example essay on global citizen

Essay on Global Citizenship

Students are often asked to write an essay on Global Citizenship in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Global Citizenship

What is global citizenship.

Global citizenship means seeing yourself as a part of the whole world, not just your country. It’s about caring for people and the planet, no matter where they are. Global citizens work together to solve big problems like poverty and climate change.

Responsibilities of Global Citizens

Being a global citizen means you have duties. You should learn about different cultures, respect the environment, and help others. It’s about making good choices that don’t hurt others around the world.

Benefits of Global Citizenship

When we act as global citizens, we make the world better. We get to understand different people and can work on making peace. It also helps us to solve big problems that affect everyone, like keeping the earth clean and safe.

250 Words Essay on Global Citizenship

Global citizenship is the idea that everyone on our planet is part of a big community. It’s like thinking of the whole world as one big neighborhood. People who believe in global citizenship care about issues that affect everyone, no matter where they live.

Caring for the Earth

One part of being a global citizen is looking after our planet. This means doing things to protect the environment, like recycling or turning off lights to save energy. It’s about keeping the Earth clean and safe for all of us and the animals too.

Helping Each Other

Global citizens also think it’s important to help people in need. This could be by giving money to charities that work all over the world or by learning about different cultures and understanding people who are different from us.

Another big idea in global citizenship is fairness. This means making sure that people everywhere have what they need, like food, water, and a chance to go to school. It’s not fair if some people have too much while others have too little.

Working Together

Finally, global citizenship is about countries and people working together to solve big problems. This can be anything from fighting diseases that spread across countries to making sure everyone has a good place to live.

In short, being a global citizen means caring for our world and the people in it. It’s about learning, sharing, and working together to make the world a better place for everyone.

500 Words Essay on Global Citizenship

Imagine a big school that has students from every part of the world. These students learn together, play together, and help each other. This is a bit like what global citizenship is. Global citizenship means thinking of yourself as a part of one big world community. Instead of just looking after the people in your own town or country, you care about everyone on Earth.

Why is Global Citizenship Important?

Our world is connected in many ways. What happens in one country can affect many others. For example, if the air gets polluted in one place, it can travel to other places and make the air dirty there too. By being global citizens, we can work together to solve big problems like pollution, poverty, and sickness that can touch people everywhere.

Respecting Cultures and People

Global citizens respect and learn about different cultures and people. Every culture has its own special stories, food, and ways of living. When you are a global citizen, you are curious about these differences and you understand that every person is important, no matter where they come from.

Taking Care of the Planet

Our Earth is the only home we have. Global citizens take care of it by doing things like recycling, saving water, and planting trees. We all share the same air, water, and land, so it’s everyone’s job to look after them.

Helping Others

Global citizens try to help people who need it. This can be by giving money to charities that work all over the world or by being kind to someone from another country who moves to your town. When we help each other, the whole world becomes a better place.

Learning and Sharing Knowledge

Being a global citizen also means learning about the world and sharing what you know. You can read books, watch films, or talk to people from different places. Then, you can share what you learn with your friends and family.

Being Active in Your Community

Even though global citizenship is about the whole world, it starts in your own community. You can join groups that clean up parks, help people who are sick, or raise money for good causes. By doing small things where you live, you are being a part of something much bigger.

Global citizenship is like being a friend to the entire world. It means learning, sharing, and caring for others and our planet. Even if you are just one person, you can make a big difference. When we all work together as global citizens, we make the world a happier, healthier, and more peaceful place.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

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Article contents

Global citizenship.

April R. Biccum April R. Biccum School of Politics and International Relations, Australian National University
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.556
Published online: 19 November 2020

The concept of “Global Citizenship” is enjoying increased currency in the public and academic domains. Conventionally associated with cosmopolitan political theory, it has moved into the public domain, marshaled by elite actors, international institutions, policy makers, nongovernmental organizations, and ordinary people. At the same time, scholarship on Global Citizenship has increased in volume in several domains (International Law, Political Theory, Citizenship Studies, Education, and Global Business), with the most substantial growth areas in Education and Political Science, specifically in International Relations and Political Theory. The public use of the concept is significant in light of what many scholars regard as a breakdown and reconfiguration of national citizenship in both theory and practice. The rise in its use is indicative of a more general change in the discourse on citizenship. It has become commonplace to offer globalization as a cause for these changes, citing increases in regular and irregular migration, economic and political dispossession owing to insertion in the global economy, the ceding of sovereignty to global governance, the pressure on policy caused by financial flows, and cross-border information-sharing and political mobilization made possible by information communications technologies (ICTs), insecurities caused by environmental degradation, political fragmentation, and inequality as key drivers of change. Global Citizenship is thus one among a string of adjectives attempting to characterize and conceptualize a transformative connection between globalization, political subjectivity, and affiliation. It is endorsed by elite global actors and the subject of an educational reform movement. Some scholarship observes empirical evidence of Global Citizenship, understood as active, socially and globally responsible political participation which contributes to global democracy, within global institutions, elites, and the marginalized themselves. Arguments for or against a cosmopolitan sensibility in political theory have been superseded by both the technological capability to make global personal legal recognition a possibility, and by the widespread endorsement of Global Citizenship among the Global Education Policy regime. In educational scholarship Global Citizenship is regarded as a form of contemporary political being that needs to be socially engineered to facilitate the spread of global democracy or the emergence of new political arrangements. Its increasing currency among a diverse range of actors has prompted a variety of attempts either to codify or to study the variety of usages in situ. As such the use of Global Citizenship speaks to a central methodological problem in the social sciences: how to fix key conceptual variables when the same concepts are a key aspect of the behavior of the actors being studied? As a concept, Global Citizenship is also intimately associated with other concepts and theoretical traditions, and is among the variety of terms used in recent years to try to reconceptualize changes it the international system. Theoretically it has complex connections to cosmopolitanism, liberalism, and republicanism; empirically it is the object of descriptive and normative scholarship. In the latter domain, two central cleavages repeat: the first is between those who see Global Citizenship as the redress for global injustices and the extension of global democracy, and those who see it as irredeemably capitalist and imperial; the second is between those who see evidence for Global Citizenship in the actions and behavior of a wide range of actors, and those who seek to socially engineer Global Citizenship through educational reform.

globalization
global governance
cosmopolitanism
citizenship
global civil society

What is Global Citizenship?

Global Citizenship (hereafter GC) as a concept is enjoying some currency in the public and academic domains. The theory and study of GC has been a growth industry especially in philosophy, international relations, and education, and it has been adopted as a central educational reform under the Sustainable Development Goals and endorsed by major international organizations, think tanks, and the expanded regime of Global Education Policy (Mundy, 2016 ). What is meant by GC varies between political actors and academics. The academic literature on GC divides into two branches. The normative theoretical branch has a number of overlaps and engagements with cosmopolitan, liberal, and republican political theory. The empirical scholarship, meanwhile, observes GC’s existence in individual behavior and the structures of transnational organization; in the case of education, empirical scholarship offers ways and means of producing GC through a reform of pedagogy, curriculum, and educational design. It is commonplace to begin any discussion of GC with an account of cosmopolitan political theory dating back to the ancients. The problem with this account is that these theoretical arguments for and against GC have been superseded both by its increasingly widespread use among political actors and by the technological capability to make it something of an institutional reality. GC is no longer simply a theoretical or philosophical discussion but is increasingly also a diversified field of empirical study. The problem with the study of GC empirically is that it is one of those conceptual variables that cuts across scholarship and public use. It is a concept, according to Reinhart Koselleck’s understanding of that term, in that it is an inherently contestable carrier of signification with multiple meanings (Koselleck, 2002 ).

What is true of GC is equally true of citizenship. Both are used by political actors and institutions, and also by academics, to inform empirical study; they are equally both concepts that inform normative political theory about the ordering foundations of society. They thus straddle the distance near (ordinary usage), distance far (academic and technocratic usage), and the normative theoretical of both political actors and academics (other conceptual variables with a similar bifurcation are democracy and the state) (Ferguson & Mansbach, 2010 ; Mitchell, 1991 ). This entanglement speaks to methodological problems at the heart of all social science endeavor: the use of the same concepts by political actors, institutions, and academics; and the problem of trying to fix those concepts for the purposes of advancing knowledge, or equally, trying to elaborate them philosophically for the purposes of creating social change. In the case of both citizenship and GC, the attempt to use various methodological techniques to fix their meaning and tie them to concrete empirical phenomena (Sartori, 1984 ) is unproductive because all these concepts are quintessential examples of the fact that political actors are themselves also self-conscious conceptualizers. Moreover, the way GC is conceptualized by certain political actors is currently having concrete political outcomes (Biccum, 2018b , 2020 ). Trying to improve its study by using Sartori’s ladder of abstraction to parse it into conceptual precision will not do when conceptualization is itself an integral part of its political impact and institutionalization. Moreover, there is increasing overlap between academic scholarship and the concept’s political operationalization, particularly in education.

Interpretive social science offers a way of grappling with this complexity by recognizing what a concept is (i.e., the function in language that allows for multiplicity of meaning and abstraction) (Koselleck, 2002 ), the ubiquity of the use of concepts for all language users (Geertz, 1973 ), and methodological techniques that are consistent with the properties of language and its study in use (Fairclough, 1989 ; Schaffer, 2016 ). The interpretivist approach is more appropriate for fleshing out the complexity of defining GC by recognizing that the rise in its use both academically and politically is in response to changing circumstances, but also and concurrently that its take up is an attempt to by actors to change political circumstances. The interpretivist approach equips scholars with a sensitivity for assessing how and why GC’s use is significant. GC is one among a variety of adjectival variations on citizenship, but it is one that has taken greater hold than any of its rivals and, depending on who uses it and how, has implications for a shift in identity and allegiance from the national to the global. Therefore, its increased use by elites and operationalization in policy to affect change should be recognized as politically significant. Interpretive social science provides the analytical and methodological tools to ground, locate, and elucidate the various meanings of GC in theory and in practice (Schaffer, 2016 ).

Citizenship, as a concept, is also both a variably applied political institution and a contested theoretical concept. It emerged as a body of study in its own right in the 20th century only to be problematized toward the end of the century with a variety of qualifying adjectives, including postnational citizenship (Rose, 1996 ), the denationalization of citizenship (Soysal, 1994 ), extrastatal citizenship (Lee, 2014 ), cultural citizenship (Richardson, 1998 ), minority citizenship (Yuval-Davis, 1997 ), ecological citizenship (van Steenbergen, 1994 ), cosmopolitan citizenship (Held, 1995 ), consumer citizenship (Stevenson, 1997 ), and mobility citizenship (Urry, 1990 ). The meaning and theorization of citizenship itself in the context of globalization have undergone some considerable contestation. In the late 1990s, sociologist John Urry noted the contradiction that just as everyone is seeking to be a citizen of an existing national society, globalization is changing what it means to be a citizen (Urry, 1999 ). For some theorists of citizenship, it has normative dimensions. Brian Turner in particular made a distinction between a conservative view of citizenship as passive and private, and a more revolutionary idea of citizenship as active and public (Bowden, 2003 ; Turner, 1990 ). For theorists of citizenship it is a mode of political membership that has as a performative nature, even by those who are not officially recognized. Understood this way, it is a quintessentially democratic political subjectivity, where agency is expressed in struggles for rights and inclusion for the benefit of self and others.

