about their own experiences playing video games. For this section of the report, we focus on teens who say they play video games.

Socializing with others is a key part of the video game experience. Most teens who play video games do so with others, and some have developed friendships through them.

About nine-in-ten teen video game players (89%) say they play them with other people, in person or online. Far fewer (11%) play them only on their own.

Additionally, about half (47%) report that they have ever made a friend online because of a video game they both play. This equals 40% of all U.S. teens who have made a friend online because of a video game.

These experiences vary by:  

• Gender: Most teen boy and girl video game players play them with others, though it’s more common among boys (94% vs. 82%). Boys who play video games are much more likely to say they have made a friend online because of a video game (56% vs. 35%).
• Race and ethnicity: Black (55%) and Hispanic (53%) teen video game players are more likely than White teen video game players (43%) to say they have made a friend online because of them.
• Whether someone identifies as a gamer: Nearly all teen gamers report playing video games with others (98%). Fewer – though still most – of those who play video games but aren’t gamers (81%) also play them with others. And about seven-in-ten (68%) say they have made a friend online because of a video game, compared with 29% of those who play them but don’t identify as gamers.

Teens who play video games are particularly likely to say video games help their problem-solving skills. More than half of teens who play video games (56%) say this.

Additionally, more think that video games help, rather than hurt, three other parts of their lives that the survey asked about. Among teens who play video games:

• Roughly half (47%) say it has helped their friendships
• 41% say it has helped how they work with others
• 32% say it has helped their mental health

No more than 7% say playing video games has hurt any of these.

More teens who play video games say it hurts, rather than helps, their sleep. Among these teens, 41% say it has hurt how much sleep they get, while just 5% say it helps. And small shares say playing video games has impacted how well they do in school in either a positive or a negative way.

Still, many teens who play video games think playing them doesn’t have much an impact in any of these areas. For instance, at least six-in-ten teens who play video games say it has neither a positive nor a negative impact on their mental health (60%) or their school performance (72%). Fewer (41%) say this of their problem-solving skills.

Teen boys who play video games are more likely than girls to think playing them has helped their problem-solving skills, friendships and ability to work with others. For instance, 55% of teen boys who play video games say this has helped their friendships, compared with 35% of teen girls.

As for ways that it may hurt their lives, boys who play them are more likely than girls to say that it has hurt the amount of sleep they get (45% vs. 37%) and how well they do in school (21% vs. 11%). 

Teens who consider themselves gamers are more likely than those who aren’t gamers but play video games to say video games have helped their friendships (60% vs. 35%), ability to work with others (52% vs. 32%), problem-solving skills (66% vs. 47%) and mental health (41% vs. 24%).

Gamers, though, are somewhat more likely to say playing them hurt their sleep (48% vs. 36%) and how well they do in school (20% vs. 14%).

By whether teens play too much, too little or the right amount

Teens who report playing video games too much stand out for thinking video games have hurt their sleep and school performance. Two-thirds of these teens say it has hurt the amount of sleep they get, and 39% say it hurt their schoolwork. Far fewer of those who say they play the right amount (38%) or too little (32%) say it has hurt their sleep, or say it hurt their schoolwork (12% and 16%).

Teens who play video games say they largely do so to be entertained. And many also play them to be social with and interact with others. Teens who play video games were asked about four reasons why they play video games. Among those who play video games:

• Nearly all say fun or entertainment is a major or minor reason why they play video games – with a large majority (87%) saying it’s a major reason.
• Roughly three-quarters say spending time with others is a reason, and two-thirds say this of competing with others. Roughly three-in-ten say each is a major reason.
• Fewer – 50% – see learning something as a reason, with just 13% saying it’s a major reason.

While entertainment is by far the most common reason given by teens who play video games, differences emerge across groups in why they play video games.

Teens who identify as gamers are particularly likely to say each is major reason, especially when it comes to competing against others. About four-in-ten gamers (43%) say this is a major reason, compared with 13% of those who play video games but aren’t gamers.