Historicized as an actually existing political institution, citizenship can be shown to be a mechanism of differentiation through rights allocation, inclusion, and exclusion that is unavoidably connected to state and imperial violence, interest, and power. For critical scholars, it is gendered, racialized, and colonial and has been a mechanism not for the expansion of civil, political, and social rights (as canonized in Marshall’s 1949 account) but as a means of conferring those rights on the few (Isin & Nyers, 2014b ; Marshall, 1949 ). Editors of the Routledge Handbook of GC Studies survey the various ways in which national citizenship has been conceptualized and how Citizenship Studies must be revised in light of globalization (Isin & Nyers, 2014b ; Lee, 2014 ). A work in “critical Citizenship Studies,” this volume notes that citizenship has been defined as membership, status, practice, or performance, with each definition harboring presumptions about politics and agency. To overcome these shortcomings, the editors offer a minimal definition which contains conceptual complexity. For Isin and Nyers, citizenship is “an institution, mediating rights between the subjects of politics and the polity” (Isin & Nyers, 2014a , p. 1). The word “polity” enables a conceptualization of diverse political entities and overlapping governance configurations. “Rights mediation” recognizes that citizenship is inclusive and exclusive simultaneously and that it is most often expanded through political struggle. Finally, the “Subject” is a way of understanding political behavior on the part of people with no formal institutional recognition. The volume aims to address the fact that Citizenship Studies is globalizing because people around the world are articulating their struggles through the political institution of citizenship, and they see this struggle as the performative dimension or enactment of citizenship in political behavior that makes claims upon states and governing institutions. This is why scholars are engaged in “a competition to invent new names to describe the political subjects that are enacting political agency today. Whether it is the Activist or the Actant, the Militant or the Multitude” (Isin & Nyers, 2014a , p. 5). Contributors to this volume are highly skeptical of the concept of GC, but this is precisely the kind of active enactment of rights and responsibilities that scholars of GC see as evidence of its existence, or endorsement for its contribution to the globalization of democracy. Thus, the emergence of GC is part and parcel of the very contestation over citizenship that contributors to this volume see as evidence for grassroots political agency and democratic political change.

As a concept, GC is often linked with the body of cosmopolitan political thought dating back to antiquity (Heater, 1996 ), but this association needs to be qualified. Its increased usage in the early 21st century among scholars, philosophers, policymakers, global institutions, and educators has been prolific, leading to several attempts in the literature to codify its various meanings (Fanghanel & Cousin, 2012 ; Hicks, 2003 ; Sant, Davies, Pashby, & Shultz, 2018 ), or to study its variation in use empirically (Gaudelli, 2009 ). Some have argued that its conceptual heterogeneity is strategically advantageous for those who are using it in practice, and political actors particularly in education have devoted a substantial amount of time to conceptualizing it for the purposes of its articulation in policy (Biccum, 2018b ; Hartmeyer, 2015 ). In the education space, an agreed-upon meaning organized around attitudes, aptitudes, and behavior is now being utilized by international organizations (specifically the United Nations, United Nations Education Science and Culture Organisation, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), which are disseminating their preferred definitions through the expanded global education community via declarations, policy advice, research, information portals, and international conferences. Attempts to codify the different meanings of GC in the academic scholarship have used different metatheoretical concepts to understand the systematic organization of meaning, among them heuristics (Gaudelli, 2009 ), discourse (Karlberg, 2008 ; Parmenter, 2011 ; Schattle, 2015 ; Shukla, 2009 ), ideology (Pais & Costa, 2017 ; Schattle, 2008 ), and typology (Andreotti, 2014 ; Oxley & Morris, 2013 ). For all this definitional and metatheoretical categorization, what cuts across all are the notions that a global citizen is a type of person (endowed with a certain kind of knowledge, values, attitudes, and aptitudes) and that GC is expressed in behavior (always active). Oxley and Morris’s ( 2013 ) codification is often cited in educational scholarship that is working to provide the pedagogical and theoretical foundations for producing Global Citizens (Bosio & Torres, 2019 ) or critically contesting existing practices and theoretical models of GC education in order to make them live up to what both scholarly factions regard as its emancipatory potential (Andreotti, 2014 ).

The various attempts to codify the use of GC in situ tend to make a distinction between hegemonic use and attempts by both scholars and political actors to expand its meaning for political purposes. In this context Oxley and Morris ( 2013 ) make a distinction between “cosmopolitan based” GC Education, which is further nuanced by political, moral, economic, and cultural considerations; and “advocacy based,” which is inflected by social, critical, environmental, and spiritual features. This distinction effectively codifies the differences between official uses of GC by elite actors, and the contestations from critical practitioners and scholars who seek to expand its official meaning (a) to include the grassroots activity of activists; and (b) in educational policy and practice, to include knowledge of global capital and European colonial history, a normative attitude against the inequalities and injustices these have produced, and the aptitude to hold elite actors to account (Andreotti & Souza, 2011 ). Gaudelli ( 2009 ) and Schattle ( 2008 ) based their discursive and ideological codifications on methodologically informed definitions of discourse and ideology and an empirical focus on the use of the concept in multiple sites. Gaudelli identifies five different discursive framings (neoliberal, nationalist, Marxist, world justice and governance, and cosmopolitan), and Schattle ( 2008 ) deploys an ideological analysis to determine whether the discourse of GC in education constitutes a new “globalist” ideology. He finds that in fact it remains inflected by varieties of liberal ideology, even its critical variants, because of its emphasis on human rights, equality, and social justice.

Despite contestations over meaning and use, there are those in the literature who regard GC as the conceptual iteration that underpins a hegemonic ordering of a global governance to further globalize the market by creating market-ready “neoliberal subjectivities” (Chapman, Ruiz-Chapman, & Eglin, 2018 ), or who argue that the proselytizing gesture of its proponents and its rootedness in Western liberal democratic culture make it inescapably imperial (Andreotti & Souza, 2011 ). A common accusation is that GC is an attempt to put a progressive veneer on the global market. In addition, definitions of GC that link it to worldly cosmopolitan values, high-tech skills, and enough cross-cultural knowledge to enable flexibility and adaptability map neatly onto the kinds of subjectivities one will find among the world’s most privileged and highly mobile workers. For critics, there is evidence for this critique in the individualizing and entrepreneurial programs which make elites responsible for limited social change that won’t disrupt market relations. Conversely, the neorepublican and neoliberal response to this critique is that citizenship is inseparable from market-based participation in society because it is the market’s tendency to untether people from social, political, and economic constraints and to diversify the economy that creates free rational agents capable of participating democratically (Lovett & Pettit, 2009 ). From this perspective, chauvinism, discrimination, and communitarianism are bad for global markets, ergo the promotion of the progressive social values of GC is good for the global economy. The critics of GC are quite right in that it is being articulated and reframed to fit the particular ideological commitments of promarket actors in certain sites (Chapman et al., 2018 ; Pais & Costa, 2017 ). However, paying close empirical attention to how conceptualization works, what should be emphasized is that GC’s heterogeneity, fluidity, and contested meaning ensure that it cannot be dismissed as essentially one thing and serving a single purpose (Biccum, 2020 ). Instead, close empirical attention needs to be paid to who is using it, how, and for what purpose.

The Theory of GC

It is commonplace to want to tell the story of GC as the next step in the genealogy of the cosmopolitan tradition. But the picture is more complex than that, because while both cosmopolitanism and GC have close family ties with liberal political theory, it is a mistake to collapse them because there are articulations of liberalism which reject cosmopolitanism, such as the work of John Rawls. Equally, in GC’s associations with antiquity there are concrete connections also with republican political thought (Pagden, 2000 ). In fact, republicanism has equally enjoyed a revival since the 1990s (Costa, 2009 ; Dagger, 2006 ; Lovett & Pettit, 2009 ) and, when examined in detail, the approach to the market found in elite articulations of GC do bear a closer affinity with neorepublicanism than, as critics maintain, neoliberalism (Biccum, 2020 ). The work of Luis Cabrera argues for maintaining a distinction between cosmopolitanism and GC while understanding their connections (Cabrera, 2008 ). Succinct political theories of GC have emerged (Carter, 2001 ; Dower, 2000 ; Tully, 2014 ), some of which try to counter this tradition and some of which marshal GC as a suitable replacement for aggressive American militarism (Arneil, 2007 ; Hunter, 1992 ), arguing that it will allow the United States to pass an “Augustan Threshold.” However articulated theoretically, GC is intimately tied up with questions of human nature, political subjectivity, and appropriate political arrangements, such as polis, state, republic, global governance, world state or empire, with a characteristic omission of political arrangements deemed less formal or “modern.”

The commonplace narrative that places GC within the history of the repetitive revival of cosmopolitan thought is best expressed by April Carter ( 2001 ) and Derek Heater ( 1996 ), whose histories observe a cycle of periodic revival in which the structural contradictions of imperial formations follow a pattern of critique and externalization. Heater begins with Aristotle’s view of the polis as a form of political organization that is congruent with the nature of man. 1 This is an intellectual gesture that naturalizes the polis, making it an expression of the final and perfect condition of human development, and provides legitimacy for its transplantation elsewhere (similar to Hegel’s view of the state). These ideas were put under sustained pressure from circumstances that bear a remarkable similarity to patterns coded by contemporary scholars as “globalization,” including territorial expansion, extensions of governance, migration, and the privatization of the military. Cosmopolitan ideas, Heater argues, arise out of the failure of the polis to live up to claims that it is the expression of human nature. This led to the exploration of two other ideas: the true nature of human beings should be sought either in solitary individualism, or in the essential oneness of the human race. These were first articulated by figures who were critical of existing political arrangements such as Diogenes, Cicero, and Zeno. According to Heater, the periodic revival of cosmopolitan ideas since ancient times is caused by a sense of external threat, whether it be war or environmental catastrophe. Each articulation differs in emphasis over the role of the state, the role of the individual, the role of global institutions, and the desirability of a world state. Similarly, historian Anthony Pagden offers a genealogy of cosmopolitan thought which sees it as indelibly rooted in imperial structures but finds its culmination in the global republicanism of Immanuel Kant, in which Pagden finds there are also critiques of imperialism (Pagden, 2000 ). Thus, an analytical distinction must be maintained between concrete political projects for the realization of global democracy or a world state, and cosmopolitan political philosophy, although they certainly intersect. So, for example, the early cosmopolitans did not devise plans for constitutions and governance, and early- 20th-century advocates for a world state (such as H. G. Wells) were not philosophers (Heater, 1996 ). The International Relations (IR) scholarship which sees the eventuation of a world state deriving from structural conditions is not necessarily engaging normatively with the concept of GC (Ruggie, 2002 ; Wendt, 2003 ), and some scholarship on GC sees its democratic potential in the fact that it is a set of citizen claims, attitudes, and behaviors in the absence of a world state (Dower, 2000 ; Dower & Williams, 2002 ; Falk, 2002 ).

Understanding GC as the culmination in the genealogy of cosmopolitan thought also conflicts with the cosmopolitan revival in IR, although these scholars repeat the formulation described by Heater: namely, the contradictions of globalization demonstrate the flaws in the Hegelian understanding that the nation state is the perfect reflection of human rationality and the only political arrangement that will enable the full flowering of human development. The turn to cosmopolitanism in IR is also occasioned by the end of the Cold War and the disillusionment with Marx in the context of a recognition of diverse identities and non-class-based modes of social, political, and economic exclusion and the new social movements that sprang up as a redress. The cosmopolitan vision for the extension of democracy through reformed institutions is articulated by Richard Linklater ( 1998 ), Daniele Archibugi ( 1993 ), and David Held ( 1995 ) as a redress for these structural conditions. The sovereign state cannot continue to claim to be the only relevant moral community when the opportunities and incidences of transnational harm rise alongside increasing interdependence (Doyle, 2007 ). Similar to their ancient counterparts, Linklater, Archibugi, and Held offer cosmopolitan democracy as both a critique of the Hegelian theory of the state as the highest expression human rationality and a method of expanding democracy transnationally. Both Archibugi and Linklater offer the possibility of direct citizen participation in global institutions as the mechanism that would make for a robust global democracy. Global or world citizenship is implicated in this project, but these scholars do not offer a political theory of GC as such.

The cosmopolitan revival in political theory does, however, theorize GC as a way of reconfiguring ethical foundations of the individual connection to state and world (Appiah, 2007 ; Nussbaum, 1996 ; Parekh, 2003 ). The cosmopolitanism of these scholars is organized around the premise that, in the context of “complex interdependence,” individuals in advanced economies have ethical obligations to the rest of the human race which can override their obligations to fellow citizens. Contained within many arguments in favor of GC is a latent criticism of the nation state and transnational capital. For Thomas Pogge ( 1992 ) this amounts to recognition of the insertion of the citizens of advanced economies into global value and production chains; for Bhiku Parekh this amounts to recognition of the political and economic debt gained through European colonization, and he calls for a globally oriented national citizenship (Parekh, 2003 ). 2

The central cleavage is the relevance and role of the state. Critics of GC argue that GC’s rootless sense of obligation from nowhere undermines Aristotelian notions of civic virtue, and that the nation state is the only community where active citizenship can be practiced (Carter, 2001 ; Miller, 1999 ; Walzer, 1994 ). Others offer GC as a way of being that does not devalue, erode, or supersede the nation state. Nigel Dower, for example, argued in 2000 that a world state is not needed for GC (Dower, 2000 ). Here he is responding to critics who argued at the time that GC cannot exist, because of a lack of common identity and institutions. Some scholars offer “rooted cosmopolitanism” as an affinity to the global that is grounded in individual biography and location (Kymlicka & Walker, 2012 ). Similarly, Martha Nussbaum sparked a debate among prominent political, social, legal, and literary theorists over the competing merits of national versus cosmopolitan affinity, and offered concentric circles of affinity from the individual to the global because the state as nothing more than a “morally arbitrary boundary” (Nussbaum, 1996 , p. 14). Nussbaum later revised this position to articulate a “globally sensitive patriotism,” arguing that the sentiments that underpin patriotism can be used to rescue the concept from its chauvinistic variants, allowing it then to play a role in creating a “decent world culture” (Nussbaum, 2008 , p. 81). But for most of these scholars the state is the starting point for either advocacy or critique of GC.

There are other scholars in the analytic tradition attaching to GC a notion of cosmopolitan right, meaning the restriction of individual freedom so that it harmonizes with the freedom of everyone else. For Luis Cabrera ( 2008 ) this is an important step toward developing an overarching conception of cosmopolitanism, one that details appropriate courses of action and reform in relation to individuals and institutions in the current global system. The collapsing of GC and cosmopolitanism as synonymous is for Cabrera a mistake. There are clear differences between them, as well as different conceptual inflections within them. Within cosmopolitanism, Cabrera details the institutional cosmopolitanism of Archibugi and Linklater, which is concerned with the creation of a comprehensive network of global governing institutions to achieve just global distributive outcomes; and moral cosmopolitanism, which as we see in Appiah, Pogge, and Parekh is concerned not with institution-building but with assessing the justice of institutions according to how individuals fare in relation to them. Cabrera’s claim is that individual cosmopolitanism should be understood as GC. GC for Cabrera is a moral orientation toward and a claim to membership of the whole of the human community and a theory of citizenship that is fundamentally concerned with appropriate individual action. In other words, Cabrera is offering a theoretical framework for the operationalization of GC which offers guidelines of “right action” for the global human community. “Right action” can be objectively known for Cabrera following the analytical tradition and particularly the liberal thought of John Rawls. On the question of the world state Cabrera equivocates. He argues that GC is the ethical orientation guiding individual action in a global human community and not preparation for a world state, but he nevertheless advocates for a world state because of the biases against cosmopolitan distributive justice inherent in the sovereign state system. For Cabrera GC identifies the very specific duties incumbent on all humankind to promote the creation of an actual global political community up to and including the creation of a world state.

The question of empire is conspicuously absent among these scholars, while other scholars fully implicate Western imperial history in their account of GC. James Tully ( 2014 ) is the only political theorist of GC to pay close attention the role of European empire in constructing, globalizing, and making modular civil citizenship. With a focus on language and meaning as the sites of political contestation, Tully sees GC as articulating a locus of struggle, noting that because of empire, most of the enduring struggles in the history of politics have taken place in and over the language of citizenship and the activities and institutions into which it is woven. GC for Tully is neither fixed nor determinable, as it is for Cabrera; it contains no calculus or universal rule for its application in particular cases. Rather it is a conjunction of “global” and “citizenship” that can be regarded as the linguistic artifact of the innovative tendency of citizens and noncitizens to contest and create something new in the practice of citizenship. Basing his account of “public philosophy” on a philosophy of language drawn from Wittgenstein, Skinner, and Foucault, in which language is constitutive of human social and political relations, Tully regards freedom and democracy as practiced through language. Language is inseparable from cognition, and in practices of meaning-making human beings continually (re)negotiate their circumstances, and in so doing have the capacity to change the language, and in changing the language, change the game. Tully offers a political theory of GC that builds on the open-endedness indicated by Linklater and Falk, and sees in the multitudinous expressions of transnational political activism the possibility of different, more democratic political arrangements. This is consistent with decolonial scholarship in IR, postcolonial scholarship in education, and critical scholarship on sustainability, which argue that the modernistic, dualist language of science is part of the problem in that it hinders the ability of scholars and citizens to conceptualize life differently. To change social reality, they argue, we have to change our language (Shallcross & Robinson, 2006 ), and for many critical scholars GC is part of this conceptual shift.

The Study of GC

Research on the practice of GC can be roughly divided between the normative theoretical and the phenomenological empirical and contains a tension between GC as actually existing and needing to be produced. Scholarship has expanded substantially since the 1990s and moved away from an association with cosmopolitanism toward a direct engagement with GC as a concept and field of study in its own right. Contributions to the field have appeared in Media and Cultural Studies (Khatib, 2003 ; Nash, 2009 ), International Law (Hunter, 1992 ; Torre, 2005 ), Psychology (Reysen & Hackett, 2017 ; Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013 ), and Citizenship Studies (Arneil, 2007 ; Bowden, 2003 ; Soguk, 2014 ), but the bulk of the scholarship appears in International Relations (IR) (residing in roughly the subfields of Globalization, Global Governance, Social Movements, and Global Civil Society) and in educational scholarship (residing in pedagogical scholarship but also emerging interdisciplinary fields where educational scholarship is overlapping with International Political Economy, IR, and International Political Sociology) (Armstrong, 2006 ; Ball, 2012 ; Dale, 2000 ; Desforges, 2004 ). Methodologically, most of the scholarship has been qualitative and interpretive or critical, with a handful of quantitative approaches just emerging in Psychology seeking to measure global citizen attributes, and one study providing a quantitative aggregate account of the appearance of “GC” in textbooks (Buckner & Russell, 2013 ; Katzarska-Miller & Reysen, 2018 ; Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013 ). Debates across much of the scholarship follow an optimistic–pessimistic or normative–critical dichotomy.

Sociological scholarship on globalization going back to the 1990s describes a growing global awareness that can be causally attributed to information communications technologies (ICTs). ICTs play a central role in all accounts of “observable” GC, even if operating in the background as the necessary sufficient conditions for transnational cooperation and mobilization. This sociological approach sees in the massification of communications technology a distribution of symbolic resources that inform how people see themselves and their knowledge of others in time and space. This is in keeping with 20th-century scholarship in the fields of nationalism, communication, and the histories of knowledge which have posited the constitutive nature of communications technology and identity (Anderson, 1983 ; Foucault, 1982 , 2000 ; Lule, 2015 ; Martin, Manns, & Bowe, 2004 ; Norris, 2009 ). For Urry, Pippa Norris, and others, just as national broadcasting can be causally credited with the development of national citizenship, so can ICTs be credited with the rise in global affinities, cosmopolitan worldviews, and self-identification as a global citizen. In addition to transforming the possibilities for transnational interaction, mobilization, and governance and the market across terrestrial space, ICTs enable visibility, the spread of knowledge and shared experiences, the perception of threat, and a sense of the world as a whole. For this approach there is a historical connection between ICTs and democracy dating back to the social upheaval in Europe that went with the introduction of the printing press. When ICTs are global, they enable more political transparency through the identification and exposing of wrongdoing. Harmful backstage behavior can be revealed, put on display, and represented over and over again. This has been done to states and corporations over their environmental and human-rights transgressions and has fuelled the activities of new social movements. Such revelations contribute to the knowledge base of those claiming to be global citizens, and of those being so characterized in the scholarship.

Communications technology is one of the structural factors making it possible to uncouple citizenship from the territorial state. Advances in ICTs have also created the technical capacity to make GC an institutional reality. The volume Debating Transformations of National Citizenship devotes a section to debating the possibilities inherent in blockchain technology to confer a grant of citizenship to all humanity through a universal digital identity. Blockchain technology provides the technological capability, international law provides the global juridical framework (Article 25(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), according to which every citizen should have the right to participate in the conduct of public affairs), and the Sustainable Development Goals articulate a political will and policy framework (goal 16.9 aims to provide a legal identity for all, including birth registration by 2030 ). For optimists, blockchain technology would provide universal recognition of personhood; enhance individual freedom by allowing people to create self-sovereign identities with control over their personal data; mitigate against the increased politicization of citizenship; and could have the benefit of protecting human rights and stateless persons, assisting in the fight against human trafficking, and even mitigate the tendency of states to monetize naturalization (De Filippi, 2018 ). In addition, it contains the possibility for emancipatory movements to mobilize across territorial borders. The creation of multiple cloud communities would allow for experimentation with democratic utopias and would enable a direct global democracy by creating the possibility of a one-person-one-vote participation in global governance (Orgad, 2018 ). By extending decision-making power to individuals and communities that are currently excluded, it contains the potential for the realization of cosmopolitan democracy as envisaged by Linklater and Archibugi. For pessimists, this would require a globalization of communications technology that is not environmentally sustainable and would centralize power in the hands of states and corporations.