Teen boys who play video games are more likely than girls to say competing (36% vs. 15%), spending time with others (36% vs. 27%) and entertainment (90% vs. 83%) are major reasons they play video games.

Black and Hispanic teens who play video games are more likely than White teens to say that learning new things and competing against others are major reasons they play them. For instance, 29% of Black teen video game players say learning something new is a major reason, higher than 17% of Hispanic teen video game players. Both are higher than the 7% of White teen video game players who say the same.

Teens who play video games and live in lower-income households are especially likely to say competing against others and learning new things are major reasons. For instance, four-in-ten teen video game players who live in households with an annual income of less than $30,000 say competing against others is a major reason they play. This is higher than among those in households with annual incomes of $30,000 to $74,999 (29%) and $75,000 or more (23%).

Cyberbullying can happen in many online environments, but many teens encounter this in the video game world.

Our survey finds that name-calling is a relatively common feature of video game life – especially for boys. Roughly four-in-ten teen video game players (43%) say they have been harassed or bullied while playing a video game in one of three ways: 

• 41% have been called an offensive name
• 12% have been physically threatened
• 8% have been sent unwanted sexually explicit things

Teen boys are particularly likely to say they have been called an offensive name. About half of teen boys who play video games (48%) say this has happened while playing them, compared with about a third of girls (32%). And they are somewhat more likely than girls to have been physically threatened (15% vs. 9%).

Teen gamers are more likely than those who play video games but aren’t gamers to say they been called and offensive name (53% vs. 30%), been physically threatened (17% vs. 8%) and sent unwanted sexually explicit things (10% vs. 6%).

Teens – regardless of whether they’ve had these experiences – think bullying is a problem in gaming. Eight-in-ten U.S. teens say that when it comes to video games, harassment and bullying is a problem for people their age. This includes 29% who say it is a major problem.

It’s common for teens to think harassment while playing video games is a problem, but girls are somewhat more likely than boys to say it’s a major problem (33% vs. 25%).

There have also been decades-long debates about how violent video games can influence youth behavior , if at all – such as by encouraging or desensitizing them to violence. We wanted to get a sense of how commonly violence shows up in the video games teens are playing.

Just over half of teens who play video games (56%) say at least some of the games they play contain violence. This includes 16% who say it’s in all or most of the games they play.

Teen boys who play video games are far more likely than girls to say that at least some of the games they play contain violence (69% vs. 37%).

About three-quarters of teen gamers (73%) say that at least some of the games they play contain violence, compared with 40% among video game players who aren’t gamers.   

• Throughout this report, “teens” refers to those ages 13 to 17. ↩
• Previous Center research of U.S. adults shows that men are more likely than women to identify as gamers – especially the youngest adults. ↩
• There were not enough Asian American respondents in the sample to be broken out into a separate analysis. As always, their responses are incorporated into the general population figures throughout the report. ↩

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My wife and I didn't feel safe raising a kid in the US — so we moved to Japan when she was 6 months pregnant

• Trevor D. Houchen and his wife were living in Atlanta when they found out they were expecting.
• He and his wife felt it would be unsafe to raise their child there and decided to move to Japan.
• He finds Japan more affordable, safe, and is happy to be living near his wife's family — but he's scared of bullying.

My wife was already six months pregnant when we agreed she would leave the US and have our baby in Japan . I would join a few months later.

We'd been living in Atlanta for about seven years when we found out we were expecting. She's Japanese, I'm American, and we met in LA.

We both started getting nervous about what our life would be like living with a child in our one-bedroom apartment in Atlanta, a city where the crime rate is 122% higher than the national average, according to Gitnux , a market data website.

I had been working two jobs at the time, so it also felt like my wife was going to have to be home alone without any family support for too many hours of the day.

The final decision came at the beginning of her third trimester. Some bleeding led to a one-night stay at a hospital in Atlanta. The shockingly high hospital bill — we're still battling it out with our insurance company — came next.

So, on the last allowable day for a pregnant woman to fly , she got on a plane to Japan.