Moving beyond technological determinism, a common refrain in the study of GC is that it is organically expressed, manifested and spread by the globalizing of civil society and transnational advocacy networks (TANs) (Armstrong, 2006 ; Carter, 2001 ; Desforges, 2004 ; Meutzelfeldt & Smith, 2002 ). Here, the attribute of causality is not necessarily with the individual, but with the variety of political arrangements that have emerged to address transnational issues. According to April Carter, “amnesty as an organisation can be seen as a collective global citizen” (Carter, 2001 , p. 83). While not all the groups that fall within the designation Global Civil Society (GCS) can be associated with GC, it is the groups which are engaged in political lobbying, policy work, volunteering, campaigning, fundraising, and protest on social justice issues to do with poverty, inequality, and human rights that are regarded as sites for the study of GC because they are ostensibly motivated by identification with the whole of humanity, cosmopolitan values, a concern about injustice, a willingness to act collaboratively and cooperatively. Moreover, their activities are undergirded by and contribute to the operationalization of a universal system of human rights. They assist local populations in making claims against state governments and they make claims against global institutions for redress of problems. Participants in these networks are transnationally mobile through associations which facilitate the production of knowledge, the formation of “epistemic communities,” and consensus therefore around the policy response to the transnational issues around which they are organized (Haas, 1989 , 1992 ).

A circular logic is at play here. Activists who care about social justice issues comprise the personnel of groups which create networks for the purposes of making change. These networks in turn are new forms of association wherein participation engenders the sorts of values and attributes which can be assigned to the global citizen (Pallas, 2012 ). This logic of learning through participation is a common refrain across political theory, constructivist IR, social movements, and education scholarship (Finnemore, 1993 ). These developments in transnational collective action underpin the claim that changing patterns of global governance create new consequences for citizenship. Much of the scholarship regards this as a democratic trend because many of the groups which inhabit these networks are (semi)autonomous from states and governance structures; use knowledge gathered from grassroots and professional experience to highlight global issues to shape public opinion in such a way as to put pressure on states and corporations responsible for abuses; or push global public policy around health, education, and development in the direction of a more equitable distribution and access and inclusion. Even when the policy preferences of TANs make it onto the global agenda (such as happened with educational access and inclusion and GC education via the Sustainable Development Goals), these groups can continue to apply pressure by also monitoring the operation of UN agencies or national compliance with particular international agreements: the Global Education Monitoring Reports and a special issue of Global Policy (volume 10, supplement 1, September 2019 ) are good examples of this. TANs are regarded as strengthening international society and linkages between states (mitigating the structural condition of anarchy initially posed by IR). For scholars, these spaces of activity embody GC by promoting a world order based not on state interests but on human rights, and acting as a vehicle for strengthening the legitimacy of global institutions and international law (Jelin, 2010 ; Shallcross & Robinson, 2006 ). The interaction they create between the bottom-up and top-down in an expanded architecture of global governance divided by policy specialism is evidence of Alexander Wendt’s claim that a world state is inevitable (Wendt, 2003 ).

However, civil-society groups and TANs are not the only nonstate actors laying claim to the label “global citizen.” Corporations and their representative organizations (e.g., the World Economic Forum) are also adopting the label, and the literature on Global Corporate Citizenship cites the same set of circumstances regarding the pressure that globalization has put upon state capacity. In the circumstance of a “global regulatory deficit” that has been created by financing conditions that required the shrinkage of the state, corporations have a choice between exploiting that deficit for gain, or exhibiting “enlightened self-interest” by recognizing that they have social responsibilities as well as rights. Corporations act as global citizens, according to this literature, by assuming responsibilities of a state, such as the provision of public-health programs, education, and protection of human rights through working conditions while operating in countries with repressive regimes. Global corporate citizens engage in self-regulation to ensure the peace and stability required for continued realization of profits (Henderson, 2000 ; Schwab, 2008 ; Sherer & Palazzo, 2008 ). Considering that much of the activism of social movements against neoliberal globalization has been directed against corporations and the global institutions promoting their preferred policy agendas, this raises a question in need of further exploration. How can the site of the trouble provide ostensibly the solution? Should observers be relieved by the corporate recognition of social justice issues when economic nationalism is on the rise, or should it be regarded as an instrumental attempt at co-opting?

Here lies a central cleavage animating both the endorsement and the critiques of GC. Does capitalism underwrite democracy through economic growth, or does it erode democracy by facilitating monopolies which put power and wealth in the hands of a few? For many commentators, the expanded networks of global governance are not democratic, because they are inhabited by powerful actors with asymmetric bargaining power and the ability to ensure that whatever compromises are made do not trouble the logic of the existing system (El Bouhali, 2015 ; Caballero, 2019 ). The spaces inhabited by global citizens are not in fact spaces of negotiation open to all, and particularly as they are formalized and professionalized, they create an elite (Pallas, 2012 ) of what are effectively bureaucratic functionaries of global governance. Moreover, these elites are primarily from the Global North and are criticized for pursuing an elite-led advanced economy agenda for the international system. Structural imbalances are often cited between Southern and Northern participants because participation requires resources and this creates a Western bias (Gaventa & Tandon, 2010 ). Rather than seeing these actors as representing and advocating on behalf of voiceless constituents, Pallas ( 2012 ) sees a moral hazard and a lack of accountability in “global citizens” who propose policy solutions for which they may not bear the costs by intervening in problems that do not affect them directly. Participants may mistake as “global connectedness” what is in effect identity-sharing among elites. In addition, it is the institutional structure and the funding models of GCS, which have long been subjects of critique, that limit the ability of these groups to entreat the public to behave as global citizens (Desforges, 2004 ).

Richard Falk’s 1993 essay “The Making of Global Citizenship” describes the global citizen as “a type of global reformer: an individual who intellectually perceives a better way of organizing the political life of the planet” (Falk, 1993 , p. 41). This brings us to the assumption of causality which individualizes the emergence of GC in a quintessentially modern gesture which sees GC born of individuals who think critically and do not accept the organization of political life as they find it, but instead ask foundational questions and engage in utopian visions. Falk describes GC as “thinking, feeling and acting for the sake of the human species” (Falk, 1993 , p. 20). GC is thus an orientation toward the collective which begins in the individual with a specific kind of attitude, aptitude, and knowledge. Something peculiar is happening with the consolidation of GC discourse and scholarship. With its uniform emphasis on activism, the global-citizen discourse, whether it occurs in international organisations, corporations, global civil society, individuals or scholarship, has the effect of normalizing and shifting the normative orientation around political activism. This is a significant development given the context of the proliferation of political activisms since the 1960s and the wide variety of political mobilizations occurring on both the right and left of the spectrum in the 21st century . Moreover, the global-citizen discourse has the effect of legitimating the transnational agendas of certain activists (Pallas, 2012 ), and has resulted in a significant normative shift within global institutions in favor of the issues first brought to attention by antiglobalization activists of the 1980s and 1990s. This could be regarded with considerable skepticism as a form of co-opting, or with some relief as a welcome salve to chauvinisms of all varieties. Under the rubric of “GC,” the notion that globalizing capital might have any causal connection to political instability, environmental and health catastrophes, and growing inequality is seldom entertained, even as GC’s insertion into the Sustainable Development Goals sees the production of global citizens as the solution to global problems through the production of global “change makers.” Either way, there is a marked tension between two areas of scholarship in education and political science, where one sees in transnational advocacy the existence of global citizens, and the other sees in the globalization of education policy a strategy for their production.

The conceptualization of GC informs how it is studied. Optimistic scholarship observes what it considers to be organic expressions of GC in social movements, transnational advocacy networks, global governance, and among elite actors. Pessimistic scholarship observes the promotion of GC by elites and through private and governance institutions as a hegemonic strategy to contain and displace social movements; to institutionalize an epistemic paradigm which forecloses on critical thinking and non-Western, particularly indigenous knowledges; and to create a political subject which is amenable to globalizing capital (Bowden, 2003 ; Chapman, 2018 ). Across all this scholarship there are differing accounts of causality which traverse assumptions around human agency, social structure, technological change, and social engineering (Wendt, 1987 ). Technological determinant accounts attribute change to communications technology, top-down accounts attribute change to institutions and governance, and bottom-up accounts attribute change to individual and group agency. The latter two are complicated by the now very large field of GC Education, which has emerged from a combination of elite-led and social movement approaches to education in the 20th century . What is common to all is a characterization of GC as a change in the political subject. Despite the variety in conceptualization and definition of GC, the active, collective, and public element is consistent throughout. Across all the scholarship and debate there appear to be two central issues which require more systematic engagement. The first is the assumption that all forms of political activism are politically “progressive” (that is, in favor of human rights, political freedom, democracy, and equality); and the second is the assumption that GC is inherently neoliberal and therefore also inherently imperial.

A continuing blind spot in much of this scholarship is the concurrent rise of the right-wing political mobilization in various locations. This issue is debated in a volume in dialogue with Tully’s essay “On Global Citizenship” (Tully, 2014 ), and forms a substantive limitation in Tully’s account. Tully is overly optimistic that all forms of nonviolent contestation of civil citizenship are aimed at democracy, freedom, human rights, peace, and equality. He does not consider that alongside more “progressive” globally networked forms of activism are equally regressive forms of negotiation for more conservative and chauvinistic aims, sometimes enacted through violent means (Comas, Shrivastava, & Martin, 2015 ). Duncan Bell makes this criticism as well as raising the question of subject formation, which Tully leaves unaddressed (Bell, 2014 ). This is a notable absence in a time when the social engineering of GC is an active multilateral project. Part of this multilateral project is also an attempt to recapture youth mobilization away from the mobilizing tactics of various far-right or terrorist groups (Bersaglio et al., 2015 ; OECD, 2018 ; Sukarieh & Tannock, 2018 ). In the production of the “global citizen,” then, is also a contestation over what counts as politics, and Tully and other global citizen optimists fail to account for the potential weaponization of the political orientation and allegiance of young people.

Equally, Tully’s engagement in favor of GC is in tension with critical scholarship which sees in GC the continuance of an imperial project. Tully’s understanding of empire is reduced to Western European empire (as is it for most scholars critical of the Western tradition, including both postcolonial and decolonial). This is both one-sided and ahistorical and fails to consider the world historical development of empires in the plural and the fact that what Europe colonized at its periphery was, in many cases, other empires (Burbank & Cooper, 2010 ). There is a growing body of scholarship in International Relations (IR) which attempts to grapple in various ways, some more successful than others, with the peculiar absence of the history of empire from the discipline (Barkawi, 2010 ; Blanken, 2012 ; Colas, 2010 ; Dillon Savage, 2010 ; Go, 2011 ; Nexon & Wright, 2007 ; Spruyt, 2016 ); a growing body of scholarship which is calling for disciplinary decolonization (Abdi et al., 2015 ; Apffel-Marglin, 2004 ; Go, 2013 ; Gutierrez et al., 2010 ; Hudson, 2016 ; Taylor, 2012 ); and a growing body of historical scholarship which takes a comparative approach both to empires and to their role in constructing the international system (Burbank & Cooper, 2010 ; Darwin, 2007 ; Alcock et. al., 2001 ). The problem with the GC-is-imperial critique is that it has been made without a systematic engagement with the theoretical and methodological problem that empire poses for the social sciences. Equally, scholarship within IR that has begun to broach this question has done so without contending seriously with what postcolonial scholarship has done to further such an endeavor, or with how the reintroduction of empire poses serious problems for the very foundations of the discipline of political science (Biccum, 2018a ; Barkawi, 2010 ; Barkawi & Laffey, 2002 ; Mitchell, 1991 ). The recognition of empire and state co-constitution, which is made legible by the scholars who (in both history and historical IR) have begun to make empire an inescapable foundation of inquiry, necessitates a denaturalization of the state. Once the nation state is properly historically contextualized as embedded in imperial politics, the cosmopolitan debate over whether individual allegiance and identity is owed to state or humanity becomes remarkably hollow.

But equally, the state is as much a conceptual variable as GC, and a common critique of the methodological nationalism of much Western political thought and of the social sciences is that it has contributed to a normalization and naturalization of the state which is not consistent with the historical facts of the international system (Ferguson & Mansbach, 2010 ; Mitchell, 1991 ). Once this foundational problem that empire poses for how the social sciences have traditionally understood the state is properly engaged, scholars who value democracy, human rights, and justice have no choice but to normatively endorse GC, or perhaps, following Vandana Shiva, Earth Democracy (Shiva, 2005 ). In addition, scholars need to be careful about continuing to brandish critiques of GC under the rubric of “neoliberalism” in an age of hegemonic decline (Biccum, 2020 ). If GC is indeed imperial, this claim must be made with a very robust understanding of what is meant by empire, which is among many other things, after all, also a concept (Biccum, 2018a ). Scholarship on GC needs to continue, as it has begun to do, to empirically map its usage, operationalization, and institutionalization, with a particular focus on how concepts do political work. The field, practice, and use of the concept is growing. Future scholarship should be paying close empirical attention to how, by whom, and to what purposes it is being used while engaging robustly with questions of norms, methods, and the politics of knowledge. Scholars across the different fields and different normative, theoretical, and empirical divides need to begin to speak to one another. Most importantly, scholars need to keep as the focal point of their inquiry how the concept of GC itself raises important foundational questions about how we should live.

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1. Derek Heater acknowledges that similar themes advocating world community and government can be found in the Indian, Chinese, and Japanese intellectual traditions (Heater, 1996 ).

2. This view has been problematized by scholarship occurring at the same time which examines the ways in which globalization has changed the state through the very same transnational governance structures that contemporary scholarship regards as empirical evidence for the existence of GC. For an account of globalization and the state see Clark ( 1999 ).

Global Distributive Justice
Cooperative Learning in International Relations
Global Democracy
Globalization and Globality
Globalization and Human Rights
Globalization through Feminist Lenses
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Justice and the Concept of Global Citizenship Essay

In his book Treatise of Human nature, Hume suggested that justice can be regarded as an artificial virtue. Hume argued that there cannot be social justice as members of the society cannot simply cooperate. Individuals in a society are driven by selfish desires of material possessions and checked generosity than love for each other. He points out that individual in their human capacities are not good in sharing properties. As pointed out by Hume, it is due to scarcity of resources that brings about their limited supply and hence the necessity of recognizing restricted private property rights in any given society. Despite the fact that human beings requires to live together, they find it hard to accept to share resources in a societal manner. The need for private property rights and the scarcity of resources and need to fulfill his wants are some of the circumstances that make justice a virtue aspect in any given society (Barry pp. 203-204).

Hume argues that a society is just an institution established to facilitate individuals to virtually live together but as a separate entity. In his argument, Hume suggested that human being forms communities in which every individual is allowed to belong. Of all circumstances, there must be clear distinction between what property is owned by whom and necessity for possession stability. Once these circumstances are observed there is very little or nothing that remains for communal possession. In the community resources are not evenly distributed among the members. Resource allocation depends on individual’s capability and state in the society (Brian p. 87).

Circumstances of justice in a global context may be well explained through Global citizenship. This is a concept used to explain citizenship across the globe. Global citizenship is the moral and principled behaviors that explain the characters and values of human beings in a local or global context in a bid to understand them better. It guides individuals and groups of their responsibilities and roles in a community. Justice should be on the basis of real relationships among members forming a community or a society. Society should develop principles to enhance a growing relationship among its members. Justice should demonstrate the need for international and transnational relationships within the global community to bring about international justice. Global citizenship focuses on identifying globalizing economic resources (Buchanan p. 56).

Due to scarcity of resources, individuals have grouped themselves on the basis of availability and accessibility to the resources. On this context global justice remains a dream. The haves tend to cling to their wealth and due to the relative scarcity of these resources, the have-nots forms a society of their own. On global context the developed countries constitutes the developed societies. They own the highest proportion of the resources. These resources are not collectively owned but possessed individually. This class of global citizenship concerns with globalization of economic wellbeing. They are guided by the notion that the world is gradually turning into a global institution. In the global environment, the more economically powerful economies should have a social and a moral responsibility towards promoting the welfare of the less disadvantaged economies. This in effect is not the case. In a bid to promote global justice throughout the world, the developed nations have come up with a world order. This is an agreement that these nations should assist the less developed nations to meet their daily requirements and enjoy high standards of living enjoyed by the developed states. Global justice is both possible and necessary. Developed nations are the key players in the field of resource allocation. They own large businesses organizations and multinational companies. These key players in the economical field have programs aimed at giving back to the society. Although they claim to do so, their scope is far much below the required standards to maintain relatively high living standards. This demonstrates their selfish attitude towards realization of international justice although they have the potential and capabilities (Dower p. 153).

To achieve justice whether at national, international or global level, the wealthy persons and states as a matter of urgency require transferring a considerable amount of their wealth to the poor. This calls for establishment of global institutions with capability of transforming, reforming or even replacing the selfish actions of large multinational corporations and the beliefs of powerful states in resource allocation globally (Sen P. 16).

As Dower pointed out, global citizenship is founded on understanding that an individual has a moral, social and economical duty towards each other and especially in a global manner. All human beings require moral respect and support exceptionally. This is based on realization that no single individual is more important than the other. No human being can exist alone. Humans must exist as a community. Different states or societies are endowed differently in terms of resources. It is a social responsibility of a state or a society to interact and assist one another. Global citizenship can be seen as an ethical issue intended to enlarge human interaction and power. In essence the aspect of globalization also focuses on environmental needs and care. By conserving and protecting the environment, an individual takes care of the wellbeing of the other (Caney p.61).

There is need for all nations to cooperate economically, socially and politically to urgently control pollution for industrial survival. This will ensure that the world becomes a better place to live for everyone despite economical and social differences. All human beings are members to a global community. Humans are social beings. From time immemorial, human beings have always existed together. With recent developments in all sectors such as education, business, Transport, communications and sports there has been increased interaction of people from all corners of the world. The world has been made a global village. The level of interaction among communities has increased to a very high level such that individuals have seized to consider themselves in their tribal or state’s identification but on global aspects. They consider themselves global citizens. This trend empowers Dower’s aspiration claim. The world is gradually becoming one society in which individual basic values are getting realized (Hassoun p. 21).

The idea of circumstances of justice is a practical phenomenon in attributing global citizenship. Disparities in standards of living, distribution of resources and wealth are possible threats to global justice and citizenship. Global citizenship is closely linked to human rights and dignity. This entails equitable allocation of resources available to a given society whether economical or market deliberations, and every member of that society can access good medical care. Societies should take responsibility of persons in need. Global citizenship can be acquired if all stakeholders actively participate in an effort to eradicate or reduce both social and international inequalities and to resist from all aspects that lowers the individual welfare. Inequality may be national or international. International inequality is well depicted while comparing the economies of developed and less developed states (Hobbes & Thomas p. 69).

The causes are attributed to factors such as colonialism, economical exploitation and imperialism. Internal inequality is the inequality between members of the same state. This can be as a result of poverty and poor education systems. There is need for global education on citizenship which incorporates human right awareness, peace education and international relations. Internationally, different republics should act as a global world by taking their responsibility by acting so. They should uphold the rights of global citizenship such as freedom of movement rights. States should uphold the concept of idealism by exercising high level of goodwill while formulating their foreign policy. Global citizenship can be fostered by the citizens themselves. The citizens have greatly agitated for universal rights and the need to migrating all over the world. Global citizenship although practicable will require good amount of time to be fully implemented. Individuals and corporations that hold majority of the global resources, due to self interest will always refuse to share or let go of these resources. It will take a lot of efforts through pressure groups to pressurize these institutions to take a collective action towards raising the social well being of the less fortunate individuals or state. It is therefore evident that as Hume argued out, the circumstances of justice if well and willfully executed can lead to global citizenship (Beitz p. 48-50).

Works cited

Barry, Education and standards of living. In R. Curren (ed.), A Companion to the Philosophy of Education. Oxford: Blackwell 2006.

Beitz, Political Theory and International Relations. Revised edition, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Brian, Culture and Equality. Cambridge: Polity, 2001.

Buchanan, Justice, Legitimacy, and Self-determination: Moral Foundations for International Law. Oxford University Press: Oxford 2004.

Caney, Justice Beyond Borders. Oxford: OUP, 2005.

Dower, An Introduction to Global Citizenship. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 2003.

Hassoun. “World Poverty and Individual Freedom.” American Philosophical Quarterly 2008.

Hobbes & Thomas, Leviathan. 1651 Edwin Curley (Ed.). Hackett Publishing 1994.

Sen, Inequality Reexamined. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1992.