My pregnant wife flew to Japan on her own to have our baby, I followed

I was in the middle of semesters at two different colleges — Georgia Technical College and Georgia Gwinnett College — as an adjunct professor, and leaving my students right then wasn't an option. We decided I'd finish the semester, close shop on our apartment, and then fly out to Japan to meet my newborn. He'd already be four months old by the time I got there.

After my wife arrived in Japan she texted me from her parents' home in Yokosuka — about an hour south of Tokyo by car— and said she'd made it safely and was glad to be back "home."

But I was "home," or so I thought. I spent the next four months teaching, packing, and selling all the stuff we'd accumulated over the years in Atlanta. I wrapped up the semester, and flew out to meet my son.

Having our baby in Japan was the right decision

When I arrived, my wife was living comfortably with our son at her parents' house. The cost of delivering our baby had been 650,000 yen, or $4,186. Of this amount the Ministry of Health covered 500,000 yen — a government co-pay for babies born to a parent enrolled in the national health insurance. The extra 150,000 yen we covered was for the private room my wife opted for, otherwise, there would have been no out-of-pocket expense.

In Japan, the cost of delivering a baby in a hospital ranges between 400,000 to 600,000 yen, or $2,552 to $3,827, according to the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare . In the US, according to a survey by Perterson-KFF (formerly known as Kaiser Family Foundation) and based on data between 2018 through 2020, the average cost of childbirth for an insured mother is $18,865. While for insured mothers the majority of that is covered, out-of-pocket payments are still $2,852, on average.

Related stories

My wife was ecstatic to be back in her country and getting help from her parents and sister with our son.

When we would take our son for walks in his stroller, older Japanese men and women would often smile, bend down low to get a close look at our son, and say, "kawaii ne," "he's cute isn't he," in Japanese. The warmth and feeling of safety on the street made us feel like we'd made the right decision.

Day care is affordable in Japan

Our son is now one and we've started talking about putting him in Houkien, government-subsidized day care for kids 5 and under. Last year, the Japanese government announced that by 2025 day care for all children 6 months to 2 years old will be free, per The Japan Times .

At these day care centers kids receive health checks and they are run by certified caregivers

According to Care.com , the average cost of childcare in Atlanta is $19.56 per hour, adding up to over $3,000 a month. We wouldn't have been able to afford that.

Safety is no longer a concern

I regularly see children no older than five or six taking the subway in Tokyo by themselves, which I find impressive. After 8 months, I still get lost almost every day trying to navigate the busiest subway system in the world .

In Atlanta, we had heard gunshots at least a few times a week and few parents let their kids do anything on their own before turning 12. I wasn't allowed to take the subway by myself in New York City — where I grew up — until I was 15.

The crime, danger, and ruthless nature of the life I had known in the US just doesn't exist to any discernible degree here in Japan , especially in Yokosuka, where we live. By contrast, even though Atlanta's rate has dropped, in 2023, there were 135 homicides recorded . In contrast, I couldn't find a record for a single murder in Yokosuka in 2023.

Even with the US Naval base right in the middle of the city, Yokosuka is low-key, quiet, safe, and family friendly.

When it's time for junior high, I'd prefer my son go to school in the US

I'm all for our son going to elementary school in Japan . I want him to learn to speak Japanese fluently and feel safe enough to enjoy his childhood to its fullest. I'm also happy he's able to spend his formative years near his grandparents.

But beyond elementary school , I'd rather our son go to junior high and high school in the US. As a professor myself and after a 20-year long career in education, I have read studies that note the lack of critical thinking taught in Japanese high schools.

The Japanese proverb " deru kugi wa utareru" means "the nail that sticks up gets hammered down." My interpretation of this is, "don't be an individual," learn to be exactly like everyone else.

And then, there's the bullying. In a 2022 survey by the Japanese government, 681,948 cases of bullying were recorded in Japan's schools, per The Mainichi . As a biracial child in Japan , I would be anxious about the difficulties my son would face.

Like everything in life, there are pros and cons, but for the time being, my wife and I are happy to raise our son here in Japan where it's safe, nurturing, and affordable.