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Global Citizenship – The School of the Future

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Introduction

Citizenship refers to the right of an individual to live, work, and participate politically in a specific geographic area. Global citizenship defines the individual who considers his identity with the global community superior to his identity with a particular area. This identity transcends all geographic boundaries of state, country, or city. A global citizen does not renounce his citizenship of the city, state, or country to which he belongs. He merely places his global responsibilities and duties above those towards his country (Israel, 2012). In the world of education, global citizenship is assuming great importance. As schools, colleges, universities, and faculty adopt technology in education, distance learning becomes feasible. It allows students to cross national borders and study the subject of their choice in the country of their choice. Global citizenship is however a concept as yet restricted to higher education. As far as primary education is concerned, although the diversity in the classroom is on the rise, global citizenship has not been established. In this paper we envision the primary school of the future, the concept of global citizenship as it applies to primary schools and the technology that would be used in the primary schools of the future. - Features of Primary Schools It would be better to first examine the concept of school, as it exists today. In his talk in the at the MIT Media Lab, Papert (1996) propounds the theory that although technology in schools is changing the way schools operate, the way teachers teach and the way students learn, most people still envision schools in the traditional model. They equate technology with computers and have a very narrow perspective of technology in schools (Papert, 1996). Papert presents the features of school vis-à-vis technology. According to Papert (1996), the traditional chalk and board method of teaching was the only thing replaced by technology. Technology merely replaced the blackboard with a computer and a projector. The method of imparting knowledge remained the same. Little attention is being paid to the curriculum. Papert suggests a completely new perspective to education. He advocates need based rather than curriculum based learning. In his talk, Papert cites the example of fractions. He suggests that there is no need to teach fractions other than the basic concept of half and quarter which a child can learn at home. Beyond that, the need to use fractions should dictate the need to learn it. He suggests that segregation in schools should be knowledge based rather than age driven. Papert (1996) suggests that technology is not as expensive as it is thought to be. He presents the idea of bulk purchase and suggests that if sales increase, the price is likely to drop. - The meaning of Change Papert’s (1996), suggestions lead us to the question what exactly is meant by change with respect to schools. This question is best answered by Fullan M. (2001) in his chapter on educational change in “The New Meaning of Educational Change, London: Routledge.” Fullan suggests four different perspectives of change – individual change, subjective change, objective change and change related to program coherence. Fullan suggests that the need of the hour is re-culturing rather than restructuring. A teacher faces several challenges in course of his work. He is expected to multitask, adapt to sudden and urgent changes, and deal with a diverse student body and yet establish personal relationships with each student. Besides this the tasks that a teacher is expected to perform are multidimensional and must be carried out simultaneously. Oakes (1999) in Fullan (2001) observes that the educators, in their hurry to adopt new strategies, often fail to consider the implications of change. They fail to ponder the process and its implementation. Fullan recommends a three dimensional process of change – change in curriculum, change in approach, and change in beliefs. According to Fullan, ‘what people think and do – are essential if the intended outcome is to be achieved’ (Fullan, 2001, P46). - Attitudes of the Teachers Fullan’s recommendation of the three dimensional process of change raises the question of attitudes and beliefs. In the field of education, the attitude of the teachers is paramount as their beliefs influence their approach to teaching and consequently the learning outcome of students. Hogeling (2012), state that teachers often think that the lessons should be linked to current events. Some teachers believe in the concept of global citizenship. Teachers of geography, history, and other social subjects believe that “global citizenship” must be incorporated in the curriculum and students must be exposed to practices and cultures all over the world. On the other hand teachers of subjects like mathematics and other technical subjects may not be receptive to the idea of global citizenship. As far as structural change is concerned, practical application of the concept of global citizenship has not been very successful (Hogeling, 2012). According to Carabain et. al. (2012) in Hogeling (2012), the global aspect of citizenship lies in the behaviour and attitude towards mutual dependence, equality, and sharing of responsibility. Global citizenship can therefore be achieved through a change in the attitudes of both the teacher and the taught. It is therefore not enough to examine the teachers’ attitudes to teaching. We must also consider the students’ attitudes towards learning. - Attitude towards Learning Guy Claxton (2008), in his paper entitled “Cultivating Positive Learning Dispositions,” talks about disposition to learning. He compares earlier schools to a “production line” along which students are “packaged” with knowledge and “Quality Control” is exercised in the form of exams. According to Claxton, this approach to learning is undergoing a change. The world is accepting that the goal of education is to become a learner rather than to gain knowledge. Developing a positive attitude towards learning and transfer of information is the goal of education that can be achieved. He opines that learners must know how to pick holes rather than simply accept facts as they are presented (Claxton, 2008). This process of learning must begin at an early age and technology can go a long way in aiding this process. - Technology in School According to the NCCA (National Council for Curriculum and Assessment), Ireland, the main goals of primary education are to allow the child to life a full life, recognize his potential, develop the skills required for living in society such as cooperation, and prepare him for a life of learning. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) offers the teacher many resources to achieve this aim. Using ICT in the classroom the teacher can help the child attain the learning objectives, build confidence by making learning enjoyable, develop a deeper understanding of the subject matter, develop an attitude of learning, develop social skills like effective communication and problem solving. The school can adopt two main approaches to using ICT in schools – using software or using the internet. The internet is a storehouse of knowledge. There are many benefits of using the internet as a medium of learning. It is an easily accessible source of information. It provides information to both the teachers as well as the students. It facilitates communication between the teachers and students. Teachers can compare techniques with their counterparts all over the world. Students are not restricted by geographical boundaries or availability of text. They can obtain information on any subject at any time from any place. Publishing exemplary work of students encourages them to study further and builds their confidence (NCCA). - The Challenge of the 21st Century Children require a wholesome atmosphere of learning and nurturing to flourish. Adapting education methodology to their needs is necessary to inculcate learning behavior. The major challenge to education in the 21st century is adapting the curriculum to the needs of education. The curriculum must be one that encourages learning rather than gaining knowledge. The QCA (Qualification and Curriculum Authority), recognizes that the learning must be organized in such a way that it is flexible and adaptable to the changing needs of the students. The curriculum must be designed to allow for all levels and paces of learning. It should encourage innovative ideas, be personalized and yet all inclusive. These are the challenges faced by the education system in the 21st century. - Success Redefined Carol Dweck, author of “Mindset: The New Psychology of Success”, believes that “the view you adopt of yourself profoundly affects the way you lead your life” Vermer (2012). The mindset of an individual varies according to the situation. A person has different attitudes to different subjects and talents like intelligence and creativity. This mindset guides the person’s behavior in that particular area (Dweck in Vermer, 2012). In her book, Dweck talks about two mindsets, a fixed mindset and a growth mindset. The fixed mindset believes that a smart person will succeed while the growth mindset believes that it is possible to be smart (Dweck in Vermer, 2012). We need to adopt the growth mindset in education. - Pedagogy and Curriculum Changes

When we talk about curriculum, it is important to distinguish it from pedagogy.

In their book entitled “ICT, Pedagogy and the Curriculum”, Lovless and Ellis talk about ICT in the context of pedagogy and curriculum. They opine that Information and communications technology can extend learning beyond the limitations of the teachers’ knowledge and the scope of the curriculum. The internet is a powerful tool and a vast source of knowledge. Apart from classroom knowledge, the students can gain many skills such as hand eye co-ordination, spatial relations, and problem solving from the internet. Thus pedagogy which is an approach to learning can be closely interrelated to curriculum and the combination can greatly enhance the learning experience. - Natives and Immigrants Prensky (2001) calls the students of the 21st century digital natives. These students grow up with technology unlike the previous generation to home technology is a new concept. Prensky calls the older generation who use technology sparingly, digital immigrants. The digital immigrants are tasked with teaching the digital natives and that according to Prensky is the biggest challenge for the education system. In order to teach the digital natives, the immigrants must first learn themselves. Teachers training in the use of technology, and its vast potential, are of paramount importance (Prensky, 2001).

Global citizenship is a new concept that defines a person who holds his identity as a social being higher than his identity with his country, state or city. In the field of education, global citizenship education is the new emerging concept. This concept is all encompassing and supersedes other concepts such as multicultural education, human rights, international education and pace education (Australian Government, 2008). The education system is experiencing a dramatic change. This change is the result of technology which is being used in education. The simplest example of this change is the redundancy of the conventional classroom, as students enroll for online distance learning programs and study over the internet. The internet has also opened the doors of knowledge and widened the scope of education. Knowledge is no longer restricted to the curriculum. Students use social media, interact with friends all over the world and gain knowledge about the events and practices in other places. This change has necessitated a change in teaching practices all over the world. The school of the future will be nothing like the traditional concept of school. Prensky’s (2001), digital natives will take education from the countries, states and cities to the world community. The schools will be global schools and the students and teachers the global citizens who enroll and teach in these schools. The four walls of the classroom will crumble and give way to a flood of knowledge. The schools will be ‘learning oriented” rather than teaching oriented. Students will lead their teachers along the path of learning. Teachers will hold the torch of knowledge and wisdom to light the students’ path. A new era of one global race, and one global culture of humanity with ties of knowledge will emerge.

Israel, Ronald C. (Spring|Summer 2012). "What Does it Mean to be a Global Citizen?" Kosmos. Papert Seymour (1996); Looking at Technology Through School-Colored Spectacles; The American Prospect Magazine http://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&ved=0CCQQFjAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww3.uma.pt%2Fliliana%2Findex.php%3Foption%3Dcom_docman%26task%3Ddoc_download%26gid%3D236&ei=GbuDVOTaK9aJuwTIwYBY&usg=AFQjCNHplMACuHG-koemKw3E_Mgj8XnWYQ&sig2=UKh6wB6tQerG5G8uoVBsSQ&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E Fullan, M. (2001) ‘The meaning of educational change’ in M. Fullan The New Meaning of Educational Change, London: Routledge. Retrieved from Notes on Fullan (2001) ‘The meaning of educational change’ March 13, 2013 http://daibarnes.info/blog/notes-on-fullan-2001-the-meaning-of-educational-change/ Hogeling Lette (2012); Global citizenship in primary and secondary education in the netherlands the opinions, attitudes and experiences of primary and secondary education teachers in relation to global citizenship; NCDO, Amsterdam, November 2012. http://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&ved=0ccwqfjab&url=http%3a%2f%2fwww.ncdo.nl%2fsites%2fdefault%2ffiles%2fncdo%2520teachers%2520global%2520citizenship.pdf&ei=q2egvjhyc8bdmqxtmihacw&usg=afqjcnghd-v6h54m9q1gdyuf4witeubmra&sig2=sfkdbilfxcprydlwohp1lq&bvm=bv.81449611,d.dgy Guy Claxton (2008); Cultivating positive learning dispositions; Draft chapter for Harry Daniels et al, Routledge Companion to Education, Routledge: London, 2008; Retrieved From https://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBwQFjAA&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.seas.upenn.edu%2F~eas285%2FReadings%2FClaxton.Learning%2520Dispositions.pdf&ei=8LuDVODJLcGWuATevIGABg&usg=AFQjCNHiJ-jY-pz6wv_QO9Us01afMdP7ng&sig2=hqxgP6KUZ4md-cTfBhQeRw&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E&cad=rja NCCA Guidelines for Teachers Information and Communications Technology (ICT) in the Primary School Curriculum www.ncca.ie/uploadedfiles/ecpe/ictenglish.pdf QCA Futures: Meeting the Challenge www.qca.org.uk/futures/. Vermer (2012); Summary of Mindset: The New Psychology of Success by Carol Dweck; http://alexvermeer.com/why-your-mindset-important/ Loveless and Ellis (2001); ICT, Pedagogy and the Curriculum; © 2001 selection and editorial matter Avril Loveless and Viv Ellis; individual chapters, the contributors https://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBwQFjAA&url=https%3A%2F%2Fteknologipendidikankritis.files.wordpress.com%2F2011%2F11%2Floveless-ellis_ict-pedagogy-and-curriculum.pdf&ei=JsGDVP-hLdORuATXjoGABQ&usg=AFQjCNFFILQut6763n4lkddZfERqA6K2cw&sig2=cHQpycqzjhj7PoM9cs-Z4g&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E&cad=rja Prensky Marc (2001); Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants’ From On the Horizon (MCB University Press, Vol. 9 No. 5, October 2001) © 2001 Marc Prensky http://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CB4QFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.marcprensky.com%2Fwriting%2FPrensky%2520-%2520Digital%2520Natives%2C%2520Digital%2520Immigrants%2520-%2520Part1.pdf&ei=0MGDVI6uM4bkuQTu54H4Dw&usg=AFQjCNEUHeiX8ghPYUPXKPWbM4xzAljIpg&sig2=miXpPcw1kS7WNH6Vx_aFTA&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E Prensky Marc (2011); From Digital Natives to Digital Wisdom; Published in From Digital Natives to Digital Wisdom: Hopeful Essays for 21st Century Education (Corwin 2012) www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CB4QFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fmarcprensky.com%2Fwriting%2FPrensky-Intro_to_From_DN_to_DW.pdf&ei=BsKDVJimMcmGuASysoHwBg&usg=AFQjCNFsUwyZ-7s8Vhg8mVB3xJxh6njjkg&sig2=ZiRcQzNoIzJugunbjTCfzw&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E Australian Government (2008). Global Perspectives: A framework for global education in Australian schools. Carlton South Victoria, Australia: Curriculum Corporation. ISBN 978 1 74200 075 6 These sources I have not used. Please discard if not required New Tools for Learning: Accelerated Learning http://www.lybrary.com/new-tools-for-learning-accelerated-learning-meets-ict-accelerated-learning-meets-ict-p-409536.html#googlePreview Mathematics explained http://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=7&ved=0CEYQFjAG&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.atm.org.uk%2Fwrite%2FMediaUploads%2FJournals%2FMT159%2FNon-Member%2FATM-MT159-42-43.pdf&ei=TrODVOKfKsrIuASe0YCIDg&usg=AFQjCNEnEjjGB_ydaY9y8eUuZI6lXLcwIA&sig2=IjPXRbjEqdG6i5y60h4KBQ&bvm=bv.80642063,d.c2E

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What is global citizenship?

A photo taken by Expedition 46 flight engineer Tim Peake of the European Space Agency (ESA) aboard the International Space Station shows Italy, the Alps, and the Mediterranean on January, 25, 2016. REUTERS/NASA/Tim Peake/Handout ATTENTION EDITORS - FOR EDITORIAL USE ONLY. NOT FOR SALE FOR MARKETING OR ADVERTISING CAMPAIGNS. THIS PICTURE WAS PROVIDED BY A THIRD PARTY. REUTERS IS UNABLE TO INDEPENDENTLY VERIFY THE AUTHENTICITY, CONTENT, LOCATION OR DATE OF THIS IMAGE. THIS PICTURE IS DISTRIBUTED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED BY REUTERS, AS A SERVICE TO CLIENTS - TM3EC311KON01

Global citizenship is about shared values and shared responsibility. Image: REUTERS/NASA/Tim Peake

.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo{-webkit-transition:all 0.15s ease-out;transition:all 0.15s ease-out;cursor:pointer;-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;outline:none;color:inherit;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:hover,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-hover]{-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:focus,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-focus]{box-shadow:0 0 0 3px rgba(168,203,251,0.5);} April Rinne

.chakra .wef-9dduvl{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-9dduvl{font-size:1.125rem;}} Explore and monitor how .chakra .wef-15eoq1r{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;color:#F7DB5E;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-15eoq1r{font-size:1.125rem;}} Human Rights is affecting economies, industries and global issues

A hand holding a looking glass by a lake

.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;color:#2846F8;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{font-size:1.125rem;}} Get involved with our crowdsourced digital platform to deliver impact at scale

Stay up to date:, human rights.

First, let’s set the stage: the world is becoming more global and interconnected every day. From multinational corporations to climate change to social and political movements, humanity’s fate is increasingly intertwined.

Moreover, we are in the early stages of an historic shift of identity — increasingly less tied to any particular location — which will have far-reaching implications for business, government and society alike.

Against this backdrop, debates about globalization are taking place at an unprecedented level. And yet, we seem to have almost forgotten about the role of global citizenship. It is imperative that we turn these tides.

There are two kinds of global citizens: individuals, who share a set of values and responsibilities; and corporations, who have focused on globalization and seem to have left global citizenship behind. I am focused on being a role model for individuals, helping corporations become better global citizens, and highlighting the importance and voices of global citizens everywhere.

'The shared human experience'

Global citizenship is about the shared human experience. It acknowledges and celebrates that, wherever we come from and wherever we live, we are here together. Our well-being and success are ultimately interdependent. We have more to learn from one another than to fear about our future.

Global citizenship is also about shared values and shared responsibility. Global citizens understand that local events are significantly shaped and affected by global and remote events, and vice-versa. They champion fundamental human rights above any national law or identity, and social contracts that preserve elements of equality among all people.

Diversity, interdependence, empathy and perspective are essential values of global citizenship. Global citizens harness these values and are uniquely positioned to contribute in multiple contexts — locally, nationally and internationally — without harming one community to benefit another. They foster and promote international understanding.

Global citizens include individuals, corporations, global nomads, “glocals,” young and old, big and small, for-profit and non-profit, public and private, introverts and extroverts, men and women and children and anyone in between. Global citizenship and long-term, visionary leadership go hand-in-hand: Individual leaders who espouse shared values, and corporate citizens whose governance, ethics, business model and investment strategy create — not only extract — value in each and every place they touch.

Global citizenship is not the same as globalization. Globalization — the process by which organizations develop international influence or operate on an international scale — is driven by economics, business and money. It’s about the flow of products, capital, people and information. Global citizenship, on the other hand, is driven by identity and values. Global citizens build bridges, mitigate risk and safeguard humanity. While globalization is under hot debate today, we have never needed global citizens more than now.

Why does global citizenship matter?

Global citizens are not born; they are created. Children do not have an innate understanding of their shared humanity; they learn this over time. The importance of education and enabling global perspectives cannot be understated.

Historically, global citizenship was rooted in a common desire to prevent war. Common reasoning was that the more we knew about each other, the more likely we would ensure peace, progress and prosperity. More recently, the Human Genome Project has shown us — for the first time in human history — that scientifically, we are all one. New technologies also enable us to connect with more people in more ways than ever before, allowing us to discover our similarities and differences, better understand our interdependencies, and expand our worldviews.

Yet many people don’t feel this way or have not had such experiences. Around the world, we see people who lack a sense of belonging: they do not feel a deeper connection to other places, people or cultures. Often they do not feel as though they even belong at home. Moreover, especially in developing countries, people who have been unable to participate in the “digital revolution” have also been left out of these conversations. Connectedness is not universal.

In the corporate realm, all too often in recent decades we have seen companies that have put corporate interests above those of individuals, communities and the environment. We read about unethical behavior, corruption, rent-seeking, egregious labor practices, environmental degradation, and worse. These activities represent the antithesis of what the world needs.

Global citizenship helps bridge these gaps and rectify these realities, and global citizens are its ambassadors. Doing this is not only about mindset; it is about actions, lifestyles and building greater connections over time.

Why now? What’s different about today?

Despite the fact that we’ve been living in an increasingly global world for centuries, debates about globalization today are raging unlike almost ever before. From Brexit to the U.S. presidential election, rising nationalism and refugee crises, we see backlash and misunderstandings across-the-board. Global citizenship has always been important. But it is now urgent to highlight its importance to society, business, and the world at large.

We are in the early stages of an historic shift of identity. Increasingly, we are less tied to any particular location, social structure, or nation-state. This is a massive shift, which we (read: people and organizations everywhere) are broadly not aware of or prepared for. It requires a re-grinding of our frames of reference and lenses on change. It also has a wide range of implications. Here are some of the most important:

Technology: The internet is borderless and globalization has gone digital. Smartphones and other mobile devices give us an unprecedented level of global interconnectedness. New technologies have an incredible democratizing power, for those who can access them. If we couple this interconnectedness with global citizenship values, then the world opens up — and gives voice and opportunity — to far more people.

Leadership: Globalization and global citizenship are not the same. Globalization has brought unprecedented benefits to many, but not all. Successful leaders are global citizens, whether they are CEOs, prime ministers, community leaders or children. Whether and how we build a truly inclusive, sustainable future will depend on our ability to help new generations of leaders to become global.

Business: Global businesses, in particular multi-national corporations (MNCs) are bearing the brunt of today’s globalization debates. And they should. For decades, and even centuries, MNCs have extracted more than they have contributed. They have benefited a few (typically executives and shareholders) at the expense of others (often those without a voice: workers, communities and the environment).

Nonetheless, globalization has added immense value to the global economy (to the tune of 10% of global GDP). More interconnected countries and emerging markets have benefited most from this trend, in terms of economic growth. So it is not that globalization itself is bad, nor that it is going away anytime soon.

This is where global citizens are crucial, because they understand both global and local contexts. For example, while globalization has narrowed inequality among countries, it has exacerbated it within them. Hence the solutions are more about targeted domestic policy changes than closing borders or deregulation. In terms of business, it’s time to revise MNCs’ strategies to ensure they generate global prosperity, engage society and contribute to a greater good.

Politics: Many politicians see globalism as a disease, and nationalism as the cure. But this is a false dichotomy. “Deglobalizing” will not achieve the goals of peace, progress and prosperity. Rather, we must look to global citizenship’s shared values for lasting answers.

Youth, education and workforce mobility: New technologies break down barriers for learning, development and earning income. Today’s youth tend to see the world — and themselves — as more global, borderless and fluid. And one in every seven people in the world today is already an immigrant.

Yet these themes are full of unknowns ahead, from the automation of jobs to the “youth bulge” in many emerging markets. High-skilled workers may be less tied to any particular location or profession, while low-skilled workers may have ever-fewer options. Global citizens who understand the layers of implications will be key to developing responsible solutions.

Environment and climate change: There is probably no other issue that more clearly underscores our interconnectedness than climate change. The earth depends on collective stewardship that transcends any geopolitical border or economy. One of the many essential roles that global citizens play is to protect and enforce global compacts. The health of the planet, and society, hinges on global citizens leading this charge.