Watch: Why childcare has become so unaffordable

• Main content

Parents say their 10-year-old killed himself after relentless bullying

T en-year-old Sammy Teusch was known by his family for being spontaneous, like when he jumped into a pond in 50-degree weather at the sight of some little waves.

His little laugh and his big smile may not be heard or seen around the Teusch home anymore, but those will live in their hearts forever.

"He was my little boy. He was my baby. He was the youngest one," said Sammy's mom, Nichole Teusch.

His family said Sammy killed himself Sunday morning, May 5.

"I held him in my arms. I did the thing no father should ever have to do, and anytime I close my eyes, it's all I can see," said his dad, Sam Teusch.

According to Sammy's family, he was being bullied  up until the night before he died. They said it started last year in elementary school and continued this year at Greenfield Intermediate School.

"They were making fun of him for his glasses in the beginning, then on to make fun of his teeth. It went on for a long time," Sam said.

What started as words, they say, progressively turned physical.

"He was beat up on the school bus, and the kids broke his glasses and everything, and I called the school, and I'm like, 'What are you doing about this? It keeps getting worse, and worse, and worse. And it's not getting any better. In fact, it's getting worse,'" Sam said.

His dad said that was just one of the 20 times he'd been in contact with the school about the bullying.

13News reached out to the superintendent of schools, Dr. Harold Olin, for an interview and although he wasn't available, he did answer questions. 

Olin said there was no bullying report ever submitted by the parents or the student. But he also said the school's administrators and counselor had regular conversations with the family throughout the year, though he can't share the content of those conversations.

"They knew this was going on. They knew this was going on," Sam said.

Sammy's family said the bullying progressed from school and the bus to places like Snapchat, even despite him having limited access to his phone.

"'I'm going to beat you up. I'm going to beat you up when you get to school.' Saying mean things about his (mom), which would really, really set him off," Sam recalled.

But despite frequent conversations about listening to those who love you, Sammy's family said he became withdrawn and stopped opening up.

His suicide, they believe, was because he feared going to school after an incident in the bathroom last week and the constant harassment.

And while the family may be putting Sammy to rest in the coming days, his mom wishes she was saying good night instead of goodbye.

"I always tell the kids because Sammy and his sister went to bed first because they were younger, and telling them they had to brush their teeth to get ready for bed and having him not be there to hug before bed," Nichole said.

Services for Sammy will be held at Brandywine Church at 1551 E. New Road in Greenfield. Viewing hours are Tuesday, May 14 from 2 p.m. until 8 p.m. His funeral will be held at 10 a.m. on Wednesday, May 15, with a gathering back at the church after graveside services.

Bullying resources

If you or a child you know is dealing with bullying, there are resources available.

The American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry has a full bullying resource center . Stomp Out Bullying has resources for parents of children who are being bullied. 

Safekids.com has resources focused on cyberbulling , which can follow kids even outside of school. 

If you or someone you know is contemplating suicide, call or text 988 to reach the Suicide and Crisis Lifeline. It's available 24/7.

‘Spread love not hate’: Crowd protests after severe bullying claims at Heritage Hills High School

LINCOLN CITY, Ind. (WFIE) - Police are investigating after reports of severe bullying at a local Indiana high school.

“I’ve cried for nights and nights,” said Heritage Hills student, Keyaira Barker.

Keyaira says she’s been severely harassed for several months.

“She was on my couch last weekend with a breakdown,” said Cristina Sandoval, Keyaira’s aunt.

Sandoval says Keyaira was attacked by another student in the bathroom just this week.

“A girl grabbed her hoodie and punched her in the face. She’s scared to go to school,” said Sandoval.

Sandoval says she’ll do what she can to put an end to her niece’s torment, which included protesting with about two dozen other people outside of Heritage Hills High School before school on Friday morning.

The group that was protesting says the bullying has mainly come from an Instagram page.

“The posts that have been about me have been crazy like blaming me for my dad’s death,” said Keyaira.

Keyaira isn’t the only victim either.

“They’re basically getting on here and bullying kids for no reason,” said parent, Felisha Gentry.

Gentry says her daughter has been bullied for years.

“We parents are going to stand up and fight for our children. There is no more,” said Gentry. “The last two years the school has done nothing to help us. I’ve went to the school numerous times.”

North Spencer School Corporation superintendent Dan Scherry says he cannot comment on specific students or actions being taken but said they do take bullying seriously and are investigating.

Local law enforcement is investigating the situation as well.

“In the beginning, it started with the whole free speech, ‘I don’t like you, I hate you’ those types of things,” said Santa Claus Police Chief James Faulkenburg. “Now it’s progressed into ‘You should kill yourself; you should hurt yourself’ and that’s an issue.”

This kind of bullying could result in misdemeanor charges.

“It has reached that level of harassment,” said Faulkenburg.

If someone were to harm themselves because of what’s happening, it could turn into a felony.

“There will potentially be charges once we find out who this is and we will find out, we always do,” said Faulkenburg.

Faulkenburg says they have a warrant for Instagram to find out who is behind these posts online.

They’re waiting to get that information from them.

Copyright 2024 WFIE. All rights reserved.

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U.S. Department of Education probes antisemitism complaint against Berkeley Unified School District

By Carlos Castañeda

Updated on: May 8, 2024 / 10:42 AM PDT / CBS San Francisco

The U.S. Department of Education has opened an investigation into the Berkeley Unified School District (BUSD) following a complaint that the district has failed to address "severe and persistent" bullying and harassment of Jewish students since the October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas against Israel .

The department's Office for Civil Rights announced the formal investigation Tuesday, ahead of an appearance by BUSD Superintendent Enikia Ford Morthel Wednesday before the U.S. House Committee on Education and the Workforce during a hearing on K-12 antisemitism .

The complaint, filed by the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law and the Anti-Defamation League, says not only did the BUSD fail to address the soaring incidents of antisemitism at its schools, it also permitted retaliation against parents who complained about the incidents.

The complaint was originally filed on February 28 and expanded on Monday, with allegations that anti-Jewish bigotry and harassment have escalated over the past three months. Among the newer incidents described include graffiti saying "Kill Jews" at Berkeley High School, "Kill all Zionists" written at a bus stop used by Berkeley High School students, and a ninth-grader bullied after his parent reported anti-Semitic incidents.

The complaint includes what it says were dozens of incidents of students shouting "f--- the Jews" and "KKK," and "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free" during teacher-promoted walkouts that praised Hamas. For Palestinian activists and supporters, the "river to the sea" chant is taken to mean a call for peace and equality after decades of Israeli military rule; for Jews, it means a call for Israel's destruction.

The complaint also claims BUSD teachers are indoctrinating students with antisemitic tropes and biased, one-sided anti-Israel propaganda disguised as education. 

On Tuesday, four of five BUSD board members signed onto a letter "to express our full support for our Superintendent" for affirming the district's stance against antisemitism and all forms of hate. 

"All allegations of antisemitism and Islamophobia must be taken seriously, and Superintendent Ford Morthel has led our district in doing just that," the letter stated. "Superintendent Ford Morthel is an exemplary public servant who cares deeply and courageously for our children and we stand solidly beside her during this difficult time."

Wednesday's House Committee on Education and the Workforce hearing is the Republican-led committee's first K-12 hearing on antisemitism. It has held two hearings on college antisemitism where committee members questioned the heads of Harvard, MIT, the University of Pennsylvania and Columbia. 

Besides Ford Morthel's appearance, New York City School Chancellor David Banks and Montgomery County School Board President Karla Silvestre of Maryland were also called to testify. A committee aide told CBS News the panel didn't issue subpoenas; it asked the school district leaders to appear voluntarily.

In a statement to CBS News, BUSD said Ford Morthel "did not seek" to testify but has accepted the invitation to appear. A BUSD spokeswoman said, "We strive every day to ensure that our classrooms are respectful, humanizing, and joyful places for all our students, where they are welcomed, seen, valued, and heard. We will continue to center our students and take care of each other during this time."

• Antisemitism

Former news producer for KPIX-TV who now produces news on the web for CBS News Bay Area.

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