Cities and urbanization: We are living in the urban millennium. By 2100, more people will live in cities than exist in the world today. Cities are the engines of global growth. They are full of opportunities as well as challenges. They present a classic case of “glocalism”: the most successful cities are both connected globally and able to address local needs… in other words, in perfect alignment with the values of global citizenship.

Global citizenship is not a one-size-fits-all concept, nor is it a panacea. But it is an extremely powerful tool in our 21st century toolbox for building a more sustainable, resilient and compassionate world. Everyone can play an important part. The world is waiting for you.

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License and Republishing

World Economic Forum articles may be republished in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License, and in accordance with our Terms of Use.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

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Essay on Importance of Becoming a Global Citizen

In an increasingly globalized world, it is important for one to consider how best to be a global citizen, and engage effectively with the trends and developments of an interconnected world. Issues such as terrorism, transnationalism, immigration, climate change and technological disruption are fundamentally issues founded in a globalized world, and it is therefore important for individuals to understand the impact of these issues on their lives and communities. This paper will begin with making a clear distinction between “globalism” and “globalization”. The paper will then discuss the personal, academic and professional benefits of being a global citizen in the world of advanced technology, and then explain the nature of disagreement on the definition of global citizenship, before proposing a personal definition of global citizenship. The paper will then discuss environmental sustainability and social justice as key outcomes of global citizenship, and explain why these outcomes are most crucial in becoming a global citizen. Finally, the paper will discuss two personal events and two specific general education courses that influenced this student to develop a stronger sense of global citizenship.

Distinction between “Globalism” and “Globalization”

The video and article discuss the distinction between “globalism” and “globalization” in terms of their scope, definition and global impact. Globalism refers to the global network of connections across finance, while globalization refers to the integration and free flow in labor, finance and ideas that have brought the world closer. For example, the video noted that Latin’s America’s socialist revolutions have been a result of a backlash against globalization as a concept which has promoted inequality and stagnant living standards, as opposed to globalism as a basic network of labor and capital. Globalization and delocalization of manufacturing has also led to offshoring of jobs by multinational corporations, which have provoked a backlash from populist movements, rather than the globalism of manufacturing and supply chains. Furthermore, globalism and globalization differ in degree, as the globalism of labor, capital and innovation networks has been distinct from the globalized reforms linked to neoliberalisation and multinational expansion. In other words, we should consider the globalism of these networks as distinct from the positive and negative impacts of globalization-driven reforms that have concurrently brought about significant prosperity and economic volatility.

Benefits of being a global citizen

Being a global citizen in the world of advanced technology can be beneficial to one’s financial investment strategies, managerial capabilities and intellectual foundations, which can help significantly with one’s personal, academic, and professional goals. Foremost, being a global citizen allows one to identify the impacts of technological automation, pandemics and climate change on specific industries, and avoid industries such as oil and gas, travel and aviation which are set for a decline, while joining high-growth industries such as technology and e-commerce. Secondly, being a global citizen allows one, as a manager, to understand, assess and navigate developments in immigration policy, climate change and cross-border supply chain regulation to skillfully adjust the organization’s policies in areas such as human resources, finance and procurement accordingly. Thirdly, being a global citizen allows one to build strong intellectual foundations to understand how and why specific global events and developments are occurring, and to explain these developments within a global and historical context satisfactorily. Finally, being a global citizen allows one to investment financially with prudence and acumen, by identifying key growth sectors that would benefit from an increasingly globalized world.

Debates on the definition of global citizenship

Theorists have disagreed on the definition of global citizenship based on the degree of global awareness and normative environmental consciousness required, as well as the types of behaviors and characteristics exhibited by global citizens (Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013). The distinct academic perspectives and terminologies used by theorists to define global citizenship, on the basis of cultural, environmental, political and ethical concerns, have also caused theorists to be unable to agree on a common definition (Reysen & Katzarska-Miller, 2013). Furthermore, distinct values of intergroup empathy, valuing of diversity, sustainability and a responsibility to act have been sources of discord for a common definition of global citizenship. Reysen & Katzarska-Miller (2013) thus find that two key factors, namely global awareness and the normative environment, encourage a sense of global citizenship and its associated values. Based on the definitions reviewed, global citizenship can be broadly defined as a familiarity and comfort with cultural and ethnic diversity, which is applied to contexts such as social injustice and climate change, and accompanied by attempts to integrate and acculturate into global society.

Two key outcomes of global citizenship

Two key outcomes of global citizenship and becoming a global citizen would be environmental sustainability and social justice.

Environmental sustainability

Environmental sustainability refers to a general conviction in the interconnectedness between humans and their natural environment, with a sense of personal responsibility for protecting the natural environment for the benefit of future generations. Environmental sustainability is crucial in developing a sense of global citizenship because it promotes a general understanding of the deep and mutualistic relationship between human activities and the global environment. By having a sense of environmental sustainability, individuals and communities are then able to shape their consumer choices accordingly to promote the use of less carbon intensive and more emissions friendly products and services. Individuals can thus choose to reduce, reuse and recycle their products in the name of global sustainability. This then fosters a sense that one’s actions and buying decisions have impacts on the collective natural environment, and compels the individual to develop a broad awareness for the environmental impact of specific decisions across global supply chains and the global environment. This is one of the most important outcomes for global citizenship as it also fosters a deep desire to act on key global issues, and put beliefs into practice.

Social justice

Social justice refers to a belief that all humans are entitled to specific and inalienable rights, and that they deserve to be treated fairly and equitably on the basis of those rights. Social justice is a key outcome of global citizenship because it encourages the individual to think of human rights and equitable treatment of individuals across a variety of global contexts, such as marriage, healthcare and employment, and question whether these rights are applied equitably. Furthermore, as discussed by Arditi (2004) in his work on the politics of resistance, social justice inherently fosters a sense of global citizenship because of the global nature in which human rights have to be applied under ideal conditions, across supranational and transnational borders. Marriage equality in the West does not represent full social justice if it has yet to exist in the East. This encourages individuals to think beyond their specific communal contexts toward a broader view of equity in various areas globally, and encourages the individual to connect specific miscarriages of justice in the news to a broader sense of global social justice (Arditi, 2004). This is one of the most important outcomes for global citizenship as it also fosters a deep desire to act on key global issues, and put beliefs into practice.

Personal examples and global citizenship outcomes

First Personal Example on environmental sustainability

A personal example that motivated this student to think more carefully about environmental sustainability was in watching the documentary An Inconvenient Truth, and then seeing the health impacts of a Superfund site near my community. The documentary demonstrated that the local air pollution in my community was a global, rather than local, issue, and required concerted and coordinated global activism to resolve the issue.

Second Personal Example on social justice

A personal example on social justice would be the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests amid the killing of George Floyd in my town’s civic center, which demonstrated how police brutality and social injustice had become national, if not global, issues. These were occurring in Hong Kong at the same time, and showed the interconnectedness of a global resistance against hegemonic authority and police brutality.

Overview of global citizenship in previous courses

The two courses previously taken that facilitated personal development as a global citizen were ‘BUS 437 Business Plan Development’ and ‘BUS 455 Internet & Social Media Marketing’, with the University of Arizona Global Campus. This is because these two courses were firmly situated in the global political, economic and legal situation. For example, specific cultural sensitivities and regional media consumption patterns had to be taken into consideration when formulating a global social media plan. Concurrently, a business plan had to take into account the patterns of globalized supply chains and transnational regulation in order to ensure a legitimate license to operate effectively in different international jurisdictions. While these courses were catered toward business considerations, the ubiquity of globalization in a business context encouraged this student to think globally about business plans and social media marketing strategies. This necessitated regular understanding, assessment and application of knowledge from the news on the evolving global business context, and thus fostered a global perspective to business that facilitated the development of a strong sense of global citizenship.

In conclusion, this assignment has demonstrated that globalization’s impacts and development are distinct from globalism, and that being a global citizen can help with one’s financial investment, career choice and intellectual outlook. Furthermore, this assignment has shown that a working definition of global citizenship is still subject to debate by theorists. Finally, this assignment has discussed how social justice and environmental sustainability are critical issues for global citizenship, and outlined how they can be found in personal examples and general education courses, as with other events in the course of everyday life. Globalization is here to stay, and global citizenship will thus help us to adapt effectively to its impacts.

Arditi, B. (2004). From globalism to globalization: the politics of resistance 1. New Political Science , 26(1), 5–22. https://doi-org.proxy-library.ashford.edu/10.1080/0739314042000185102

Reysen, S., & Katzarska-Miller, I. (2013). A model of global citizenship: Antecedents and outcomes. International Journal of Psychology , 48 (5), 858-870. https://doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2012.701749

Stucke, K. (Writer). (2009). Globalization at a crossroads [Series episode]. In M. Stucke & Claudin, C. (Executive Producers), Global issues. https://fod.infobase.com/OnDemandEmbed.aspx?token=39350&wID=100753&plt=FOD&loid=0&w=640&h=480&fWidth=660&fHeight=530

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I Am A Global Citizen

A global citizen is someone who respects and feels unity with all creation. We suffer over wars, hunger, environmental destruction, injustice and the power plays that perpetuate those crimes against humanity and the earth. A global activist is someone whose voice is heard or actions taken toward creating a healthier, more equitable world. I am a global citizen because I have dedicated my life to gaining the education and facilitation skills to raise awareness of female injustice worldwide.

As a three-year old white child in Midwestern America, I experienced genital mutilation by a doctor practicing his religion with a scalpel. Some of my post-surgical emotional and physical ramifications are similar to that experienced by female genital cutting (FGC) victims regardless of why or how it was done. I am aware of resistance to Western women attacking other cultures’ practices. However, my history helps put us on equal ground. I shared my story at several international organizations in Geneva, Switzerland in 1981.

Since then, I traveled to Kenya and South Africa and gained appreciation for positive aspects of African cultures as well as better understanding of cultural traditions. I returned to college and now have my doctor in education degree. As a university adjunct professor I recently taught a class called Turning Oppression into Opportunity based on Half the Sky: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide by Nicholas D. Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, Vintage Books, 2009; Urgent Message from Mother: Gather the Women, Save the World by Jean Shinoda Bolen, M.D., Conari Press, 2005; and Kosmos: Turning Crisis into Opportunity–Spring/Summer 2010 and People Power/The Global Commons–Fall/Winter 2010.

I connect through phone conferences with women who are working to eradicate FGC. I also financially support organizations educating young girls in areas where these harmful practices take place. Educated girls are more apt to say “No” to FGC and child marriage. My goal is to continue to raise awareness though as many avenues as possible.

yes i am global citizen .i take my responsibility to do these kind of work

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Essay on Global Citizenship

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Responsibilities of Global Citizens

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Caring for the Earth

Helping Each Other

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Why is Global Citizenship Important?

Respecting Cultures and People

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Helping Others

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Global Citizenship Essays

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What is Global Citizenship?

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